戴高乐和临时政府 de gaulle and the provisional government 在他领导自由法国人的整个过程中,戴高乐的声明和行动都唤起了一个共同的主题: 重建一个合法和强大的法国国家,只有它才能在解放后恢复秩序,并在对德作战的最后阶段与盟国平等相处。 戴高乐在他的总统回忆录中写道: ” 对法国负责的国家, ' 同时掌管着昨天的遗产、今天的利益和明天的希望。 ”[68] 戴高乐将国家设想为一代人的契约 ,他呼应了埃德蒙 - 伯克的观点,后者将社会定义为 " 活着的人、死去的人和即将出生的人之间的伙伴关系。 Throughout his leadership of the Free French, de Gaulle’s statements and actions had evoked a common theme: to reconstruct a legitimate and powerful French state, which alone could restore order after the liberation and deal with the Allies as an equal in the endgame against Germany. ‘The state, which is answerable for France,’ de Gaulle wrote in his presidential memoir, ‘is in charge at one and the same time of yesterday’s heritage, today’s interests, and tomorrow’s hopes.’[68] In conceiving of the state as a generational compact, de Gaulle was echoing Edmund Burke, who defined society as ‘a partnership . . . between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born.’[69] ...
早在 20 世纪 30 年代中期,当法国军方的其他部门还拘泥于静态防御的战略时,戴高乐就掌握了下一场战争将由机动的进攻部队决定。 1940 年 6 月,当几乎整个法国政治阶层都认为抵抗德国人是徒劳的时候,戴高乐做出了相反的判断: 美国和苏联迟早会被卷入战争,它们的综合实力最终会压倒希特勒的德国,因此,未来就在盟国一边。 但是,他坚持认为,法国只有恢复其政治灵魂,才能在欧洲的未来中发挥作用。 As early as the mid-1930s, while the rest of the French military was wedded to a strategy of static defense, de Gaulle grasped that the next war would be decided by motorized offensive forces. In June 1940, when almost the entire French political class concluded that resistance to the Germans was futile, de Gaulle made the opposite judgment: that sooner or later the United States and the Soviet Union would be drawn into the war, that their combined strength would eventually overwhelm Hitler’s Germany, and that the future therefore lay on the side of the Allies. But, he insisted, France could play a role in the future of Europe only if it restored its political soul. 法国解放后,他再次与他的同胞决裂 -- 认识到新兴的政治制度无法应对挑战。 因此,他拒绝继续担任临时政府的领导,突然辞去了他在战时服务期间精心打造的最高职位。 他回到了他在科隆贝 - 勒 - 德 -...
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