中國大門：中國和香港新史

 中國大門：中國和香港新史

the gate to China 

a new history of the People's Republic & Hong Kong

(Sheridan, Michael)

中國之門：中國和香港新史

地圖

插图列表List of Illustrations

戏剧性的人物Dramatis Personae

中国领导人CHINESE LEADERS

香港的名人PERSONALITIES IN HONG KONG

英国人THE BRITISH

鸣谢Acknowledgements

简介

1. 商人和吏员

2. 改革与开放

3.漫长的告别

4.铁娘子与钢厂的较量

5.一个联合声明

6.八十年代

7.变化

8.两段旅程

9.一个四季如一的官員

10.过渡期

11.寻求更广阔的世界

12.对手

13.一个国家，两种文化

14.天下大乱

15.饥饿游戏

注释Notes

简称

引言：中国香港

1 商人和吏员

2 改革与开放

3 漫长的告别

4 铁娘子与钢铁厂之争

5份联合声明

6 八十年代

7 变化

8 两次旅行

9、一个四季如一的官員

10 过渡期

11寻求一个更广阔的世界

12 竞争者

13 一个国家，两种文化

14天下大乱14 CHAOS UNDER HEAVEN

15饥饿游戏

后记

关于作者

插圖

 

 

 

 

主要人物Dramatis Personae

中国领导人CHINESE LEADERS

 

毛泽东（1893-1976） 诗人、革命家和政治哲学家，1949年中华人民共和国的主要创始人。

毛泽东说，香港是 "下一代 "要解决的问题，把收复香港的任务留给了邓小平。

 

Mao Zedong (1893–1976) Poet, revolutionary and political philosopher, a key founder of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Mao said that Hong Kong was an issue for the ‘next generation’ to solve, bequeathing the task of its restoration to Deng Xiaoping.

 

邓小平（1904-97）马克思主义者和政治家，从1977年到去世前不久是中国的最高领导人。

邓小平向世界开放经济，就香港问题达成协议，但反对政治改革，并在1989年粉碎了民主运动。

 

Deng Xiaoping (1904–97) Marxist and statesman, China’s paramount leader from 1977 until shortly before his death. Deng opened the economy to the world and struck a deal over Hong Kong but opposed political reform and crushed the democracy movement in 1989.

 

江泽民（1926-） 前共产党上海总部负责人，1989年危机后，江泽民接管了党、国家和军队的领导权，将权力保持到21世纪初。

他监督了香港的回归，并带领中国加入了世贸组织。

 

Jiang Zemin (1926–) The former Communist party boss in Shanghai, Jiang took over as leader of the party, the state and the army after the crisis of 1989, holding power into the early 2000s. He oversaw the handover of Hong Kong and led China into the WTO.

 

胡锦涛（1942-）2002年至2013年担任中国领导人，在西藏担任共产党党魁，主持2008年奥运会，并引导国家度过全球金融危机。

胡锦涛恢复了国家的作用，作为一个低调的集体领导人进行统治。

 

Hu Jintao (1942–) China’s leader from 2002 to 2013, served as Communist Party chief in Tibet, presided over the 2008 Olympic Games and steered the country through a global financial crisis. Hu revived the role of the state and ruled as a low-key collective leader.

 

习近平（1953-） 2013年起担任中国最高领导人，恢复了党的独裁统治。

他是 "太子党"，老兵习仲勋的儿子，曾任福建省总督，后任国家副主席，负责香港和澳门事务。

 

Xi Jinping (1953–) Supreme leader of China from 2013, restoring the party’s dictatorship. A ‘princeling’, son of veteran Xi Zhongxun, served as governor of Fujian province, later vice president with responsibility for Hong Kong and Macau affairs.

 

中国和香港历史上的关键人物

KEY FIGURES IN THE HISTORY OF CHINA AND HONG KONG

 

李强（1905-90） 李强是一名间谍、炸弹制造者和终生激进分子，在中国开始改革开放时担任中国的外贸部长。

他于1978年访问香港，为中英两国就该殖民地的未来进行谈判铺平了道路。

 

Li Qiang (1905–90) A spy, bomb-maker and lifelong militant, Li was China’s foreign trade minister as the country began to open up. His visit to Hong Kong in 1978 paved the way for talks between China and Britain on the future of the colony.

 

廖承志（1908-83）出生于东京，是一位老谋深算的革命家，被毛泽东和邓小平信任，制定了对日本、台湾和香港的政策。

据说他发明了 "一国两制 "的概念。

 

Liao Chengzhi (1908–83) Born in Tokyo, a wily and sophisticated revolutionary who was trusted by Mao and Deng to forge policy on Japan, Taiwan and Hong Kong. He is said to have invented the concept of ‘one country, two systems’.

 

习仲勋（1913-2002）1928年加入共产党，"第一代 "革命家的游击队领袖。

被毛泽东清洗后，他回到广东省领导党的工作，开创了改革和经济特区。

习近平之父。

 

Xi Zhongxun (1913–2002) Joined the Communist Party in 1928, guerrilla leader in the ‘First Generation’ of revolutionaries. Purged by Mao Zedong, he returned to head the party in Guangdong province, pioneered reforms and Special Economic Zones. Father of Xi Jinping.

 

赵紫阳（1919-2005） 马克思列宁主义者转为自由主义改革者，曾在内蒙古和四川担任共产党负责人，后来担任总理。

1987年成为党的领导人，1989年被清洗，在北京软禁中去世。

他的回忆录被偷运到西方。

 

Zhao Ziyang (1919–2005) Marxist-Leninist turned liberal reformer, served as Communist Party chief in Inner Mongolia and Sichuan, later premier. Became party leader 1987, purged 1989, died under house arrest in Beijing. His memoirs were smuggled to the West.

 

周南（1927-）极端的爱国者和热心的马克思主义者，中国与英国和葡萄牙在香港和澳门问题上的主要谈判者，后来成为新华社在香港的负责人。

英国文学专家。

还担任过驻联合国大使，1980-1。

 

Zhou Nan (1927–) Ultra-patriot and ardent Marxist, China’s main negotiator with Britain and Portugal over Hong Kong and Macau, later head of Xinhua in Hong Kong. An expert in English literature. Also served as ambassador to the United Nations 1980–1.

 

朱镕基（1928-） 作为上海市长，朱镕基监督了1989年抗议活动的和平结束。

后来担任中央银行行长和总理，他改革了金融部门，打击腐败，鼓励外国投资者，主持中国加入世贸组织的谈判。

 

Zhu Rongji (1928–) As Mayor of Shanghai Zhu oversaw a peaceful end to 1989 protests. Later governor of the central bank and prime minister, he reformed financial sector, fought corruption, encouraged foreign investors, ran China’s negotiations to join the WTO.

 

香港的名人PERSONALITIES IN HONG KONG

 

陈方安生（1940-）在英国统治下领导香港行政当局的第一位女性和第一位中国公务员，陈方安生一度是香港最受尊敬的公众人物，她为民主发声，后来被中国谴责为殖民地的走狗。

 

Anson Chan (1940–) The first woman and the first Chinese civil servant to lead the Hong Kong administration under British rule, At one time the city’s most respected public figure, Chan spoke up for democracy and was later denounced by China as a colonial lackey.

 

林郑月娥（1957-）林郑月娥是罗马天主教徒，在英国统治下以高效的行政管理赢得晋升，并成为香港的第四任行政长官。

她的政策引发了大规模抗议，2020年她接受了中国的《国家安全法》。

 

Carrie Lam (1957–) A Roman Catholic, Lam won promotion as an efficient administrator under the British and rose to become the fourth chief executive of Hong Kong. Her policies set off mass protests and in 2020 she embraced China’s National Security Law.

 

李柱铭（1938-），接受过耶稣会教育的大律师，作为香港民主党的创始人，因其无畏的言辞而受到尊敬。

在2020年根据《国家安全法》被捕之前，他输给了更年轻、更激进的一代活动家。

 

Martin Lee (1938–) Jesuit-educated barrister, revered as the founder of Hong Kong’s Democratic Party and for his fearless rhetoric. He lost out to a younger, more radical generation of activists before his arrest in 2020 under the National Security Law.

 

梁振英（1954-） 2012-17年担任香港第三任行政长官，对北京忠心耿耿，据称是共产党的地下党员。

他的任期以抗议活动、中产阶级的不满和沉闷的惰性为标志。

 

C.Y. Leung (1954–) Third chief executive of Hong Kong 2012–17, Leung was unfailingly loyal to Beijing and was alleged to be an underground member of the Communist Party. His tenure was marked by protests, middle-class discontent and dour inertia.

 

曾荫权（1944-） 曾荫权是一名警察的儿子，他通过努力成为财政司司长，后来成为香港第二任行政长官（2005-2012）。

作为一名虔诚的天主教徒，他后来因公职人员行为不当而入狱：这些指控在上诉中被撤销。

 

Donald Tsang (1944–) The son of a policeman, Tsang rose by merit to become financial secretary and later the second chief executive of Hong Kong 2005–12. A devout Catholic, he was later jailed for misconduct in public office: the charges were quashed on appeal.

 

董建华（1937-）上海出生的航运大亨，被中国选为香港特别行政区第一任行政长官，1997-2005年。

在大规模抗议和经济动荡后被赶下台。

他的家族公司后来以63亿美元的价格卖给了一个中国国家实体。

 

Tung Chee-hwa (1937–) Shanghai-born shipping tycoon picked by China as the first chief executive of the HKSAR, 1997–2005. Driven from office after mass protests and economic upheaval. His family firm was later sold to a Chinese state entity for $6.3 billion.

 

黃之鋒（1996-） 香港青年叛乱的代表人物，是一位福音派的基督徒，其天才的演说和数字技能激励了专制统治的反对者。

他因其活动入狱，后来面临国家安全法的严重指控。

 

Joshua Wong (1996–) The teenage face of Hong Kong’s youth rebellion, an evangelical Christian whose gifted oratory and digital skills inspired opponents of authoritarian rule. Jailed for his activities, he later faced serious charges under the National Security Law.

 

英国人THE BRITISH

 

珀西-柯利達爵士（1923-2010） 英国驻中国大使，后来成为撒切尔夫人的外交政策顾问和联合情报委员会的负责人。

柯利達爵士策划了将香港交还给中国的交易，并对激进的民主改革提出警告。

 

Percy Cradock (1923–2010) British ambassador to China, later foreign policy adviser to Margaret Thatcher and head of the Joint Intelligence Committee. Cradock masterminded the deal to hand Hong Kong back to China and warned against radical democratic reforms.

 

彭定康，巴恩斯的彭定康勋爵（1944-）英国保守党政治家，第28任和最后一任香港总督。

彭定康不顾中国的愤怒，推行更广泛的民主；他的改革没有成功。

后来成为欧洲贸易专员和牛津大学的校长。

 

Christopher Patten, Lord Patten of Barnes (1944–) British Conservative politician, 28th and last governor of Hong Kong. Patten defied the wrath of China to introduce wider democracy; his reforms did not survive. Later European Trade Commissioner and Chancellor of Oxford University.

 

玛格丽特-撒切尔（Margaret Thatcher）（1925-2013）1979-90年任英国首相，在香港的命运问题上与邓小平对峙，但在赢得香港自由将在1997年回归后持续50年的保证后，对邓小平的要求作出了让步。

 

Margaret Thatcher (1925–2013) Prime minister of the United Kingdom 1979–90, duelled with Deng over the fate of Hong Kong but conceded to his demands after winning guarantees that the territory’s freedoms would endure for fifty years after the handover in 1997.

 

卫奕信（David Wilson，Lord Wilson of Tillyorn，1935-） 汉学家和外交官，卫奕信在1979年会见了邓小平，就《联合声明》的文本进行了谈判，并在1987-92年担任第27任香港总督。

他在政治、教育和基础设施方面进行了重大改革。

 

David Wilson, Lord Wilson of Tillyorn (1935–) Sinologist and diplomat, Wilson met Deng in 1979, negotiated the text of the Joint Declaration and was 27th governor of Hong Kong, 1987–92. He carried out major reforms in politics, education and infrastructure.

 

爱德华-尤德（1924-1986） 在中国担任年轻的外交官，精通普通话，1974-1978年任驻中华人民共和国大使。

1982年被任命为第26任香港总督，因其学术研究而被许多中国人所钦佩，在访问北京时去世。

 

Edward Youde (1924–1986) Served as a young diplomat in China, fluent in Mandarin, ambassador to the People’s Republic of China 1974–1978. Appointed 26th governor of Hong Kong 1982, admired by many Chinese for his scholarship, died on a visit to Beijing.

 

鸣谢Acknowledgements

 

 

在写这篇文章时，对香港人应有的感谢是有限的。

我想包括的许多人都没有出现在这里。

然而，在重建过去的过程中，我能够感谢陈方安生和曾荫权爵士讨论了香港特别行政区前两届政府所面临的行政、经济和财政问题。

 

Due acknowledgements to people in Hong Kong are necessarily limited at the time of writing. Many of those I would like to include do not appear here. In reconstructing the past, however, I am able to thank Anson Chan and Sir Donald Tsang for discussing the administrative, economic and financial questions which faced the first two governments of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

 

我参考了自己在1989年至2019年期间的当代笔记和发表的文章，对事件进行了描述，并采访了董建华、李柱铭和其他政治家、商人、律师、记者、警察、学者、学生和香港许多阶层的个人。

 

I have drawn on my own contemporary notes and published articles between 1989 and 2019 for descriptions of events and for interviews with Tung Chee-hwa, Martin Lee and other politicians, business people, lawyers, journalists, police officers, academics, students and individuals from many walks of life in Hong Kong.

 

香港中央图书馆的馆员们对有关他们城市历史的书籍和学术论文的收藏进行了严格的管理；但愿它能继续积累。

我对香港其他图书馆和机构表示感谢，它们的资源对我的知识有所帮助。

一代又一代来自远方的记者都要感谢香港外国记者俱乐部的工作人员，他们在顺境和逆境中都能冷静高效地处理新闻事件和管理他们动荡的部落。

 

The librarians at the Hong Kong Central Library oversee a scrupulously managed collection of books and academic papers on their city’s history; long may it continue to accumulate. I am obliged to the other libraries and institutions in Hong Kong whose resources contributed to my knowledge. Generations of journalists from afar are indebted to the staff of the Foreign Correspondents Club in Hong Kong, who handle news events and manage their turbulent tribe with calm efficiency in good times and bad.

 

值得庆幸的是，历史并不都是关于新闻的。

写这本书的乐趣之一是有机会回到剑桥大学，在其图书馆和档案馆工作。

我很感谢丘吉尔学院的院长和研究员，特别是艾伦-帕克伍德、安德鲁-莱利和丘吉尔档案中心的团队，他们允许我查阅玛格丽特-撒切尔的个人文件，这个宝库包括手写笔记、旅行时间表和菜单卡以及关于国家事务的文件。

由克里斯-柯林斯监管的撒切尔基金会网站，仍然是研究撒切尔夫人总理任期的学生们不可或缺的资源。

撒切尔夫人版权所有的材料经撒切尔基金会的许可在此转载。

 

History is not all about news, thankfully. One of the pleasures of writing this book has been the opportunity to return to Cambridge University to work in its libraries and archives. I am grateful to the Master and Fellows of Churchill College, and in particular to Allen Packwood, Andrew Riley and the team at the Churchill Archives Centre, for allowing me to consult the personal papers of Margaret Thatcher, a treasure trove that runs to handwritten notes, travel schedules and menu cards as well as documents on affairs of state. The Thatcher Foundation website, overseen by Chris Collins, remains the indispensable resource for students of her premiership. Material copyright Lady Thatcher is reproduced here by permission of the Thatcher Estate.

 

来自珀西-柯利達爵士爵士私人文件的材料是经剑桥大学圣约翰学院院长和研究员许可而引用的。

我感谢特藏图书管理员Kathryn McKee博士和Adam Crothers博士在老图书馆的欢迎，在他们的照料下，这些杰出的档案得以安息。

 

Material from the private papers of Sir Percy Cradock is cited by permission of the Master and Fellows of St John’s College, Cambridge. I am indebted to the Special Collections Librarian, Dr Kathryn McKee, and to Dr Adam Crothers for their welcome at the Old Library, where this remarkable archive has come to rest in their care.

 

两位前香港总督卫奕信勋爵和巴恩斯的彭定康勋爵，在几次录音采访和随后的书面交流中，都慷慨地提供了他们的时间和回忆。

此外，我还要感谢彭定康爵士，在他任职的最后一年，即1996年至1997年，我们在香港进行了谈话和采访。

我参考了当代的简报和对三位英国外交部长的采访，他们是韦斯特韦尔的赫德勋爵、马尔科姆-里夫金德爵士和已故的罗宾-库克，以及与外交官和官员的谈话，他们不愿感谢我的身份。

 

Two former governors of Hong Kong, Lord Wilson of Tillyorn and Lord Patten of Barnes, were generous with their time and their recollections during several recorded interviews and in subsequent written exchanges. I am additionally indebted to Lord Patten for our conversations and interviews in Hong Kong during his last year of office from 1996 to 1997. I drew on contemporary briefings and interviews with three British foreign secretaries, Lord Hurd of Westwell, Sir Malcolm Rifkind and the late Robin Cook, as well as talks with diplomats and officials who would not thank me for identifying them.

 

在汇丰银行，我必须感谢Sherard Cowper-Coles爵士为我介绍了该银行历史上的两位杰出人物William Purves爵士和John Bond爵士；我感谢他们两位在1980年至2000年这不平凡的二十年间为香港和中国的金融业提供了启示。

在回顾英国统治的结束时，我非常感谢中英联合联络小组的高级代表休-卢埃林-戴维斯（Hugh Llewellyn Davies），他允许我使用他私人出版的回忆录《1997年的香港》（Handling the Handover）中的信息。

我在伊恩-威廉姆斯（Ian Williams）的硕士论文《对香港民主运动使用网络武器》（伦敦大学皇家霍洛威学院，2018年）中广泛借鉴了他对2014年雨伞抗议活动中使用网络战的开创性见解，我很感谢他允许我引用这篇文章。

 

At HSBC I must thank Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles for introductions to two towering figures in the bank’s history, Sir William Purves and Sir John Bond; and I am grateful to both of them for illuminating the financial landscape of Hong Kong and China over two extraordinary decades from 1980 to 2000. In reviewing the end of British rule, I am obliged to Hugh Llewellyn Davies, Senior Representative on the Sino-British Joint Liaison Group, for permission to use information from his privately published memoir 1997 Hong Kong, Handling the Handover. I drew extensively on a pioneering insight on the use of cyberwarfare in the 2014 Umbrella Protests by Ian Williams in his MSc dissertation ‘The use of cyberweapons against the Hong Kong democracy movement’ (Royal Holloway, University of London, 2018), and I am grateful for permission to quote from it.

 

从某种意义上说，这本书已经酝酿了三十年，所以我最初欠的是时任《独立报》外国编辑的斯蒂芬-格洛弗，他在1989年6月把我送到了中国，还有无以伦比的摄影师布莱恩-哈里斯，他也来到了那次旅程中。

星期日泰晤士报的两位编辑John Witherow和Martin Ivens在1996年至2016年期间雇用我作为他们在亚洲的工作人员通讯员，并慷慨地资助我在中国各地的报道和旅行，从未忘记维护对中国的报道和出版权。

星期日泰晤士报》的历任商业编辑允许我毫无顾虑地报道中国经济，并原谅我偶尔的错误；我感谢约翰-杰伊、罗里-戈德森、威尔-刘易斯、约翰-瓦普尔斯、多米尼克-奥康奈尔和伊恩-戴伊的承诺。

 

In a sense this book has been thirty years in the making, so my original debt is to Stephen Glover, then foreign editor of the Independent, who sent me to China in June 1989, and to the peerless photographer Brian Harris, who came on that journey. Two editors of the Sunday Times, John Witherow and Martin Ivens, employed me as their staff correspondent in Asia from 1996 to 2016 and generously funded reportage and travel across China, never failing to stand up for the right to report and publish on the country. Successive business editors at the Sunday Times allowed me to cover the Chinese economy without fear or favour, and forgave my occasional mistakes; I am thankful to John Jay, Rory Godson, Will Lewis, John Waples, Dominic O’Connell and Iain Dey for their commitment.

 

对于一本涉及全球化的书来说，许多地方的人们都伸出了援助之手，这是很恰当的。

在布达佩斯，已故的诺曼-斯通（Norman Stone）用他四十年前在剑桥监督工作中所表现出的苛责魅力对我的原始大纲进行了修改；中欧大学的伊尔迪科-莫兰（Ildiko Moran）分享了她对拉斯洛-拉达尼神父的回忆，而戴尔-马丁（Dale Martin）则以惊人的慷慨，将他珍贵的拉达尼神父的生前作品《中国新闻分析》装订成册借给我。

日内瓦世贸组织的Keith Rockwell是一个公正的历史指南；世贸组织的档案是一个事实和数字的宝库，我很幸运地从Stuart Harbinson那里得到了关于中国入世的独特的香港观点。

 

Fittingly for a book that deals with globalisation, people in many places lent a helping hand. In Budapest, the late Norman Stone gutted my original outline with the caustic charm he had brought to supervisions in Cambridge four decades earlier; Ildiko Moran of the Central European University shared her memories of Father László Ládányi, and, with astonishing generosity, Dale Martin lent me his precious bound collection of Fr Ládányi’s life work, the China News Analysis. Keith Rockwell at the WTO in Geneva was an impartial guide to its history; the WTO’s archives are a mine of facts and figures, and I was fortunate to get a unique Hong Kong perspective on China’s accession from Stuart Harbinson.

 

东京的Ikuhiko Hata教授解释了军国主义在中日历史上的重要性，Henry Scott Stokes阐明了作家三岛由纪夫的哲学；还要感谢完美的翻译Shota Ushio，以及读卖新闻的Yuki Hasegawa。

在巴黎，法国汉学家之父François Godement分享了他对本国政策的看法，英国大使Llewellyn of Steep勋爵对香港的最后一次殖民管理给予了精明的指导。

在柏林，Annette von Broecker和Uli Schmetzer阅读了纲要，并帮助制定了欧洲共产主义垮台后关于中国的马克思主义观点。

 

Professor Ikuhiko Hata in Tokyo explained the importance of militarism in Sino-Japanese history and Henry Scott Stokes shed light on the philosophy of the author Yukio Mishima; thanks also to Shota Ushio, the perfect interpreter, and to Yuki Hasegawa of the Yomiuri Shimbun. In Paris, François Godement, doyen of French Sinologists, shared his views on his country’s policy, and Lord Llewellyn of Steep, the British ambassador, gave shrewd pointers about the last colonial administration of Hong Kong. In Berlin, Annette von Broecker and Uli Schmetzer read the outline and helped to frame a Marxist perspective on China after the fall of European communism.

 

威尼斯的罗伯托-佩鲁齐（Roberto Peruzzi）与我分享了他对中国帝国财政的研究，并带领我参观了卡福斯卡里大学（Università Ca'Foscari）所在的宫殿，该校于1453年为一位教皇建造，学生们在离马可波罗故居不远的地方努力学习中文课本。

我很幸运地在格施塔德（Gstaad）找到了写作静修地，这要感谢比尔-斯科特（Bill Scott）的好客，我还在希腊埃维亚岛的卡图尼亚（Katounia）成为利亚丹-谢拉德（Liadain Sherrard）的客人，在那里比我更有才华的人打磨了他们的散文。

 

Roberto Peruzzi in Venice shared his scholarship on the finances of imperial China and conducted me around the palazzo housing the Università Ca’Foscari, built for a doge in 1453, where students labour over their Chinese texts a stone’s throw from the house of Marco Polo. Research can rarely be so agreeable and I was also lucky to find writing retreats in Gstaad, thanks to the hospitality of Bill Scott, and as a guest of Liadain Sherrard at Katounia, on the Greek island of Evia, where greater talents than mine have polished their prose.

 

安德鲁-高沃斯、蒂姆-杰普森、大卫-拉格、简-马卡尼、汤姆-迈尔斯和阿兰-惠特利阅读并评论了本文的部分内容；自然，所有错误都是我自己的。

也感谢安娜贝尔-惠斯通在图片研究方面的亲切帮助。

 

Sections of the text were read and commented on by Andrew Gowers, Tim Jepson, David Lague, Jane Macartney, Tom Miles and Alan Wheatley; naturally all errors remain my own. Thanks also to Annabelle Whitestone for her kind help in picture research.

 

我希望感谢以下人士在过去三十年的不同时期给予的帮助、建议、讨论（有时是健康的分歧）。

 

John Ashton, Bao Pu, Max Benitz, Nicholas Bequelin, Philip Bowring, Jean-Pierre Cabestan, Geoffrey Crothall, Frank Dikötter, David Eldon, Marc Faber, Jonathan Fenby, Angus Forbes, Edward Gargan, John Gerson, John Gittings, Peter Humphrey, Martin Jacques, Christina Lamb, Emily Lau, Kerry McGlynn, Richard Margolis, Jonathan Mirsky, Mark O'Neill, Charles Parton, Bob Peirce, James Pringle, Francesco Sisci, Greg Torode, Steve Vickers, Stephen Vines, Wang Xiangwei, David Webb and Jason Wordie. 所有的结论都是我一个人的，没有寻求或暗示的认可。

 

I wish to thank the following for help, advice, discussion (and sometimes healthy disagreement) at various points over the last three decades: John Ashton, Bao Pu, Max Benitz, Nicholas Bequelin, Philip Bowring, Jean-Pierre Cabestan, Geoffrey Crothall, Frank Dikötter, David Eldon, Marc Faber, Jonathan Fenby, Angus Forbes, Edward Gargan, John Gerson, John Gittings, Peter Humphrey, Martin Jacques, Christina Lamb, Emily Lau, Kerry McGlynn, Richard Margolis, Jonathan Mirsky, Mark O’Neill, Charles Parton, Bob Peirce, James Pringle, Francesco Sisci, Greg Torode, Steve Vickers, Stephen Vines, Wang Xiangwei, David Webb and Jason Wordie. All conclusions are mine alone and no endorsement is sought or implied.

 

在伦敦，我很感谢我在威利机构的经纪人詹姆斯-普伦，以及哈珀柯林斯的阿拉贝拉-派克，他们从一开始就对这个项目充满信心。

 

In London, I am grateful to my agent, James Pullen, at the Wylie Agency, and to Arabella Pike at HarperCollins, who had faith in this project from the start.

 

我本来要感谢的一些人已经不在了。

已故的《旁观者》编辑弗兰克-约翰逊(Frank Johnson)发表了我关于英国统治结束的一些原创文章，并把我介绍给了邓小平，他在2017年英年早逝之前一直照亮了这里。

我们都很怀念他们两人。

哈佛大学已故的罗德里克-麦克法夸尔(Roderick MacFarquhar)给出了明智的建议，并在香港花了一整个下午与本书的主要研究人员交谈，这是西方学术界的高度和自学成才的中国农民知识分子的世界之间的一次非凡相遇。

在失去的其他人中，传奇的汉学家Simon Leys（Pierre Ryckmans）、商人Peter Sutch、太古集团的大班、《中国劳工通讯》的Robin Munro以及学者Michael Williams和Gerald Segal都是慷慨的对话者。

 

Some of those I would have thanked are no longer with us. The late Frank Johnson, editor of The Spectator, published some of my original writing on the end of British rule and introduced me to David Tang, who lit up the place until his untimely death in 2017. Both of them are missed. The late Roderick MacFarquhar of Harvard University gave wise counsel and spent a whole afternoon in Hong Kong in conversation with the principal researcher on this book, an extraordinary encounter between the heights of Western academia and the world of the self-taught Chinese peasant intellectual. Among others lost, the legendary Sinologist Simon Leys (Pierre Ryckmans), the businessman Peter Sutch, tai-pan of the Swire Group, Robin Munro of the China Labour Bulletin and the academics Michael Williams and Gerald Segal were all generous interlocutors.

 

我最感谢的是中华人民共和国的研究人员、翻译、学者、官员和记者，他们为创造这段历史做出了贡献。

有一天，也许可以说出他们的名字。

 

My greatest debt is to the researchers, translators, scholars, officials and journalists in the People’s Republic of China who contributed to making this history. One day it may be possible to name them.

 

2021年6月，日内瓦Geneva, June 2021

 

关于人名的说明A Note on Names

 

 

这是一本面向普通读者的书，因此中文的人名和地名都以最广泛认可的形式出现。

除了少数历史上的例外，如蒋介石，大多数情况下都使用了拼音系统的音译。

在香港，个人除了使用中文名字外，还可以使用西文名字，例如：李柱铭；有些人采用首字母作为首选的称呼，例如：梁振英。

在所有情况下，都遵守了香港媒体最普遍接受的形式。

 

This is a book for the general reader, therefore Chinese names of people and places are given in the most widely recognised form. The pinyin system of transliteration has been used in most cases, with a few historical exceptions, such as Chiang Kai-shek. In Hong Kong, individuals may take a Western name in addition to their Chinese one, for example Martin Lee Chu-ming; some adopt initials as a preferred form of address, for example C.Y. Leung. In all cases the form most commonly accepted in the Hong Kong media has been observed.

 

香港上海汇丰银行自1865年成立以来，一直被称为香港银行，特别是在殖民地，直到20世纪90年代该银行建立了全球汇丰品牌。

在本书中，它被称为适合那个时期的术语。

 

The Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation was generally known as Hongkong Bank, especially in the colony, from its founding in 1865 until the bank instituted its global HSBC brand in the 1990s. In this book it is referred to by the terms appropriate to the period.

 

简介

Introduction

 

中国香港

Hong Kong, China

 

 

天际线是一片高楼大厦的森林，从远处就能吸引人的目光。

街道热闹非凡，围板火热，噪音震耳欲聋。

海港是一个将岛屿和半岛连接起来的永久运动场景。

数百年来，只有少数定居点矗立在这些水域中，标志着中国和世界之间的边界。

但在19世纪，一帮海盗冒险家在深水锚地上方的岩石上插上了旗帜，建立了他们的殖民地。

今天，它是世界上最伟大的城市之一。

 

The skyline is a forest of towers that captures the eye from afar. The streets buzz, the hoardings blaze and the noise deafens. The harbour is a scene of perpetual motion uniting islands and peninsula. For hundreds of years only a few settlements stood in these waters to mark the boundary between China and the world beyond. But in the nineteenth century a band of piratical adventurers planted a flag and built their colony on a rock above a deep-water anchorage. Today it is one of the world’s great cities.

 

香港是中国的大门，当时中国生活在一个孤立的墙后面。

直到二十世纪末，当飞行员在夜空下飞过一片广阔的黑暗时，他可以从数百英里外看到它。

客机沿着无线电信标的走廊，穿过为军事航空保留的空旷的天空象限。

在机翼下向南滚动，人民共和国的城镇在阴暗的地毯上像针尖一样展开。

没有超级高速公路，没有高速列车在下面像萤火虫一样移动。

早在下降之前，在昏暗的陆地让位给完全漆黑的大海的地方，机组人员看到了标志着香港的一片光亮。

 

Hong Kong was the gate to China when the country lived behind a wall of isolation. Until late in the twentieth century a pilot could spot it from hundreds of miles off as he flew under night skies across a vast darkness. Airliners followed a corridor of radio beacons through empty quadrants of sky reserved for military aviation. Rolling south beneath the wings, towns in the People’s Republic unfolded as pinpricks of light in a carpet of gloom. There were no superhighways, no high-speed trains moving like glow-worms below. Long before the descent, at the point where the dim land gave way to the utter blackness of the sea, the crew saw a blaze of light that marked Hong Kong.

 

现在，大门敞开了。

一名飞行员在从中国中部延伸到旧条约港口的光明之海上方航行，然后在珠江三角洲的星雨中消散。

四十年来，该地区已成为人类历史上最大的工业综合体。

香港只有通过其独特的地理环境才能被识别出来。

白天，城市、岛屿和水路上空笼罩着一层灰蒙蒙的雾气，标志着香港的接近。

Now the gate stands open. A pilot navigates above a sea of brightness extending from central China down to the old treaty ports before dissolving in star-showers across the Pearl River Delta. In four decades the region has become the greatest industrial complex in human history. Hong Kong can only be picked out by its distinctive geography. By day, the approach is signalled by a dun-hued haze enveloping the cities, the islands and the waterways.

 

这个城市的政治和文化也正在与中国大陆的政治和文化相融合，这是一种缓慢的饱和，似乎像潮汐一样不可抗拒。

 

The city’s politics and culture, too, are blending with those of mainland China, a slow saturation that seems as irresistible as the tides.

 

从中国南海驶入，水手们穿过一条线，那里的水从海蓝色变成浑浊。

珠江在这里汇入深海，它那满载着元素周期表中一半元素的湍急水流渗入海洋。

船只从非洲、澳大利亚或巴西运来原材料，从中东运来石油和天然气，从日本或韩国运来技术，从亚洲各地运来零件，为中国消费者带来肉类、鱼类、谷物和奢侈品。

它们带着满载的制成品驶向各大洲的市场，其价格令竞争者望而却步。

集装箱船和中国工厂的联合效率已经改变了世界经济。

 

Sailing in from the South China Sea, the mariner crosses a line where the water turns from aquamarine to murk. Here the Pearl River spills into the deep, its turgid flow, laden with half the elements in the periodic table, leaching into the ocean. Ships bring raw materials from Africa, Australia or Brazil, oil and gas from the Middle East, technology from Japan or South Korea, parts from across Asia, meat, fish, grains and luxuries for Chinese consumers. They sail away with cargoes of manufactured goods for markets on every continent at prices to decimate the competition. The joint efficiency of container ships and Chinese factories has transformed the world economy.

 

一个多世纪以来，香港的码头意味着汗水和辛劳。

大船停泊在码头边，拖船、打火机和小船在它们周围忙碌着，飞行员引导船只进出拥挤的航道。

装卸工蜂拥进入船舱，苦力将货物搬上卡车和手推车，帮主和经纪人聚集在货仓或仓库周围，每个仓库都有一个猩红的、烟雾缭绕的天后神龛，即海神。

 

For more than a century, Hong Kong’s docks meant sweat and toil. Big ships moored at the quayside, tugs, lighters and small junks fussed around them, pilots guided vessels in and out of the crowded waterways. Stevedores swarmed into the holds, coolies heaved loads onto trucks and handcarts, gangmasters and brokers congregated around the godowns, or warehouses, each with its scarlet, smoke-wreathed shrine to Tin Hau, the goddess of the sea.

 

随着计算机化的起重机和较小的船员，货物量成倍增加，只有最猛烈的台风才会打断商业的节奏。

香港的现代港口与中国沿海的竞争对手竞争。

然而，香港确实保留了一些优势：它的银行、金融公司和贸易商以独特的自由度为商业车轮加油并投资利润，它的法院公正地仲裁商业纠纷，它的行政人员，总的来说，没有被牵制。

 

With computerised cranes and smaller crews, the volume of cargo has multiplied and only the fiercest typhoon interrupts the rhythm of commerce. The modern port of Hong Kong competes with rivals on the China coast. Hong Kong does, however, retain some advantages: its banks, finance houses and traders grease the wheels of business and invest its profits with unique freedom, its courts arbitrate commercial disputes impartially and its administrators, by and large, do not have their hand held out.

 

在殖民地时代，当绿茵场上可以听到板球的 "砰砰 "声时，几家坚固的银行和贸易公司矗立在维多利亚时代的定居点之上，沿着香港岛的北岸向皇家游艇俱乐部和Noel Coward的歌曲《疯狗和英国人》中不朽的正午之枪辐射出去。

向西矗立着一个宏伟的花岗岩和砖砌的市场大厅，周围是一派商业景象--象牙、鱼干、鲍鱼和鱼翅、芳香的蘑菇和一箱箱的香茶的小贩。

药剂师站在人参根的玻璃柜和枯萎的草药柜中，每个抽屉都贴着仁慈的书法标签；所有这些都被喧嚣的交通、搬运工人的呼唤以及用广东话（主要语言）和各种方言的吼叫和猥亵所扰乱。

 

In colonial days, when the thwack of cricket balls could be heard on the green, a few stolid banks and trading houses stood above the Victorian settlement radiating out along the north shore of Hong Kong island to the Royal Yacht Club and the noonday gun immortalised in Noel Coward’s song ‘Mad Dogs and Englishmen’. Westwards stood a grand market hall in granite and brick surrounded by a hive of commerce – vendors of ivory, dried fish, abalone and sharks’ fins, fragrant mushrooms and chests of aromatic tea; apothecaries perched amid glass cases of ginseng roots and cabinets of wizened herbs, each drawer labelled in benevolent calligraphy; all serenaded by a clamour of traffic, the calls of porters and yells and obscenities in Cantonese, the dominant tongue, and in a babel of dialects.

 

有轨电车仍然沿着二十世纪初铺设的金属线路辚辚而过，而在旧楼之上，耸立着金融业的尖顶和几十座公寓楼，它们似乎无视地心引力，紧贴着山顶的斜坡。

在西区的中央，矗立着中央人民政府联络办公室，它像一座堡垒一样威严，像一座金字塔一样禁忌，像一枚太空火箭，顶上有一个奇怪的科幻球体作为装饰。

 

Trams still clatter by along metal lines laid at the dawn of the twentieth century, while above the old buildings tower the spires of finance and dozens of apartment blocks which appear to defy gravity, clinging to the slopes of the Peak. In the middle of Western District, imposing as a fortress, forbidding as a ziggurat, resembling a space rocket adorned by an odd sci-fi sphere at its apex, stands the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government.

 

建筑即声明是这个城市精神的一部分。

英国建筑师诺曼-福斯特（Norman Foster）为香港上海汇丰银行（HSBC）设计了一个中空的金属巨人，这家银行在全世界被称为汇丰银行，但明显缺乏浪漫。

新的总部花费了其股东近10亿美元。

在中国沿海长大的美籍华裔建筑师贝聿铭在维多利亚时代的英国军官兵营遗址上设计了一座闪亮的1205英尺高的尖塔，以容纳汇丰银行这个共产党的竞争对手。

一些人说，这座塔楼高耸的尖角风格破坏了风水原则，风水是一种传统的风水术，用于为建筑物选址，以示吉利，它被粤语俚语称为 "刀"。

相比之下，汇丰银行的员工在总部工作，据说风水很好，因为其开放的中庭允许龙在海和山之间来回走动。

 

Building-as-statement is part of the city’s spirit. The British architect Norman Foster designed a hollow metallic leviathan for the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, the bank branded around the world, with a distinct lack of romance, as HSBC. The new headquarters cost its shareholders almost a billion US dollars. Chinese-American wizard I.M. Pei, who grew up on the China coast, designed a glittering 1,205-foot pinnacle to house the Bank of China, HSBC’s Communist rival, on the site of a Victorian-era barracks for British officers. Some said the tower’s soaring, sharp-angled style broke the principles of feng shui, the traditional art of geomancy employed to site buildings auspiciously, and it passed into Cantonese slang as ‘the knife’. By contrast, the staff at HSBC worked in a headquarters said to enjoy fine feng shui because its open atrium permitted dragons to pass to and fro between the sea and the mountain.

 

至于该地区的第三座大楼，即大亨李嘉诚的集团--长江实业的总部，它是由著名建筑师塞萨尔-佩利设计的，但其企业的矩形线条被希腊领事描述为 "仅仅是中国银行的盒子"，他知道他的多立克和爱奥尼亚。

 

As for the third great tower in the area, the headquarters of Cheung Kong (Holdings), the tycoon Li Ka-shing’s conglomerate, it was designed by the celebrated architect Cesar Pelli but its corporate rectangular lines were best described by the Greek consul, a man who knew his Doric from his Ionic, as ‘merely the box which the Bank of China came in’.

 

更多的摩天大楼在九龙半岛拔地而起，这是一片以九条龙命名的土地，向南伸向海港。

直到1998年，作为世界上人口最稠密的地区之一，九龙的建筑高度受到限制，因为客机在最后接近旧启德机场时从头顶低空飞过，这一动作需要冰冷的技巧，因为飞行员必须将飞机对准山坡上的棋盘，然后向东南急转，掠过屋顶，降落在九龙湾水中的一条跑道上。

错误很少发生。

但是，当一个新的机场在大屿山附近开放，房地产开发商在废弃的航道下面匆匆赶来时，保险公司松了一口气。

 

More skyscrapers rise on the Kowloon peninsula, a tongue of land named after nine dragons that juts southwards into the harbour. Until 1998, the height of buildings in Kowloon, among the world’s most densely populated districts, was restricted because airliners flew low overhead on their final approach to the old Kai Tak airport, a manoeuvre demanding icy skill as the pilot had to aim his plane at a chequerboard painted on the hillside, then veer sharp southeast to skim the rooftops and land on a single runway set in the waters of Kowloon Bay. Mistakes were rare. But the insurers sighed with relief when a new airport opened off Lantau Island and the property developers rushed in below the abandoned flightpath.

 

九龙的丰富性仍然存在；它的市场和寺庙，它的肮脏的街道，地毯店，清真寺和小型电子产品商店，欺骗游客的朴素的裁缝，勤劳的黑社会团伙，招手的女孩和令人眼花缭乱的水疗和按摩店的妈妈桑，其中一些甚至可能是体面的。

 

The richness of Kowloon endures; its markets and temples, its streets of sleaze, carpet emporia, mosques and small electronics stores, the plaintive tailors who waylay tourists, the industrious triad gangsters, the beckoning girls and the mama-sans of a dizzying selection of spas and massage joints, some of which may even be respectable.

 

对香港来说，新加坡的安静的街道或曼谷的混乱都不适合。

在正常情况下，其公民的行为--有秩序但不规范--是对那些声称只有专制统治才能避免拥挤的中国社会出现混乱的人的一种责备。

成千上万的上班族在十字路口穿行，遵守行人信号。

在闪闪发光的地下铁路系统中，人群保持着文明的步伐，而学童和老人则来来往往，不用担心被压垮。

每个人似乎都在支付车费，网络上的犯罪行为几乎不存在，即使是在狂欢者晚上回家的时候也是如此。

香港也有一些粗鲁、鲁莽的出租车司机，只有勇敢的人或别无选择的人才会乘坐绿色和奶油色的小巴，在山顶的螺旋形道路上来回穿梭。

但总的来说，这里是一个安全和守法的地方。

Not for Hong Kong the hushed streets of Singapore or the mayhem of Bangkok. In normal times its citizens’ behaviour – orderly but not regimented – is a rebuke to those who claim that only authoritarian rule can avoid chaos in a crowded Chinese society. Thousands of office workers troop across intersections obeying the pedestrian signals. In the gleaming underground railway system, the crowds keep a civilised pace, while schoolchildren and the elderly come and go without fear of being crushed. Everybody appears to pay the fare and crime on the network is all but unknown, even when revellers go home at night. Hong Kong has its share of rude, reckless cab drivers, and only the brave or those with no choice ride the green and cream-coloured light minibuses that ply up and down the spiralling roads of the Peak. In general, though, it is a safe and law-abiding place.

 

宗教和传统道德在这个经常以粗暴的收购、无情的商业行为和沉溺于贪婪和罪恶而闻名的社会中扮演着令人惊讶的角色。

一代人之前，香港已经把它作为东方最邪恶的城市的名声让给了其他地方。

基督教的影响是显而易见的。

它甚至可能在异议人士的新时代有所增长，他们的言论经常借用经文。

一座英国圣公会大教堂、华丽的罗马天主教教堂、无数的圣经祈祷厅、学校、修道院、医院以及教会经营的社会中心和老人院，都显示出这种外来的西方宗教在一个半世纪的迫害、屠杀和大陆驱逐中坚守其在华南沿海的立足点的韧性。

 

Religion and traditional morality play a surprising role in a society often known for brash acquisition, pitiless business practices and indulgence in gluttony and vice. Hong Kong ceded its reputation as the wickedest city in the Orient to other places a generation ago. The influence of Christianity is conspicuous. It may even have grown in the new era of dissent, whose rhetoric often borrows from scripture. An Anglican cathedral, ornate Roman Catholic churches, innumerable biblical prayer halls, schools, convents, hospitals, and church-run social centres and old people’s homes all show the tenacity with which this imported western religion clung to its foothold on the south China coast through a century and a half of persecution, massacres and expulsions on the mainland.

 

然而，香港代表的是多元化，而不是说教。

宽容被嵌入其世界性的遗产中。

其红色的道教寺庙，香火旺盛，金光闪闪，吸引着无数的祈求者。

佛教注入了中国的传统宗教；因此，许多宁静的佛像出现在寺庙的祭坛上，与怒目圆睁的神灵和盘旋的龙一起安抚大多数的崇拜者，他们对佛教、道教、孔子的哲学和一套与感知的中国身份相一致的道德价值观感到舒服。

在香港的泰国社区中，佛祖本人在数以百计的家庭神龛中受到敬仰，神龛上铺着茉莉花，点着蜡烛，主持着米商、银行、餐馆和水疗中心。

 

Yet Hong Kong stands for plurality, not preaching. Tolerance is embedded in its cosmopolitan heritage. Its red-hued Taoist temples, fragrant with incense and glimmering with gold, attract legions of supplicants. Buddhism infuses Chinese traditional religion; thus many serene images of the Buddha appear on the altars of temples alongside glowering deities and coiled dragons to soothe the majority of worshippers who feel comfortable with a blend of Buddhism, Taoism, the philosophy of Confucius and a set of moral values resonant with a perceived Chinese identity. By himself, the Buddha is venerated among Hong Kong’s Thai community in hundreds of household shrines draped in jasmine and lit by candles, presiding over rice traders, banks, restaurants and spas.

 

鲜花环绕的雕像装饰着印度教的神龛，其精致程度不亚于印度或尼泊尔。

在星期五，穆斯林挤满了分布在境内的清真寺，这些清真寺以其优雅的绿色圆顶和适度的尖塔而闻名。

一个约有5000人的犹太社区可以追溯到香港早期的殖民时代；它拥有一个可以追溯到1901年的精美的主要犹太教堂，其杰出的成员包括卡多里和沙逊的塞法尔商业王朝，而九龙最繁忙的道路之一的 "黄金一英里 "购物区的名字是由爱德华时代的英国总督和工程师马修-内森建造的。

 

Flower-wreathed statues adorn Hindu shrines as elaborate as any in India or Nepal. On Fridays, Muslims crowd the mosques dotted around the territory, notable by their elegant green domes and modest minarets. A Jewish community of some 5,000 traces its roots to the early colonial days of Hong Kong; it boasts a fine principal synagogue dating to 1901 and its distinguished members include the Sephardic business dynasties of the Kadoories and Sassoons, while the ‘golden mile’ of shopping on one of Kowloon’s busiest roads bears the name of the Edwardian British governor and engineer who built it, Matthew Nathan.

 

流经这道门的不仅仅是贸易，还有文化。

虽然是英国的殖民地，但香港是中国艺术、音乐、戏曲、小说创作、电影制作、书法、小册子和新闻业生存的关键，所有这些都不受审查。

在共产党在新中国引入更简单的字符系统后，香港的学者们保留了古代经典表意文字的复杂之美。

无论好坏，源源不断的古董从人民共和国流出，进入拍卖行和经销商手中，他们很少问问题；对买家来说，这是一个谨慎的选择，毫无疑问，走私者和造假者从中获利，但另一个选择可能是在毛派红卫兵对 "四旧"--习俗、文化、习惯和思想的讨伐中被摧毁。

这样一来，香港和台湾一样，成为中国文明的方舟。

 

It was not just trade but culture that flowed through the gate. Although a British colony, Hong Kong was key to the survival of Chinese art, music, opera, novel-writing, film-making, calligraphy, pamphleteering and journalism, all free from the censor. Its scholars preserved the intricate beauty of ancient classical ideograms after the Communist Party introduced a simpler character system in New China. For good or ill, a steady supply of antiques came out of the People’s Republic, making their way to auction houses and dealers who asked few questions; it was caveat emptor for the buyer, and doubtless smugglers and fakers profited, but the alternative might have been destruction at the hands of the Maoist Red Guards in their crusade against the ‘Four Olds’ – customs, culture, habits and ideas. In that way Hong Kong, like Taiwan, became an ark of Chinese civilisation.

 

除了中国传统之外，还有西方的音乐演奏会、前卫的剧院和大胆的艺术表演。

香港人吸收了外国的影响，对那些认为到处都有颠覆中国人身份的阴谋的党派宣传家的说法不以为意。

在殖民时代后期，大批穿着英式制服的严肃学童在四重奏或奏鸣曲中锯开，然后在回家的地铁上沉浸在中国漫画中。

下一代人则紧盯着智能手机和社交媒体。

香港人可以自由地阅读和观看他们喜欢的东西，他们不希望放弃他们心爱的广东语言和文化。

香港没有完全的民主，但它确实有自由--自由允许几乎所有在中国大陆受到国家限制的事物蓬勃发展：盈利、家庭、崇拜、爱情、知识、表达、实验和犯错。

对于一个植根于不确定性的地方，香港增长了一种自信的感觉。

 

Alongside the Chinese tradition came western musical recitals, avant-garde theatres and daring art shows. Hong Kongers absorbed foreign influence unbothered by the claims of party propagandists who saw plots everywhere to subvert Chinese identity. In late colonial times, legions of serious schoolchildren in British-style uniforms sawed their way through quartets or sonatas, then immersed themselves in Chinese comics on the subway home. The next generation was glued to smartphones and social media. At liberty to read and watch what they liked, Hong Kongers showed no wish to abandon their beloved Cantonese language and culture. Hong Kong did not have complete democracy but it did have freedom – freedom that allowed almost everything to flourish that was constrained by the state in mainland China: profit-making, families, worship, love, knowledge, expression, experimentation and making mistakes. For a place rooted in uncertainty, Hong Kong grew a sense of self-confidence.

 

十九世纪末，香港是城墙的一个缺口；是逃离清朝刽子手的改革者和持不同政见者的天堂。

中国南方的文人、政治活动家和学生络绎不绝，他们前往日本学习另一个古老的亚洲大国是如何改革和向世界开放的。

在中国的暴力政治觉醒中，香港为共和党人、民族主义者和革命者提供了庇护，导致中国最后一个皇帝在1912年退位。

各方都使用香港的港口、电报服务、医院、银行和印刷厂。

 

During the late nineteenth century Hong Kong was a breach in the wall; a haven for reformers and dissidents fleeing the executioners of the Qing dynasty. A stream of south Chinese literati, political activists and students flowed through the colony as they travelled to Japan to study how another ancient Asian power was reforming and opening up to the world. Hong Kong sheltered republicans, nationalists and revolutionaries through the violent political awakening in China that led to the abdication of its last emperor in 1912. All sides used its ports, its telegraph services, its hospitals, banks and printing presses.

 

1920年代，军阀和革命者之间爆发了漫长的中国内战。

一个由军官领导的民族主义政党，即国民党，从中国南方崛起，成为该国最强大的力量。

然后，轮到左翼激进分子在英国殖民警察的监视下到香港避难。

 

In the 1920s the long Chinese civil war broke out between warlords and revolutionaries. A nationalist party led by military officers, the Kuomintang, emerged from south China to become the most powerful force in the country. Then it was the turn of left-wing radicals to take refuge in Hong Kong, under the watch of the British colonial police.

 

日本在20世纪30年代入侵中国，带来了来自各方的新的间谍涌入，而逃亡者在殖民地寻求安全，代理战争在殖民地的后街展开，直到1941年12月香港落入日本皇军手中。

四年后占领结束时，英国恢复了殖民统治，但当中国恢复内战时，香港才刚刚重新站起来。

共产党在1949年取得了胜利，将大批战败的民族主义者和难民推入殖民地。

殖民地成为顽固的反共分子的前哨，他们受到一个小而有力的左派运动的反对。

它的人民生活在一个充满竞争、狂热和无悔的资本主义社会中。

工作、积累和继承是他们的生活方式。

 

Japan’s invasion of China in the 1930s brought a fresh influx of spies from all sides, while fugitives sought safety in the colony and proxy wars were waged in its backstreets until the city fell to the Imperial Japanese Army in December 1941. At the end of the occupation four years later, British colonial rule was restored but Hong Kong had barely got back on its feet when the civil war resumed in China. The Communists won in 1949, pushing a horde of defeated nationalists and refugees into the colony. It became an outpost for diehard anti-Communists, who were opposed by a small but vigorous leftist movement. Its people lived in a competitive, frenetic and unrepentantly capitalist society. Work, accumulation and inheritance defined their way of life.

 

当朝鲜和越南的战争肆虐时，香港却繁荣起来；当中国其他地区保持贫穷时，香港却变得富有。

当饥荒笼罩大陆时，香港的殖民地人民却吃得饱饱的。

它是数百万中国穷人的避难所，是上海资本家的安全港，也是宗教的避难所。

殖民统治是稳定的，没有威胁到中国，正如我们将看到的，新中国的统治者决定不打扰。

随着时间的推移，这意味着香港可以成为中国迈向伟大的大门。

 

Hong Kong prospered while wars raged in Korea and Vietnam; and it grew rich as the rest of China stayed poor. Its colonial subjects were well-fed while famine stalked the mainland. It was a refuge for millions of poor Chinese, a safe haven for capitalists from Shanghai and a sanctuary for religion. Colonial rule was stable and did not threaten China, and as we shall see, the rulers of New China decided to leave well alone. In time this meant Hong Kong could be the gate through which China marched to greatness.

 

1967年，极左派煽动暴乱，同情在中国肆虐的文化大革命，直到来自北方的政治风向改变，暴乱才得以平息。

随后出现了一个宽容的时期，尽管香港没有民主，因此也没有办法竞选公职，但共产党政权的反对者和支持者在这里出版、广播、集会、经营自己的社会服务并举办政治活动。

言论自由也提高了这个城市对外国势力的价值，使之成为研究毛泽东中国封闭社会的一个有利地点。

 

In 1967 the ultra-left fomented riots in sympathy with the Cultural Revolution raging in China, until the political wind from the north changed and the rioting burnt out. A period of tolerance ensued in which opponents and supporters of the Communist regime published, broadcast, rallied, ran their own social services and staged political events, despite the fact that there was no democracy in Hong Kong and thus no way to run for office. Free speech also enhanced the city’s value to foreign powers as a vantage point from which to study the closed society of Maoist China.

 

当中国开始开放时，香港开花了。

它因贸易而繁荣，建立了工厂，几乎发明了供应链，并开创了外包制造业。

然而，1989年，长期以来被自鸣得意的精英们视为不关心政治和财富的香港人，起来抗议北京的天安门广场屠杀事件。

一个新的行动主义诞生了。

书籍、杂志、小册子、广播和传真纷纷涌入中国。

 

When China began to open up, Hong Kong flowered. It prospered on trade, built factories, practically invented the supply chain and pioneered outsourced manufacturing. Yet in 1989 the people of Hong Kong, long deemed apolitical and wealth-obsessed by their complacent elite, rose up in protest against the Tiananmen Square massacre in Beijing. A new activism was born. Books, magazines, pamphlets, broadcasts and faxes flowed into China.

 

这种抗争并没有因为1997年英国向中国的移交而停止。

起初，香港作为一个 "高度自治 "的特别行政区，获得了独特的收益。

然后，中国变得更加富有，其马克思主义领导人开始关注其奖项中的'矛盾'。

一场关于政治权力、财富、身份、数据、自由和服从的斗争爆发了。

 

This defiance did not stop at the handover from Britain to China in 1997. At first Hong Kong reaped unique gains as a Special Administrative Region with a ‘high degree of autonomy’. Then China grew richer and its Marxist leaders began to focus on the ‘contradictions’ in their prize. A struggle broke out over political power, wealth, identity, data, freedom and conformity.

 

由北京安排的历届地方领导人来来去去，都没能阻止政治活动的浪潮，2014年出现了广泛的和平民主群众运动，然后是2019年的大规模示威和与警察的激烈战斗。

这场纷争导致家庭分裂，精英阶层分裂，并带来了中国政府的警告，即 "黑手 "和外国敌对势力正在煽动一场旨在改变中国政权的 "颜色革命"。

 

Successive local leaders installed by Beijing came and went, all failing to stem a tide of political activism that saw a broadly peaceful mass movement for democracy in 2014, then huge demonstrations and pitched battles against the police in 2019. The strife divided families, split the elite and brought warnings from Beijing that ‘black hands’ and hostile foreign forces were stoking a ‘colour revolution’ that aimed at regime change in China.

 

2020年，中国政府实施了《国家安全法》，导致民主活动家被逮捕，学校开设新课程，公务员宣誓效忠，中国安全机构可以自由地把人带走。

一些人在被抓之前就已经逃走了。

中国领导人称赞这是秩序的恢复，而他们的反对者则说这是自由的结束。

 

In 2020 the Chinese government imposed a National Security Law which led to the arrest of democratic activists, a new curriculum in schools, loyalty oaths for civil servants and a free hand for China’s security agencies to spirit people away. Some fled before they could be caught. Chinese leaders hailed it as the restoration of order, while their opponents said it was the end of liberty.

 

现代香港的故事中的人物构成了一个生动的角色。

其中一些是著名的：船长和国王，总督和大亨，商人和财主，那些把高楼林立、远处闪闪发光的王朝，以及那些船只在海上航行的航运巨头。

最后一任总督彭定康、亿万富翁李嘉诚、赌场大亨何鸿燊、苏格兰银行家威廉-珀维斯、风格仲裁人邓永锵；讨伐者、雄辩的民主人士，如大律师李柱铭和年轻的冠军黃之鋒--都赢得了国际认可。

 

The characters who populate the story of modern Hong Kong make up a vivid cast. Some are renowned: the captains and the kings, governors and tycoons, traders and money men, the dynasts who reared to the sky that forest of towers that glittered from afar and the shipping magnates whose vessels plied the sea lanes. The last governor, Christopher Patten, the billionaire Li Ka-shing, the casino king Stanley Ho, the Scottish banker William Purves, style arbiter David Tang; crusading, eloquent democrats, like the barrister Martin Lee and the young champion Joshua Wong – all have won international recognition.

 

然而，最有影响力的演员很少在香港公开露面。

他们是沉浸在革命秘密和党的纪律中的中国共产党人，对名声的诱惑免疫，对公众的认可不在意。

本书将表明，关于香港的关键决定一次又一次地由具有战争、阴谋、丧亲和牺牲的残酷经历的人--他们都是男人--在密议中作出。

他们毫不犹豫地杀人或监禁，但他们表现出令人印象深刻的长期计算能力。

按照中国的国策，他们在1977年至1997年期间表现良好。

他们从殖民统治中收回了香港，埋葬了两个他们长期以来宣布为不平等的条约，并击败了战后最强大的英国首相撒切尔夫人，她一直渴望坚持英国的岛国。

他们没有开一枪就完成了这一切，遵守了古代作家孙子的箴言，孙子认为最好的胜利是仅靠诡计取得的。

 

The most influential actors, however, were rarely if ever seen publicly in Hong Kong. They were Chinese Communists steeped in revolutionary secrecy and party discipline, immune to the lure of fame, careless of public approval. This book will show that time and time again the critical decisions about Hong Kong were taken in conclave by men – and they were all men – with cruel experience of war, conspiracy, bereavement and sacrifice. They did not hesitate to kill or to imprison but they displayed an impressive ability to calculate for the long term. By the lights of Chinese statecraft, they did well between 1977 and 1997. They recovered Hong Kong from colonial rule, buried two treaties they had long declared unequal and defeated the strongest British prime minister of the post-war era, Margaret Thatcher, who had yearned to cling on to Britain’s insular possession. They did it all without firing a shot, obeying the dictum of the ancient writer Sun Tzu, who held that the finest victory was one achieved by guile alone.

 

这些人中有一些是世界名人。

人民共和国的创始人毛泽东、他的副手周恩来和他们的继承人邓小平，在所有历史书中都有记载。

他们把党在香港的工作委托给了资深的马克思列宁主义者，他们的名字可能在这里的许多读者面前是第一次出现。

其中一个人物是廖承志，这个讲日语的共产国际代理人，至少被监禁过七次，被清洗过，又被改造过，他在阴影中的角色之间徘徊，并在60多岁时挺身而出，制定了一项对中国和香港有利的政策，在即将获得高级职位时死去，这本来是他的回报。

另一位是李强，他在1970年代作为外贸部长的平淡角色掩盖了他在间谍小说中的生活故事，从殖民地香港的地下工作到美国战争高峰期对北越的无畏远征，所有这些都是由于他在党内作为技术和金融奇才的声誉。

第三个人物，习仲勋，应该得到比他更多的关注：作为广东書記，他说服共产党领导层进行了第一批改革，开放了广东与其邻国香港和澳门之间的贸易和投资。

他作为未来中国统治者习近平的父亲，也值得在历史上留下一个脚注。

 

Some of these men were world figures. Mao Zedong, the founder of the People’s Republic, his lieutenant Zhou Enlai and their heir, Deng Xiaoping, are in all the history books. They entrusted the party’s work on Hong Kong to veteran Marxist-Leninists whose names may come before many readers here for the first time. One such character was Liao Chengzhi, the Japanese-speaking Comintern agent, jailed at least seven times, purged and rehabilitated, who flitted between roles in the shadows and stepped forward in his late sixties to forge a policy that worked for China and for Hong Kong, dying on the threshold of the high office that would have been his reward. Another was Li Qiang, whose bland role as foreign trade minister in the 1970s belied a life story out of a spy novel, ranging from underground work in colonial Hong Kong to a fearless expedition to North Vietnam at the height of the American war, all due to his reputation inside the party as a technical and financial wizard. A third figure, Xi Zhongxun, deserved more attention than he has received: as the chief of Guangdong province, he talked the Communist Party leadership into the first reforms that opened up trade and investment between Guangdong and its neighbours, Hong Kong and Macau. He also merits a footnote in history as the father of Xi Jinping, a future ruler of China.

 

所有这些人以及其他许多人的故事，照亮了引领中国从70年代孤立的社会主义走向全球化高峰的道路，这是一个从挖沟到管理改变地球的资本流动的旅程。

 

The stories of all these people, and many others, light the path that led China from the isolated socialism of the seventies to the heights of globalisation, a journey from digging ditches to managing capital flows that changed the planet.

 

香港的繁荣与人们经常宣称的观点之间存在着一种浮士德式的联系，即由于香港没有执政党，因此它没有政治，商业利益应该支配它。

只要香港保持沉默，只要香港的大人物们满面笑容地来到北京，欢迎共产党大家庭的资金和他们自己在人民共和国赚钱的机会，这就适用。

双方都没有指望香港的年轻人、聪明人、愤慨者、弱势群体、被剥削者和智能手机的煽动者。

他们将书写香港历史的下一页。

 

There was a Faustian bond between the prosperity of Hong Kong and the oft-proclaimed perception that, since it had no ruling party, it therefore had no politics and business interests should govern it. This applied so long as Hong Kong stayed quiet and its grandees trooped up to Beijing, all smiles, to welcome the funds of the Communist Party’s great families and their own opportunities to make money in the People’s Republic. Neither side counted on the young, the clever, the indignant, the disadvantaged, the exploited and the smartphone-agitators of Hong Kong. They would write the next pages of its history.

 

对于中国这样一个伟大的国家来说，香港是一块小小的飞地。

然而，它在心理上和政治上的重要性是巨大的。

人们有时会忘记，俄罗斯和日本比任何西方国家都更多地攫取了清帝国的领土。

但是，在19世纪40年代被称为鸦片战争的旷日持久的冲突中，英国夺取了香港，以及后来英法联军烧毁了北京的颐和园，对中国人的心理造成了最大的伤害。

十九世纪的外国入侵打碎了文化优势的假设。

它们对君主主义者和革命者都产生了创伤性的影响。

 

For a nation as great as China, Hong Kong was a tiny enclave. Yet it had outsize psychological and political importance. It is sometimes forgotten that Russia and Japan took greater bites of the Qing Empire’s territory than any western power. But it was the British seizure of Hong Kong in the drawn-out conflict in the 1840s known as the Opium Wars, and the later Anglo-French expedition which burnt down the Summer Palace in Beijing, that inflicted greatest damage on the Chinese psyche. The foreign incursions of the nineteenth century shattered assumptions of cultural superiority. Their effects were traumatic upon monarchists and revolutionaries alike.

 

这就是为什么今天在香港发生的关于自由、秩序和进步的争斗会在首都唤起古老的恐惧。

在一个巨大的躯体中存在着微小的外来容器，总是有一些反应。

它们可以作为催化剂，也可以作为腐烂的媒介。

卡尔-马克思说，完全孤立是保存旧中国的首要条件。

他说："这种隔绝通过英国的媒介猛烈地结束了，"他说，"只要让它接触到开放的空气，它的解体就一定会像任何小心翼翼地保存在密封的棺材里的木乃伊一样。

 

That is why today’s battles over freedom, order and progress in Hong Kong revive ancient fears in the capital. There is always something reactive about the presence of tiny foreign vessels in a huge body. They can act as catalysts or as agents of decay. Karl Marx said that complete isolation was the prime condition for the preservation of the old China. ‘That isolation having come to a violent end by the medium of England,’ he said, ‘dissolution must follow as surely as that of any mummy carefully preserved in a hermetic coffin, whenever it is brought into contact with the open air.’

 

马克思的这些话是针对最后一个皇朝--清朝写的，但他的箴言被认为适用于任何建立在隔离和仪式上的专制制度。

近年来，许多人认为，在经过数十年正义的隐居之后，外国对中国国家的影响将再次证明马克思是正确的，接触资本主义和自由将加速其衰落。

治理中国的人并不打算允许这样。

在不到半个世纪的时间里，他们的国家成为世界上仅次于美国的第二大经济体。

它的崛起是第二次世界大战以来最具破坏性的全球转型。

他们认为，它的持续上升取决于坚定的统治和炽热的民族自豪感，需要不断提醒人们注意过去的弱点和耻辱。

 

Marx wrote those words about the last imperial dynasty, the Qing, but his dictum was taken to apply to any autocracy built on isolation and ritual. In recent years many have thought that foreign influence on the Chinese state after decades of righteous seclusion would prove Marx right again and that exposure to capitalism and liberty would hasten its decline. The men who governed China had no intention of allowing that. In less than half a century their nation became the second largest economy in the world after the United States. Its rise was the most disruptive global transformation since the Second World War. Its continued ascent depended, they believed, on firm rule and a burning national pride, requiring the constant reminder of past weakness and shame.

 

2012年后掌握中国最高权力的共产党领导人习近平是这样说的。

'只有了解鸦片战争后国家的屈辱历史，才能理解中国人民对民族复兴的强烈渴望。

 

Xi Jinping, the Communist leader who took supreme power in China after 2012, put it like this: ‘Only by knowing the nation’s history of humiliation after the Opium War can one understand the Chinese people’s strong yearning for national rejuvenation.’

 

实际上，这可以追溯到比这更远的地方。

 

Actually, it goes back an awful lot further than that.

 

1. 商人和吏员

1. Merchants and Mandarins

 

 

来自西方的商人在古代晚期就出现在中国沿海地区。

唐朝的早期记录显示，在番禺市，即现在的广州，以及在西方直到20世纪末的广州，都有一个世界性的人群。

在遥远的北京，统治者对其领地边缘的野蛮人采取了一种崇高的、往往是仁慈的看法。

形成了这样一种观念：那些被排除在天朝之外的人，一定是被迫到天朝来进行进贡和朝拜的仪式的。

 

Traders from the West appeared off the coasts of China in late antiquity. Early records from the Tang dynasty tell of a cosmopolitan throng in the city of Panyu, now known as Guangzhou, and in the West until the late twentieth century as Canton. In far-off Beijing, rulers took a lofty and often benevolent view of barbarians on the fringes of their domains. The notion developed that those excluded from the celestial realm must perforce have come to it to perform rituals of tribute and obeisance.

 

这段遥远的历史是值得研究的。

它的许多方面在一千多年的战争和革命中产生了共鸣，一直到现代。

它还表明，外国人来到十九世纪的中国，既不像历史学家有时描述的那样奇怪，也不像那样史无前例。

 

It is worth looking into this distant past. Many aspects of it resonate across more than a thousand years of war and revolution down to modern times. It also demonstrates that the arrival of foreigners in nineteenth-century China was neither as strange nor as unprecedented as is sometimes depicted by historians.

 

在公元618年至907年的唐朝，广州是中国南方城市中最繁荣的城市。

它是一个边陲小镇，位于野蛮人居住的荒野之中，瘟疫肆虐。

不过，在它周围，生长着大量的荔枝、橙子、香蕉和榕树。

在它的三面墙内，生活着20万人。

根据阿拉伯编年史家Abu Zayd al-Sirafi的说法，在第九世纪，其中约有12万人是外国商人。

他赞扬了中国的法治，并钦佩其国家财政的简单性，这种财政建立在人头税和统治者对盐和茶的垄断之上，他解释说，盐和茶的特性是许多疾病的解药。

阿布-扎伊德对中国人的制造天才感到惊叹。

他写道，在上帝的所有创造中，没有人比他们更擅长雕刻和工艺。

他们用象牙和金属、玉石、木材和贵重矿物进行加工。

 

In the Tang dynasty, between AD 618 and 907, Guangzhou was the most prosperous of the country’s southern cities. It was a frontier town, set amid wilderness populated by savages and rife with plague. Around it, though, grew plentiful lychees, oranges, bananas and banyans. Within its triple walls lived 200,000 people. In the ninth century some 120,000 of them were foreign merchants, according to the Arab chronicler Abu Zayd al-Sirafi. He praised China for its rule by law and admired the simplicity of its state finances, which were based on a poll tax and on the ruler’s monopoly of salt and tea, whose properties, he explained, were an antidote for many ills. Abu Zayd marvelled at the Chinese genius for manufacturing. In all of God’s creation, he wrote, no people were more skilled at engraving and craftsmanship. They worked in ivory and metal, jade and stone, wood and precious minerals.

 

然而，并不是所有的都是优雅和精致的。

艾布-扎伊德对中国人在排泄后不用水清洗而自行擦拭的习惯表示痛惜，而他挑剔的天性则对中国人在吃饭前不清洁双手和牙齿的做法感到反感。

至于中国人在月经期间与妇女发生性关系的做法，他们对有组织的卖淫活动的容忍，以及他们对寺庙中为此目的提供的有吸引力的男孩的倾向；对于这些，阿布-扎伊德沮丧地移开了眼睛。

Not all was grace and refinement, however. Abu Zayd deplored the Chinese habit of wiping themselves after defecation instead of washing with water, while his fastidious nature recoiled at their failure to clean their hands and teeth before eating. As for the Chinese practice of having sex with their women during menstruation, their tolerance of organised prostitution and, indeed, their propensity for attractive boys provided for that purpose in the temple quarters; from these Abu Zayd averted his eyes in dismay.

 

九世纪的广州充满了商业气息。

壮观的景象在等待着游客，街道上熙熙攘攘的陌生人说着陌生的语言。

有一种说法是，它的港口塞满了婆罗门人、波斯人和马来人的船只，数量之多难以计数，他们满载着芳香剂、毒品和珍贵物品。

他们带来了芬芳的热带木材和令人垂涎的药物，以换取丝绸、成箱的瓷器和奴隶。

中国进口了胶质树脂、檀香、龙脑香、樟脑、广藿香、丁香、乳香和没药。

中国商人为了南方的利润放弃了北方的舒适，他们的收入将总督提升到如此高的地位，以至于他带着六条牦牛尾巴，拥有与天子相称的威严和尊严。

行政部门由太监管理，其中一个太监是 "一个华丽的流氓"，而且贪污腐败盛行。

只要收入流向宫廷，加上发光的珍珠、翠鸟的羽毛和偶尔出现的活犀牛等奢侈品，这个城市就可以任凭自己的礼仪和习俗。

Ninth-century Guangzhou throbbed with commerce. Marvellous sights awaited its visitors and its streets bustled with strangers speaking strange tongues. One account spoke of its port jammed with the argosies of Brahmans, Persians and Malays to a number beyond reckoning, laden with aromatics, drugs and precious items. They brought fragrant tropical woods and much-coveted medicines to swap for bolts of silk, crates of chinaware and slaves. China imported gum resins, sandalwood, aloeswood, camphor, patchouli, cloves, frankincense and myrrh. Chinese businessmen gave up the comforts of the north for the profits of the south, their revenues raising the governor to such high estate that he carried six yak tails and possessed majesty and dignity worthy of the son of Heaven. The administration was managed by eunuchs, one of whom was ‘a gorgeous rascal’, and graft was rife. As long as revenues flowed to the court, along with luxuries such as luminous pearls, kingfisher feathers and the occasional live rhino, the city was left to its own manners and customs.

 

这里有一个外国区，阿拉伯人和僧伽罗人与 "白人野蛮人"、印度佛教徒（他们的寺院里藏着装饰有香水蓝莲花的水池）和来自呼罗珊的什叶派穆斯林混杂在一起，他们为了逃避迫害，在自己的清真寺里做礼拜。

所有的人都服从中午大市场的鼓声召唤，并在日落时分的鼓声中分散到自己的地区。

诗人张籍抱怨说，"夜市上的野蛮人的声音很嘈杂"。

当外国商人等待有利的风向起航回国时，他们被一个被选中的人统治着。

他们享有一些治外法权，但其中的细节却鲜为人知，而这些细节在后来的几个世纪中会成为争论的焦点。

 

There was a foreign quarter, where Arabs and Sinhalese mingled with ‘white barbarians’, Indian Buddhists (whose monasteries hid pools adorned with perfumed blue lotuses) and Shia Muslims from Khorasan, who had fled persecution and worshipped in their own mosque. All obeyed the summons of a drum to the great market at noon and dispersed to their own districts at the boom of the drum at sunset. The poet Chang Chi complained of ‘the babble of barbarian voices in the night markets’. While the foreign traders awaited favourable winds to set sail for home, they were ruled by a chosen worthy. They enjoyed some extraterritorial privileges, but few details of these, which would become contentious in later centuries, are known.

 

中国南方并不是一片平静的土地。

叛乱爆发，盗贼横行，谋杀案频发。

一艘马来船的船长谋杀了向他勒索钱财的总督陆元瑞。

758年，一伙阿拉伯和波斯海盗袭击了这座城市，洗劫了商店，烧毁了房屋，赶走了总督，然后逃到了海南南部岛屿的一个巢穴。

此后的半个世纪里，许多外国船只选择驶向河内而不是广州。

 

Southern China was not a land of calm content. Rebellions broke out, thieves roamed the streets, murders were common. The captain of a Malay vessel murdered the governor, Lu Yüan-jui, who had extorted money from him. In 758 a band of Arab and Persian pirates raided the city, looted its stores, burnt houses and drove out the governor before escaping to a lair on the southern island of Hainan. For half a century afterwards, many foreign ships chose to sail to Hanoi instead of Guangzhou.

 

唐朝时期也并非总是一个轻松的世界主义时代。

自836年起，广州总督陆贞发现外国人和中国人不分彼此地生活在一起，甚至通婚，感到非常震惊。

他制止了这种情况，并禁止外国人购买房屋。

一项诏书强迫突厥维吾尔族穆斯林在任何时候都要穿上他们独特的服装，他们被认为是放债的人，这让他们很反感。

在中国人的偏见分类法中，波斯人是富人，马来人是黑皮肤，因此是丑陋的，东南亚人是裸体的，是不道德的。

年轻的诗人在酒馆里偷看伊朗女服务员，文人欣赏来自中亚的竖琴手和舞者，但九世纪也是 "一个怀疑和迫害外国人的时代"。

Neither was the Tang period always a time of easy cosmopolitanism. Lu Chün, the governor of Guangzhou from 836, was scandalised to find foreigners and Chinese living unsegregated and even intermarrying. He put a stop to that and banned foreigners from buying houses. An imperial edict forced Turkic Uighur Muslims, who were resented as moneylenders, to wear their distinctive costumes at all times. In the taxonomy of Chinese prejudice, Persians were rich, Malays were dark-skinned and thus ugly, southeast Asians went naked and were immoral. Young poets ogled Iranian waitresses in wine-shops, literati admired harpists and dancers from Central Asia, but the ninth century was also ‘an age of suspicion and persecution of foreigners’.

 

对商业和外国人的态度是模棱两可的。

贸易有时被指责为价格上涨和秩序混乱。

一些外来者获得了青睐，并能在政府中任职；通过引入考试制度而出现的新贵族阶级比世袭贵族更加开明。

一些人利用他们的技能，在两个世界之间游刃有余，在商人和他们傲慢的、不信任的中国同行之间调解合同、关税和争端。

在欧洲殖民国家踏上香港和澳门海岸之前的一千多年里，特权对话者的地位已经确立。

 

Attitudes towards commerce and foreigners were ambiguous. Trade was sometimes blamed for rising prices and disorder. Some outsiders gained favour and could rise to office in the government; the new gentry class which emerged through the introduction of an examination system was more open-minded than the hereditary aristocracy. Some used their skills, poised between two worlds, to mediate contracts, duties and disputes among traders and their haughty, distrustful Chinese counterparts. The privileged interlocutor was a position established more than a thousand years before the European colonial powers set foot on the shores of Hong Kong and Macau.

 

即使在九世纪，中国国家也在商业中发挥着指挥作用。

贵族对商业的态度是模糊的，贸易 "从未摆脱政治纠葛"。

这是一个王朝垄断国内商品的时代，如盐、铁、货币和一些基本商品。

官员们将这些视为控制和征收从国外涌入唐朝中国的奢侈品的模式。

八世纪时，皇帝在广州设立了一个商榷专员，其职责是购买国家希望控制的商品，并组织其分销。

外国人应将他们的一些货物作为礼物进贡给天子，以显示对天子的普遍权力的服从。

其余的货物必须存放在政府仓库中，只能在官方监督下在市场上出售。

敢于直接向公众出售其商品的外国商人是很轻率的。

 

Even in the ninth century, the Chinese state took a commanding role in business. Aristocratic attitudes to commerce were ambiguous and trade ‘was never free from political entanglements’. This was an age when the dynasty held monopolies on domestic goods such as salt, iron, currency and some basic commodities. Officials saw these as models for the control and taxation of luxuries pouring into Tang China from abroad. In the eighth century the emperor established a Commissioner for Commercial Argosies at Guangzhou, his duties being to buy up goods which the state wished to control and to organise their distribution. Foreigners were expected to offer some of their goods as gifts in tribute to the son of Heaven and to demonstrate submission to his universal power. The rest of their consignments had to be deposited in government warehouses and could only be sold in the markets under official supervision. It was a rash foreign trader who would dare to sell his wares directly to the public.

 

然后，还有一个恼人的交换和易货的概念。

商业受到以道德、税收、军需法或国家安全为名的规定的阻碍。

八世纪的一项法令禁止向外国人出口或出售挂毯、锦缎、精美的丝绸、刺绣、牦牛尾巴、珍珠、黄金和铁。

当时没有固定的交换媒介。

唐朝古墓中发现了拜占庭金币，据说广州的阿拉伯商人用伊斯兰金币来结算。

官员们不时地决定，这种或那种外国商品可能会削弱、堕落或腐蚀中国的消费者。

这种规定是反复无常的，而且往往是暂时的，但它们使商人很难确定价格或签订合同。

 

Then there was the vexed notion of exchange and barter. Commerce was hampered by regulations which could be imposed in the name of morals, revenue, sumptuary laws or national security. One edict of the eighth century banned the export or sale to foreigners of tapestries, damasks, fine silk, embroidery, yak tails, pearls, gold and iron. There was no fixed medium of exchange: Tang tombs have yielded up Byzantine gold coinage and Arab traders at Guangzhou were said to use gold Islamic dinars to settle accounts. From time to time officials decided that this or that foreign commodity might weaken, deprave or corrupt the Chinese consumer. Such regulations were capricious and often temporary, but they made it hard for merchants to fix prices or make contracts.

 

最后，唐朝的法律规定了仇外心理。

如果一个外国人娶了一个中国妻子或小妾，公元628年的一项法令规定他必须留在中国：在任何情况下，中国女人都不能陪他回家。

如果外国商人在中国死亡，他的货物将被国家封存和没收。

 

Finally, the Tang laws enshrined xenophobia. If a foreigner took a Chinese wife or concubine, a decree of AD 628 obliged him to remain in China: in no case might a Chinese woman accompany him home. If the foreign trader died in China his goods were sealed and confiscated by the state.

 

就像古典希腊的波斯国王要求一蹶不振的城市提供土壤和水一样，中国的统治者希望周围的支流国家象征性地承认他们的最高地位。

皇帝们宣称，不受其恩惠的外国人的到来非但不会威胁到他们的崇高地位，反而会证实他们的地位。

这种高高在上的态度产生的后果一直影响到现代。

 

Like the Persian kings demanding soil and water from prostrate cities in classical Greece, the rulers of China expected symbolic acknowledgement of their supremacy from the tributary states around them. The emperors claimed that, far from threatening their august status, the arrival of foreigners not subject by birth to their graciousness tended to confirm it. This exalted attitude was to have consequences which reverberate down to modern times.

 

在16世纪大发现时代来临之际，中国对欧洲人来说仍然是遥远而神秘的。

它被沙漠和山脉的屏障所包围，被尚未绘制地图的海水所冲刷，是一个为中世纪的浪漫主义者而设的领域。

早期的旅行者，如马可-波罗，在13世纪末从陆路出发，从海路返回，在他的记述中谈到了一个大汗，谈到了奇迹和财富，谈到了鞑靼人的游侠和一个叫做 "仙都 "的夏宫，那里的野兽在树林和喷泉中游荡。

他讲述了一个名为Zaiton泉州的辉煌港口，"所有从印度来的船只都满载着昂贵的货物和价格不菲的宝石以及大珍珠......令人惊叹"。

 

At the dawn of the Age of Discovery in the sixteenth century, China was still remote and mysterious to Europeans. Immured behind its barriers of desert and mountain, washed by the waters of seas yet to be charted, it was a realm made for medieval romancers. The accounts of early travellers, like Marco Polo, who went by land and returned by sea in the late thirteenth century, spoke of a Great Khan, of marvels and riches, of Tatar paladins and a summer palace called Xanadu, where wild beasts roamed amid woods and fountains. He told of a splendid port called Zaiton, ‘for all the ships that arrive from India laden with costly wares and precious stones of great price and big pearls … a marvel to behold’.

 

许多旅行者的故事都是虚幻的。

他们几乎没有关于战争和政治的真实消息，而他们所声称的对中国经济的洞察力也不过是对要求他们缴纳的税收和贡品的简单反应。

他们的记述将中国人的礼仪和习俗描绘成奇怪和罪恶的。

这些外国说书人可以自由地编造和夸张，因为他们知道中国宫廷永远不会阅读他们的作品，而他们的读者也最不可能看到中国，因为它是如此遥远。

 

Many of the travellers’ tales were fantastical. They had little authentic news about wars and politics, and what they claimed to be insight into the economy of China was little more than a simple reaction to the taxes and tribute demanded of them. Their accounts depict the manners and customs of the Chinese as strange and sinful. These foreign storytellers were free to invent and exaggerate, safe in the knowledge that the Chinese court would never read their works and their readers were most unlikely to see China because it was so far away.

 

然而，中国并不是孤立的。

在罗马和帕提亚帝国时期，丝绸之路上的商队将汉朝与中东连接起来。

中国的商船穿梭于亚洲和东非的海岸。

 在七世纪至十世纪的唐朝皇帝统治下，广州港是世界上最繁忙的转口港之一。

在同一时期，西方宗教在中国也有了一定的知名度，西安博物馆中的一块公元781年的石碑就证明了这一点，上面刻有叙利亚语和汉语。

随着帝国的扩张，波斯人和阿拉伯人担任了军事和行政职务。

中国的文化和政治影响扩展到朝鲜和日本。

当欧洲在文艺复兴时期蓬勃发展的时候，如果中国退居二线，那么从远处看，它仍然是一个丝绸和香料的国度，一个在万能的统治者和他的官吏阶层下追求艺术、文学和音乐的高雅文明。

按照当时的大多数标准，中国的经济是世界上最大的。

 

Yet China was not isolated. Caravans along the Silk Road had connected the Han dynasty with the Middle East during the empires of Rome and Parthia. Chinese trading ships plied the coasts of Asia and East Africa. Under the Tang emperors, who reigned from the seventh century to the tenth, the port of Guangzhou was one of the busiest entrepôts of the world. Western religions were known in China from the same period, as a stele in a museum at Xi’an from AD 781 inscribed in Syriac and Chinese attests. As the empire expanded, Persians and Arabs held military and administrative posts. Chinese cultural and political influence expanded to Korea and Japan. If China withdrew into seclusion while Europe flowered in the Renaissance, it was still seen from afar as a land of silks and spices, a refined civilisation pursuing arts, literature and music under an almighty ruler and his caste of mandarins. By most measures of the time, the Chinese economy was the biggest in the world.

 

权力和财富的平衡在16世纪发生了变化。

西欧的国王和王后们变得强大而雄心勃勃；这是英国的亨利八世和伊丽莎白一世、法国的弗朗索瓦一世和亨利六世以及西班牙的菲利普二世的时代。

基督教君主战胜了奥斯曼土耳其人，他们将伊斯兰教的绿色旗帜带到了欧洲的中心。

1529年，苏莱曼大帝放弃了对维也纳的围攻，1571年，一个联盟在莱庞托海战中打败了土耳其人。

形势发生了变化，欧洲国家开始向外看。

这是欧洲统治世界的四个世纪的开始，中国在其中黯然失色。

 

The balance of power and fortune changed in the sixteenth century. The kings and queens of western Europe grew mighty and ambitious; it was the era of Henry VIII and Elizabeth I of England, François I and Henri VI of France and Philip II of Spain. The Christian monarchies triumphed over the Ottoman Turks, who had carried the green banners of Islam to the heart of Europe. In 1529 Suleiman the Magnificent abandoned the siege of Vienna and in 1571 an alliance defeated the Turks at the sea battle of Lepanto. The tide had turned and the European nations began to look outwards. It was the start of four centuries of world domination by Europe in which China was eclipsed.

 

欧洲力量在亚洲的增长不是线性的，它是由当时的中国战略家无法掌握的力量所推动的。

一个关键事件是1640年至1714年期间，西班牙在欧洲大陆的权力因对外战争、通货膨胀、破产和内乱而崩溃。

一个西班牙帝国的历史学家写道："这是一个爬上高处又沉入深渊的国家；它取得了一切，也失去了一切；它征服了世界，但自己却被征服了。

西班牙沉迷于美洲的宝藏，被其虔诚的君主所不理解的经济力量所左右，它仍然在阿卡普尔科和马尼拉之间派出满载丝绸和白银的大帆船。

但它在欧洲在亚洲的冒险中的作用已经结束了。

 

The growth of European power in Asia was not linear, and it was propelled by forces which no Chinese strategist of the time could have grasped. One key event was the collapse of Spanish power in continental Europe between 1640 and 1714 through foreign wars, inflation, bankruptcy and internal strife. ‘Here was a country which had climbed to the heights and sunk to the depths; which had achieved everything and lost everything; which had conquered the world only to be vanquished itself,’ wrote one historian of the Spanish Empire. Addicted to treasure from the Americas, prey to economic forces its devout monarchs did not understand, Spain still sent its galleons between Acapulco and Manila laden with silks and silver. But its part in the European adventure in Asia was at an end.

 

经济变革的第二个受害者是威尼斯共和国，它依靠地中海商业和与国泰的陆路贸易而变得富有。

它的衰退没有西班牙那么严重。

但它从未从葡萄牙航海家瓦斯科-达伽马1498年环绕好望角的航行中恢复过来。

达伽马开辟了一条通往东方的海路，摧毁了威尼斯几个世纪以来对通过黎凡特进行贸易的控制权。

法国哲学家孟德斯鸠说，威尼斯被 "扔到了世界的一个角落"。

今天，中国游客沿着里亚托广场的石板前往马可-波罗的故居，经过曾经停泊着满载东方丝绸和香料的帆船的码头，那里的货币兑换商经营着来自所有已知世界的提货单，一个共和制的寡头统治者用雪莱的话说，建造了 "像通往天堂的魔法织物 "的宫殿。

威尼斯作为一个世界强国已经消失了。

 

The second victim of economic change was the Venetian republic, which had grown rich on Mediterranean commerce and the overland trade with Cathay. Its decline was less steep than Spain’s. But it never recovered from the voyage of the Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama around the Cape of Good Hope in 1498. Da Gama opened a sea route to the East and destroyed the centuries-old Venetian grip on trade through the Levant. Venice, said the French philosopher Montesquieu, was ‘thrown into a corner of the world’. Today Chinese tourists troop along the flagstones of the Rialto to Marco Polo’s house, past quays where argosies laden with the silks and spices of the east once moored, where moneychangers dealt in bills of lading from all the known world and a republican oligarchy built, in Shelley’s words, palaces ‘like fabrics of enchantment pil’d to heaven’. Venice has vanished as a world power.

 

两个富有进取心的海洋国家，英国和葡萄牙，抓住了他们长期以来寻求的机会，建立了一条通往印度的全水路贸易路线。

1557年，葡萄牙人在中国当局的谨慎同意下在澳门开设了一个基地。

他们的竞争对手英国东印度公司开始在印度建立一个帝国，并将目光转向中国。

法国人和荷兰人也不甘落后。

所有的欧洲列强不时地相互争斗，但即使中国拥有分裂和击败他们的政治技巧，它也没有能力这样做。

 

Two enterprising maritime nations, England and Portugal, seized the opportunity they had long sought for an all-water trade route to the Indies. In 1557 the Portuguese opened a base in Macau with the wary consent of the Chinese authorities. Their British rivals, the East India Company, began to build an empire in India and turned their eyes to China. The French and the Dutch were not far behind. All the European powers fought one another from time to time, but even if China had possessed the political skill to divide and defeat them it was in no position to do so.

 

1600年，晚明帝国似乎正处于其辉煌的顶峰。

这个王朝自十四世纪以来一直统治着中国。

天子从他雄伟的首都北京出发，控制着1.2亿人口，比欧洲所有国家都要多。

世界上没有一个帝国能像他一样。

莫卧儿印度正在解体。

西班牙征服者和外国疾病使墨西哥和秘鲁的阿兹特克和印加帝国成为废墟。

奥斯曼人在退却。

俄国是一个地理上的表现。

日本正处于内战的最后阶段，德川家族的一位强大的幕府将军统一了日本，并在江户，即现代东京建立了他的首都。

在中国，帝国政府受到礼仪的熏陶，由通过严格考试选出的官员进行管理。

富人享受着丰富的文化和经济生活的成果，伴随着和平和秩序感。

晚明时期产生了一些中国最好的绘画和一些最伟大的文学作品。

 戏剧家汤显祖的戏剧《牡丹亭》以一个诗意的官员为主角，《西游记》是一个关于一个和尚和一只猴子在前往印度的路上的比喻性故事，以及《金瓶梅》，一个色情的遐想。

 

In 1600 the late Ming empire seemed to be at the peak of its splendour. The dynasty had ruled China since the fourteenth century. From his majestic capital in Beijing, the son of Heaven held sway over 120 million people, more than in all the nations of Europe. There was no empire like his on earth. Mughal India was breaking up. Spanish conquistadors and foreign diseases had laid waste the Aztec and Inca empires of Mexico and Peru. The Ottomans were in retreat. Russia was a geographical expression. Japan was in the last stages of civil war before a powerful shogun of the Tokugawa clan unified it and set up his capital at Edo, modern Tokyo. In China, the imperial government was hallowed by ritual and administered by officials chosen through rigorous examinations. The wealthy enjoyed the fruits of a rich cultural and economic life accompanied by a sense of peace and order. The late Ming period produced some of China’s finest painting and some of its greatest works of literature: The Peony Pavilion, a play by the dramatist Tang Xianzu, which featured a poetic scholar-official, The Journey to the West, a picaresque tale of a monk and a monkey on the road to India, and The Golden Lotus, an erotic reverie.

 

但是，就在欧洲列强变得自信和强大的时候，中国却陷入了一场危机，一些知识分子认为，中国从未真正从中恢复过来。

腐败、阴谋和堕落削弱了明朝；洪水、饥荒和短暂的冰河时期毁了农民，边疆的麻烦迫使人们增加税收以资助军队；在绝望中，明朝繁荣所依赖的农民和工匠起来反抗。

 很久以后，一些马克思主义者认为，澳门的葡萄牙商人--中国这个巨大的有机体中的微小异物--应该受到指责，因为他们购买了中国的丝绸，并将其换成了白银，而白银正从墨西哥和秘鲁的矿场涌出；由此产生的大量白银流入中国的农业经济，导致了通货膨胀、疯狂的投机过度和繁荣与萧条的循环，当时的儒家学者-行政官员没有能力管理。

在这种情况下，就像西班牙的哈布斯堡王朝一样，中国的皇室倒在了它所不了解的现代性力量面前。

经济史学家对16世纪世界性白银危机的原因和影响仍有争议，但它在中国所有后来的统治者中留下了对外国投机者的怀疑。

 

But just as the European powers grew confident and powerful, China fell into a crisis from which, some of its intellectuals argue, it has never truly recovered. Corruption, intrigue and decadence weakened the Ming dynasty; floods, famines and a brief ice age ruined farmers, trouble in the borderlands forced tax rises to fund the military; in despair the peasants and artisans upon whom Ming prosperity rested rose up in rebellion. Much later, some Marxists argued that Portuguese traders at Macau – that tiny foreign body in the great organism of China – were to blame because they bought up Chinese silk and traded it for silver, which was pouring out of the mines in Mexico and Peru; the resultant huge inflow of silver into China’s agrarian economy led to inflation, wild speculative excess and a boom-and-bust cycle which the Confucian scholar-administrators of the time were incapable of managing. In this telling, like the Spanish Habsburgs, the imperial house of China fell to forces of modernity it did not comprehend. The causes and effects of the worldwide silver crisis in the sixteenth century are still debated by economic historians, but it left a legacy of suspicion of foreign speculators among all subsequent rulers of China.

 

1644年，经过长期的衰落，明朝灭亡了。

来自东北的入侵部落军队征服了这个国家，建立了一个满族战士的王朝。

明朝最后一位皇帝崇祯谋杀了他的妃子，然后溜之大吉，在北京紫禁城附近的一棵树上上吊自杀。

一代又一代的文人把明朝的灭亡当作文化的天启来哀悼。

一些贵族蔑视满洲人。

他们奇怪的语言对于占主导地位的汉族来说是陌生的，他们的习俗被认为是粗俗的。

叛乱不时爆发，而且很有说服力的是，抵抗在南方持续的时间最长。

但被称为清朝的新王朝不仅采用了汉族的价值观和礼仪，还采用了现有的统治精英，从而赢得了人们的忠诚。

这个新政权的统治时间超过了两个半世纪。

 

In 1644, after a long decline, the Ming dynasty collapsed. Invading tribal armies from the northeast conquered the country and installed a dynasty of Manchu warriors. The last Ming emperor, Chongzhen, murdered his consorts, then slunk away to hang himself from a tree near the Forbidden City in Beijing. Generations of literati mourned the fall of the Ming as a cultural apocalypse. Some of the nobility scorned the Manchus. Their strange language was foreign to the dominant Han Chinese and their customs were thought vulgar. From time to time rebellions broke out and, tellingly, resistance lingered longest in the south. But the new dynasty, known as the Qing, won loyalty by adopting not just Han Chinese values and rituals, but the existing ruling elite. This new regime was to rule for more than two and a half centuries.

 

正是在清朝最辉煌的时期，英国国王乔治三世向乾隆皇帝的宫廷派出了使节。

(中国的皇帝都有自己的名字，因此乾隆出生在爱新觉罗-弘曆，1736年登基后采用了他的新名字，意思是 "完美的尊贵"。

）It was during the height of Qing magnificence that King George III of England sent envoys to the court of the emperor Qianlong. (Chinese emperors took regnal names, thus Qianlong was born Aisin Gioro Hongji and adopted his new name, which means ‘Perfect Eminence’, on acceding to the throne in 1736.)

在他漫长的统治期间，乾隆在开放和关闭王国的边界之间摇摆不定。

与野蛮人的关系由内务府、边务府和礼部来管理，以便更好地规定他们的服从程度。

在明朝，耶稣会传教士利玛窦于1601年被允许在北京的宫廷居住。

这些学者牧师将西方的数学、制图学和天文学原理翻译成中文，并将孔子的作品翻译成西方语言。

耶稣会士受到乾隆的祖父康熙皇帝的信任，于1689年起草了《尼布楚条约》的拉丁文本，该条约规定了中国和俄罗斯的边界和商业。

然而，信任在宫廷中是一种最短缺的商品。

 

Throughout his long reign Qianlong vacillated between opening and closing the borders of the realm. Relations with barbarians were regulated by the Imperial Household, the Office of Border Affairs and the Ministry of Rituals, the better to prescribe the degree of their submission. Under the Ming, the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci had been allowed to reside at the court in Beijing in 1601. The scholar-priests translated the principles of western mathematics, cartography and astronomy into Chinese and translated the works of Confucius into western languages. Jesuits were trusted by Qianlong’s grandfather, the emperor Kangxi, to draft the Latin text of the Treaty of Nerchinsk, regulating borders and commerce between China and Russia, in 1689. Trust, however, was a commodity in the shortest supply at court.

 

到了18世纪末，外国人正在向南方的清帝国的大门逼近。

为了击退他们，官员们紧紧抓住仪式和规则不放，但信念和效果却越来越差。

他们放弃了来访者是来进贡的假象，并承认他们可以在选定的港口与天朝进行贸易。

在其中一个港口，即广州，当地商人于1720年成立了一个行会，被外国人称为Cohong，以垄断与商人的联系，并控制价格、费用和敲诈。

既要向不可避免的事情低头，又要设法管理外国人并从他们身上获利，这种结合成为中国持久的政策。

 

By the late eighteenth century, foreigners were pushing at the doors of the Qing empire in the south. To repel them, officials clung to ritual and rules, with decreasing conviction or effect. They dropped the pretence that the visitors had come to offer tribute and conceded that they might trade with the celestial empire at selected ports. At one of these, Guangzhou, local merchants set up a guild, known to foreigners as the Cohong, in 1720 to monopolise contacts with the traders and to control prices, fees and rakeoffs. The combination of bowing to the inevitable while seeking to manage the foreigners and to profit from them became enduring Chinese policy.

 

1760年，一个气急败坏的皇帝下令，所有贸易必须限制在广州。

外国人只允许在贸易季节居住在那里，这个季节受季风影响，从十月到三月。

此外，他们只能与漕帮打交道，在发生纠纷时只能与漕帮成员沟通。

帝国官员仍然保持着冷漠的隐居状态，没有屈尊去见野蛮人，而且常常不屑于审查他们的请愿书。

对某些人来说，这是为了激发他们的敬畏之心，而对许多中国人来说，这显得很壮观。

在一个西方列强的军事、经济和外交实力不断增长的时代，这是极不明智的。

 

In 1760 an exasperated emperor ordered that all trade must be restricted to Guangzhou. The foreigners were permitted to reside there only in the trading season, which was governed by the monsoons and ran from October to March. Moreover, they could deal only with the Cohong and might communicate only with its members in the event of disputes. Imperial officials remained in aloof seclusion, did not condescend to meet the barbarians, and often disdained to examine their petitions. To a certain cast of mind this was meant to inspire awe and to many Chinese it appeared magnificent. In an age when the Western powers were growing in military, economic and diplomatic might it was extremely unwise.

 

在乾隆的长期统治下，在外国人看来，中华帝国似乎存在于一种政治和官僚的惰性状态。

事实上，中国的历史记录显示，由其哲学家官员组成的政府比人们认为的更加灵活和反应迅速。

但是，东印度公司的野心、荷兰海上贸易的压力、西班牙的残余势力、葡萄牙在澳门的坚定立足点以及来自新独立的美国的船只首次出现在中国南部海岸，都不允许守护者们躺着沉思。

 

During the long reign of Qianlong the Chinese empire appeared to foreigners to exist in a state of political and bureaucratic inertia. In fact, Chinese histories record that government by its philosopher-officials was more flexible and responsive than it has been given credit for. But the ambitions of the East India Company, the pressure of Dutch seaborne commerce, the residual power of Spain, the resolute Portuguese foothold at Macau and the first appearance of ships from the newly independent United States off the south China coast did not allow the guardians to recline and contemplate.

 

1792年，英王乔治三世的政府派遣其最能干的外交官之一马戛尔尼勋爵远航中国。

马戛尔尼是一位爱尔兰贵族，他曾在欧洲巡游，见过伏尔泰，出色地担任过俄国凯瑟琳大帝的特使，并完成了马德拉斯总督的任期，没有丑闻。

他的任务是撬开清帝国的大门，成为英国驻北京朝廷的第一位大使。

其目的是将贸易建立在一个可靠的基础上，并迫使中国加入当时正在形成的国际国家体系。

中国王室并不打算允许这些事情发生。

随后发生的错误喜剧被记录在马戛尔尼自己的日记和他的套房里其他人的叙述中，成为国内漫画家的一场盛宴。

 

In 1792 the British government of King George III dispatched one of its ablest diplomats, Lord Macartney, on the voyage to China. Macartney was an Irish nobleman who had toured Europe, met Voltaire, served with distinction as envoy to Catherine the Great of Russia and completed a term as governor of Madras without scandal. His mission was to prise open the gates of the Qing empire and to become Britain’s first ambassador to the court at Beijing. The aim was to put trade on a sure footing and to compel China to enter the international state system then coming into existence. The Chinese throne had no intention of permitting any of these things to take place. The comedy of errors that ensued was recorded in Macartney’s own journal and the accounts of others in his suite, becoming a feast for cartoonists back at home.

 

马戛尔尼受到了精致的礼遇，但当在场的官员意识到他们的客人并不打算行 "叩头礼"，即在皇帝面前跪下来九叩首的要求时，这种礼遇变成了惊恐。

通过运河向首都进发，他意识到装饰在船队上的旗帜宣称他是向皇室进贡的大使。

 

Macartney was greeted with exquisite courtesy, which turned to alarm as the mandarins in attendance realised that their guest did not intend to perform the ‘kowtow’, the requirement to fall to his knees before the emperor and to prostrate himself nine times. Travelling by canal towards the capital, his lordship became aware that the banners adorning the fleet of junks proclaimed him to be an ambassador bearing tribute to the throne.

 

皇帝在承德（当时被称为热河）的快乐穹顶上处理国家事务，远离北京的炎热和喧嚣。

他将在那里接待这些使者。

与此同时，英国人被带到了北京，在等待朝廷消息的同时，他们被安排住在宫殿里，并就确切的朝拜形式进行谈判。

马戛尔尼采用了一项对等原则，这一原则将永远困扰着中国和西方之间的接触，他坚持认为他对皇帝的尊重将与对他自己的君主的尊重相同。

谈判变得焦头烂额。

 

The emperor was at his pleasure dome at Chengde, known in those days as Jehol, pursuing affairs of state far from the heat and noise of Beijing. He would receive the emissaries there. Meanwhile the English party was conducted to Beijing and given palatial quarters while they awaited word from the court and negotiated over the precise form of obeisance that would take place. Macartney adopted a principle of reciprocity that would bedevil encounters between China and the West for ever after, maintaining that he would pay the same respect to the emperor as he would to his own monarch. The negotiations became fraught.

 

同时，来自乔治三世的礼物，包括水晶吊灯、德比郡瓷器、地球仪、时钟、气压计和太阳系的钟表模型，被安排在被称为圆明园的夏宫中，供乾隆回国后视察。

许多人前来观看，但有些人表示无动于衷；一位朝臣不厌其烦地强调，这些东西不是礼物，而是贡品。

 

Meanwhile presents from George III, including crystal chandeliers, Derbyshire porcelain, a globe, clocks, a barometer and an orrery, a clockwork model of the solar system, were arranged in the summer palace known as the Yuanming Yuan, the Gardens of Perfect Brightness, for Qianlong to inspect on his return. Many came to gape but some professed indifference; one courtier was at pains to emphasise that the items were not gifts, but tribute.

 

这段尴尬的外交插曲被一封来自承德的传票解决了，该传票宣布皇帝将亲切地接见马戛尔尼勋爵，而且为了表彰他的远道而来和带来的礼物，将放宽传统的礼仪。

这似乎是英国威信的一次胜利。

这也是对即将到来的误解和失望的预示。

 

The awkward diplomatic interlude was resolved by a summons from Chengde announcing that the emperor, in his graciousness, would receive Lord Macartney and that the customary protocol would be eased in recognition of the great distance he had travelled and the presents he had brought. It appeared to be a victory for British prestige. It was also a foretaste of misunderstandings and disappointments to come.

 

马戛尔尼和他的套房穿越了长城，于1793年9月中旬到达承德。

在约定的时间，官员们把他领到了自己的位置。

他穿上了他的天鹅绒浴袍，并系上了他的钻石装饰。

当皇帝坐着轿子走过时，马戛尔尼勋爵和所有在场的英国人一样，单膝跪地行礼，而中国人则匍匐在地上。

乾隆登上宝座，同行者跪在他面前，献上一个装有英王乔治三世来信的珠盒，作为回报，他收到了一根玉杖。

在随后的宴会上，八十三岁的皇帝询问了这位英国君主的年龄和健康状况。

大使越来越清楚地意识到，乾隆和他的大臣们都不太清楚英国的确切位置，或对其了解甚少。

然而，他们惊恐地听说了法国大革命的情况，并无意让诸如 "人的权利 "等有害的学说在这个天国扎根。

 

Macartney and his suite traversed the Great Wall and reached Chengde in mid-September 1793. At the appointed time, mandarins led him to his place. He had donned his velvet robes of the Order of the Bath and fastened his diamond decorations. As the emperor swept by in his palanquin, Lord Macartney fell on one knee and bowed, as did all the British present, while the Chinese prostrated themselves in the dust. Qianlong ascended the throne and the peer knelt before him to present a bejewelled box containing a letter from King George III, receiving in return a jade sceptre. At the banquet which followed, the emperor, who was eighty-three, enquired after the English sovereign’s age and health. It was becoming clear to the ambassador that neither Qianlong nor his ministers had a very clear idea of exactly where England was, or knew much about it. They had, however, heard with horror about the French Revolution and had no intention of allowing pernicious doctrines such as the Rights of Man to take root in the celestial kingdom.

 

当马戛尔尼在承德逗留时，他见到了皇室随从中最有影响力的成员，名叫和珅的主要大臣。

作为一个年轻的满族侍卫官，和珅引起了年迈的皇帝的注意。

他成了乾隆的宠儿，并通过勤奋、狡猾和魅力升到了高位和有利可图的地位。

如果马戛尔尼勋爵知道围绕和珅无与伦比的升迁的丑闻，他也没有对其进行评论，而是把他的对话者当作一个英俊而流利的人。

两人在皇家花园和公园里骑马，互相寒暄，以探究对方的真实意图，就像实践中的外交官那样。

马戛尔尼在他的日记中指出，和珅的怀疑是由于英国人对中国有无限的好奇心，但又对中国的历史非常了解。

这是一次预示着在未来几个世纪里，入侵的外国使节和警惕的中国官员之间的相遇。

 

While Macartney lingered at Chengde he met the most influential member of the imperial retinue, the principal minister named Heshen. As a young Manchu guards officer, Heshen had caught the ageing emperor’s eye. He became Qianlong’s favourite and had risen to high and lucrative rank through diligence, guile and charm. If Lord Macartney was aware of the scandalous rumours around Heshen’s unparalleled ascent, he did not dignify them with comment, recalling his interlocutor as a handsome and fluent man. The two went riding around the imperial gardens and parkland, exchanging pleasantries which served to probe each other’s true intentions, as practised diplomats do. In his journal, Macartney noted that Heshen’s suspicions were aroused by the fact that the English were both infinitely curious about China and yet well-informed about its history. It was an encounter which foreshadowed others in the centuries ahead between intrusive foreign envoys and wary Chinese office-holders.

 

在马戛尔尼使团结束时，满清宫廷和它的野蛮访客都保持着礼貌的外表。

大使多次与乾隆会面，皇帝同意检查摆放在圆明园宫殿里的礼物，有一段时间，马戛尔尼勋爵很想相信他可能被允许留在中国。

他很快就打消了这个念头。

他离开的日期已经确定，在回复英王乔治三世的信时，特使收到了乾隆的诏书，即使相隔两个多世纪，这封诏书仍然响彻着注定的辉煌。

 

Both the Manchu court and its barbarian visitors maintained a veneer of courtesy to the end of the Macartney mission. The ambassador met Qianlong several times, the emperor deigned to inspect the gifts laid out in the palace of the Gardens of Perfect Brightness and for a while Lord Macartney was tempted to believe he might be permitted to remain in China. He was soon disabused of the notion. A date was fixed for his departure and in reply to the letter from King George III, the envoy received an edict from Qianlong which even at a distance of more than two centuries resounds with doomed magnificence.

 

英国人要求中国放宽广州的贸易体系，为商业开放更多的港口，按照国际惯例确定关税，并允许一名大使居住在北京。

对乾隆和他的大臣们来说，这些要求是不可能的。

 

The British had asked China to liberalise the trading system at Guangzhou, to open up more ports for commerce, to fix tariffs in line with international practice and to allow an ambassador to reside at Beijing. For Qianlong and his ministers these were impossible demands.

 

在他的答复中，皇帝承认乔治三世提出的 "贡品"，但指出中国 "从不重视巧妙的物品"，而且 "对贵国的产品没有丝毫的需求"。

至于在北京派驻大使的要求，'除了不符合天朝的规定外'，这对'贵国没有好处'。

因此，'贡使'被命令回国，而他们的君主只被要求'按照我们的意愿行事，加强忠诚度，发誓永远服从，以确保贵国可以分享和平的祝福'。

 

In his response the emperor acknowledged the ‘tribute’ proffered by George III but pointed out that China had ‘never valued ingenious articles’ and did not ‘have the slightest need of your country’s manufactures’. As for the request to station an ambassador at Beijing, ‘apart from not being in harmony with the regulations of the Celestial Empire’ this would be ‘of no advantage to your country’. Therefore the ‘tribute envoys’ had been commanded to return home, while their monarch was enjoined simply to ‘act in conformity with our wishes by strengthening your loyalty and swearing perpetual obedience so as to ensure your country may share the blessings of peace’.

 

这份诏书是在几个月前马戛尔尼在渤海湾上岸之前制定的。

他的远征花费了东印度公司7.8万英镑，而东印度公司却一无所获，尽管这位贵族自己还赚了2万英镑的便宜。

这是一次失败。

 

The edict had been drawn up before Macartney’s disembarkation at the Gulf of Bohai months earlier. His expedition cost the East India Company £78,000, for which it got nothing, although the peer himself cleared a handy £20,000 profit. It was a failure.

 

在回家的路上，马戛尔尼写下了一套著名的印象，直到今天还影响着几代西方外交官。

他判断说："中华帝国是一艘古老而疯狂的一流战舰，幸运的是，一连串干练而警惕的军官设法让它在这一百五十年中保持漂浮，并且仅凭它的体积和外观就能让他们的邻居们感到震惊。

但是，如果由能力较差的统治者执政，它就会漂移，并在岸上被摔得粉碎。

他认为，历史是站在进步的一边，而清朝正在进行一种徒劳的尝试来阻止人类知识的进步。

对中国来说，对现代性的抵抗是徒劳的。

 

On his way home, Macartney wrote down a famous set of impressions which have influenced generations of Western diplomats until the present day. ‘The Empire of China is an old, crazy first-rate man-of-war, which a fortunate succession of able and vigilant officers has contrived to keep afloat for these one hundred and fifty years, and to overawe their neighbours merely by her bulk and appearance,’ he judged. But it would drift and be dashed to pieces on the shore when officered by less competent rulers. History was on the side of progress and the Qing, he believed, were conducting a vain attempt to arrest the progress of human knowledge. For China, resistance to modernity was futile.

 

1816年，英国政府派出了由阿默斯特勋爵领导的第二个使团，寻求达成贸易协定。

在英国特使拒绝向乾隆的继任者嘉庆皇帝磕头后，它也被击退了。

宁静而无动于衷，中国的国家之船继续航行。

但中国内外的情况正在迅速变化。

在新统治时期的第一批牺牲者中，精明的和珅虽然过于贪婪，但却被他的对手以腐败为由拉下马，并被慷慨地允许用垫子上的丝线勒死自己。

新皇帝夺取了和珅的宫殿、他的黄金宝藏和他的宝石库，通过无情地固定在礼仪和军规上来巩固自己的权威。

这样一来，王朝就把乾隆和他的主要大臣之间不正当但有效的统治伙伴关系换成了一个空洞的王冠，一个被大权在握的臣子所困扰、对建议充耳不闻的王冠。

对于中国来说，再没有比这更吉利的时机来退回到空洞的专制主义了。

 

In 1816 the British government dispatched a second embassy under Lord Amherst to seek a trade agreement. It, too, was repulsed after the British envoy declined to perform the kowtow to Qianlong’s successor, the emperor Jiaqing. Serene and impassive, the Chinese ship of state sailed on. But things were changing fast inside and outside China. Among the first casualties of the new reign was the astute if over-covetous Heshen, who was brought down by his rivals for corruption and was graciously permitted to strangle himself with a silken cord presented on a cushion. The new emperor seized Heshen’s palaces, his golden treasure and his cache of precious stones, fortifying his own authority by a relentless fixation on ceremonial and sumptuary rules. In this way the dynasty exchanged a perverse but effective ruling partnership between Qianlong and his principal minister for a hollow crown, one preoccupied by over-mighty vassals and deaf to counsel. There could not have been a less auspicious time for China to retreat into empty absolutism.

 

在中国的海岸之外，贸易和金融正在创造现代世界。

第一艘驶往广州的美国船只 "中国皇后号 "于1784年出发，满载银币和来自新英格兰森林的30吨人参根，第二年带着茶叶和丝绸返回纽约。

在接下来的几十年里，来自美国的商人带着中国人寻求的货物穿越太平洋：夏威夷的檀香木、阿拉斯加的毛皮以及在斐济晒干和包装的海蛞蝓。

马萨诸塞州的塞勒姆港因投资者财团资助的贸易而变得富有，这些投资者汇集了他们的资金来资助早期的中国航行。

一个人只要花100美元就可以参与其中；平均为4000美元。

在1819年的一次托运中，最大的投资者支付了100,000美元。

船上除了人参和其他商品外，还有一桶桶银色的西班牙元、生棉、铅和一桶桶的流银。

他们回来时带来了瓷器、茶叶、丝绸、漆器、玳瑁梳子和玩具。

妻子、孩子和朋友们详细要求代表他们在广州购买商品。

一个复杂的系统在塞勒姆发展起来，以经营业务：造船、码头工程、财务、会计和法律、船员、食宿和航海。

美国加入了太平洋贸易，并将永不回头。

 

Beyond China’s shores, trade and finance were making the modern world. The first American vessel to sail for Guangzhou, the Empress of China, left in 1784 laden with silver currency and thirty tons of ginseng root from the woods of New England, returning to New York the next year carrying teas and silks. In the following decades, traders from the United States crossed the Pacific with goods sought by the Chinese: sandalwood from Hawaii, furs from Alaska and bêche-de-mer, or sea slugs, which were dried and packed in Fiji. The port of Salem, Massachusetts, grew wealthy on trade funded by consortiums of investors who pooled their money to finance the early voyages to China. A man could get in on it for as little as $100; the average was $4,000. The biggest investor in one consignment of 1819 paid $100,000. The ships went out with barrels of silver Spanish dollars, raw cotton, pigs of lead and kegs of quicksilver in addition to ginseng and other commodities. They came back with porcelain, tea, silk, lacquer, tortoiseshell combs and toys. Wives, children and friends made detailed requests for goods to be bought on their behalf in Guangzhou. A sophisticated system evolved in Salem to run the business: shipbuilding, dock works, finance, accountancy and law, crewing, victualling and navigation. The United States was in the Pacific Trade and would never look back.

 

在世界的另一端，随着英国人扩大其属地，英国商人寻找机会和发展，英属印度和中国沿海的商业迅速增长。

拿破仑战争分散了伦敦政府的注意力，但在1815年后，英国在亚洲重新开始了前进的步伐。

滑铁卢战役后，法国不再是东方的一个重要对手。

葡萄牙人被削弱到了他们在澳门的立足点。

至于荷兰人，英国曾与他们进行过战争和殖民地交易，他们的黄金时代已经结束。

1824年的英荷条约使英国从印度到南中国海都处于主导地位，并将荷兰限制在东印度群岛。

一个名为新加坡的小贸易站，成立于1819年，由英国统治，标志着他们的势力范围之间的界限。

 

On the far side of the world, commerce between British India and the China coast grew rapidly as the British expanded their possessions and British merchants looked for opportunities and growth. The Napoleonic Wars distracted the attention of the government in London but after 1815 Britain’s forward march resumed in Asia. France ceased to be a serious rival in the east after Waterloo. The Portuguese were reduced to their foothold at Macau. As for the Dutch, with whom Britain had fought wars and traded colonial possessions, their Golden Age was over. The Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1824 made the British dominant from India to the South China Sea and confined the Dutch to the East Indies. A small trading post named Singapore, founded in 1819 and ruled by Britain, marked the boundary between their spheres of influence.

 

因此，在马戛尔尼勋爵上路后不到三十年，在中国统治者几乎不知道的情况下，世界另一端的一个小岛链已成为他们最强大的对手。

所有的欧洲海洋强国都向中国派遣了货船，但英国的海军力量、军事技能和财政资源使伦敦成为事件的仲裁者。

稳步增长的贸易量在珠江三角洲上下游流动。

中国出口的茶叶、丝绸和瓷器被运往欧洲的新消费者手中，欧洲大陆处于和平状态，正处于繁荣的边缘。

 

So, by a combination of developments which were all but unknown to the rulers of China, a small island chain on the far side of the world had become their most powerful adversary, less than three decades after Lord Macartney had been sent on his way. All the European maritime powers dispatched cargo ships to China, but British naval power, military skill and financial resources made London the arbiter of events. A steadily increasing volume of trade flowed up and down the Pearl River Delta. Chinese exports of tea, silk and porcelain were carried to the new consumers of Europe, a continent at peace and poised on the threshold of prosperity.

 

即使在它的高潮和辉煌时期，清朝自己的法令也在不知不觉中增加了英国的影响。

十九世纪头几十年，通过广州出口的中国商品价值是中国进口的两倍以上。

余额由外国人以银币支付。

起初，东印度公司不得不把银子一桶一桶地运到广州。

后来发现，广州的商人坐拥成堆的白银，因为中国政府禁止他们出口他们的现金利润。

所以他们把银子交给了东印度公司，东印度公司的金融专家们发行了可以在伦敦或加尔各答赎回的汇票。

该公司的买家随后用广州的白银为饥渴的英国市场购买茶叶货物，从而一举消除了运输货币的风险，并促进了伦敦作为全球金融中心的发展。

同时，在关税和费用方面交出的巨额资金为官员的腐败行为提供了丰富的机会，并为皇室库房带来了源源不断的收入。

这有助于清朝支付所需的军事开支，以压制中国各地的叛乱和混乱的浪潮。

这些钱让人上瘾。

王朝即使想停止商业也不可能。

 

Even in its high and palmy years the Qing dynasty’s own ordinances unwittingly increased British influence. The value of Chinese exports through Guangzhou in the first decades of the nineteenth century was more than double that of China’s imports. The balance was paid by the foreigners in silver currency. At first the East India Company had to ship silver to Guangzhou by the barrel. Then it turned out that merchants in Guangzhou were sitting on piles of silver because the Chinese government forbade them to export their cash profits. So they handed over their silver to the East India Company, whose financial wizards issued bills of exchange which could be redeemed in London or Calcutta. The company’s buyers then used the silver at Guangzhou to buy shipments of tea for the thirsty British market, thus at a stroke removing the risk of shipping specie and increasing the growth of London as a global centre of finance. At the same time, the immense sums of money handed over in duties and fees threw off rich opportunities for official venality and generated a stream of revenue for the imperial coffers. This helped the Qing pay for the military expenditure needed to hold down a tide of rebellions and disorder across China. The money was addictive. The dynasty could not have stopped commerce even if it had wanted to.

 

最终，这个系统屈服于四种致命的病症。

官员腐败的困扰成为中国政府运作的阻力。

1833年，伦敦的议会结束了东印度公司对贸易的垄断，开放了市场，创造了一个自由竞争的环境。

英中两国的垄断者--东印度公司和广州的漕运商人--从此面临着来自加尔各答和孟买成立的新公司的激烈竞争，这些公司提供较低的利率，并通过繁荣和萧条的不稳定周期投身于商品。

然而，最后的打击来自于被称为继蓝靛和棉花之后印度第三大出口作物的投资和贸易的不断增长，而且显然是不可阻挡的。

这就是鸦片。

 

Eventually this system succumbed to four fatal afflictions. The plague of official corruption became a drag on the functioning of Chinese government. In 1833, Parliament in London ended the East India Company’s monopoly on trade, throwing open the marketplace and creating a free-for-all. The Anglo-Chinese monopolists – the East India Company and the Cohong merchants of Guangzhou – henceforth faced intense competition from new houses founded in Calcutta and Bombay, which offered lower interest rates and plunged into commodities through destabilising cycles of boom and bust. The final blow, however, came through the ceaseless and apparently unstoppable growth of investment and trade in what has been called the third great Indian export crop after indigo and cotton. This was opium.

 

鸦片贸易和相关的中英战争在19世纪主导了中国和西方的关系，给中国人的心灵造成了至今仍未愈合的创伤。

对于马克思主义者和非意识形态的中国爱国者来说，它们仍然是帝国主义罪行的缩影。

对于经济史学家来说，它们提供了一本关于商业和国家权力之间相互作用的教科书，其背景是一个遥远的时代，当时国家之间的行为不受现代国际法的约束，大多数社会的组织方式在今天看来是不可接受的。

 

The trade in opium and the connected Anglo-Chinese wars dominated relations between China and the West in the nineteenth century and inflicted a wound on the Chinese psyche that has yet to heal. To Marxists and to non-ideological Chinese patriots alike, they remain the epitome of imperialist crime. For economic historians, they provide a textbook study of the interplay between commerce and state power, set in a distant time when nations behaved towards each other in ways unrestrained by the corpus of modern international law and when most societies were organised in ways that would be unacceptable today.

 

鸦片不是由英国人引入中国的。

自唐朝以来，中国一直在使用鸦片。

第一批生产鸦片的罂粟可能是随着阿拉伯人和土耳其商人来到中国的。

也许早在五世纪，这种药物的药性就被列入了中国药典，而且它的成瘾性也被人们所理解。

在大约一千年的时间里，人们把它作为一种药物未经加工地食用。

 

Opium was not introduced to China by the British. It had been used in the empire since the Tang dynasty. The first opium-yielding poppies may have come to China with Arabs and Turkish traders. The drug’s medicinal properties were listed in the Chinese pharmacopoeia perhaps as early as the fifth century, and its addictive character was understood. For around a millennium it was eaten unprocessed as a medicine.

 

但在十七世纪，福尔摩沙岛（即现代台湾）的使用者开始将其与烟草混合并吸食。

在此期间，荷兰和西班牙殖民者与中国军队争夺对台湾的控制权；与大陆的交往频繁，吸食鸦片的习惯也随之蔓延。

中国生产了少量的鸦片，但其大部分供应来自印度，一种名为马尔瓦的低级品种，由葡萄牙人通过澳门运出。

 

But in the seventeenth century users on the island of Formosa, modern Taiwan, began to mix it with tobacco and smoke it. During this period Dutch and Spanish colonisers vied with Chinese armies for control of Taiwan; there was frequent intercourse with the mainland and the opium-smoking habit spread. China produced a small quantity of opium but most of its supply came from India, a low-grade variety named Malwa that was shipped by the Portuguese through Macau.

 

1729年，清朝统治者禁止了鸦片的进口。

满洲官员们为鸦片对社会的不良影响而忧心忡忡，尽管这种毒品继续通过油腻的手掌流向中国。

1773年，东印度公司决定与葡萄牙人竞争，付钱给孟加拉的农民种植高质量的巴特那鸦片。

该公司知道其业务是非法的：1796年，它放弃了向中国直接出口。

相反，毒品在加尔各答的拍卖会上被卖给了私人商人。

鸦片箱仍然用公司的船只运送，但鸦片本身却由其他人兜售给中国人，这样做是为了保全面子。

1800年至1818年期间，贸易量稳定在4000箱左右，每箱重140磅。

 

In 1729 the Qing rulers banned the import of opium. Mandarins fretted over its bad effects on society, although the drug continued to flow into China through greased palms. In 1773, the East India Company decided to compete against the Portuguese by paying farmers in Bengal to grow high-quality Patna opium. The company knew that its business was illicit: in 1796 it abandoned direct exports to China. Instead the drug was sold to private merchants at auction in Calcutta. The chests were still shipped in company vessels but the opium itself was peddled to the Chinese by others, saving face all round. Between 1800 and 1818 the trade was stable at an estimated total of about 4,000 chests weighing 140 lb each.

 

然而，从1819年开始，由于英国和葡萄牙商人之间的激烈竞争，价格下降，鸦片贸易蓬勃发展。

王朝下令在广州进行镇压。

外国商人干脆把他们的违禁品库存转移到珠江三角洲的林丁岛附近的浮动船体上。

中国批发商购买鸦片，崎岖不平的唐卡河工用被称为 "快蟹 "的四十多条船将鸦片运到上游，帝国官员将贿赂收入囊中，而中国黑帮和三合会的秘密组织则在内陆分销毒品。

在1822年至1830年期间，交易量增长到每年约18,760例。

根据东印度公司的记录，1830年有400万英镑被运回英国。

其中大部分被转化为鸦片在广州销售，收入被投资于出口到英国的茶叶，英国政府在这方面又获得了330万英镑的关税。

对鸦片的投资、私人利润和政府的贸易收入成为英国在亚洲政策的核心要素。

 

From 1819, however, prices fell due to intense competition between British and Portuguese traders and the opium trade boomed. The dynasty ordered a crackdown in Guangzhou. The foreign traders simply moved their contraband stocks to floating hulks off Lintin Island in the Pearl River Delta. Chinese wholesalers bought the opium, rugged Tanka rivermen carried it upstream in forty-oared boats known as ‘fast crabs’, imperial functionaries pocketed bribes, and Chinese gangsters and Triad secret societies distributed the drug inland. Between 1822 and 1830 the trade grew to an estimated 18,760 cases a year. The East India Company recorded that £4 million was sent back to England in 1830. Most of it was converted into opium to be sold in Guangzhou, the revenues being invested in teas for export to England, on which the British government reaped a further £3.3 million in tariffs. Investment in opium, private profits and government revenues from the trade became a central element of British policy in Asia.

 

中国发现其国际收支出现了逆转。

在19世纪的头几十年里，它曾获得过盈余，但在1820年之后，它变成了赤字。

历史学家弗雷德里克-瓦克曼（Frederic Wakeman）在20世纪70年代写道，正是鸦片改变了平衡，并最终为后来的印度殖民化提供了资金。

这种商业逻辑如此引人注目，以至于东印度公司在1831年接管了通过加尔各答运输的葡萄牙马尔瓦鸦片；五年后，进口到中国的鸦片价值为1800万银元。

在数量上，1835年贸易量激增到3万箱，1838年达到4万箱。

瓦克曼写道，这是 "十九世纪世界上最有价值的单一商品贸易"。

 

China found its balance of payments going into reverse. In the first decades of the nineteenth century it had earned a surplus, but after 1820 it went into deficit. The historian Frederic Wakeman, writing in the 1970s, concluded that it was opium which shifted the balance and ended up financing much of the later colonisation of India. So compelling was the commercial logic that the East India Company took over shipments of Portuguese Malwa opium through Calcutta in 1831; five years later, opium imports into China were valued at 18 million silver dollars. In volume, the trade surged to 30,000 cases in 1835 and 40,000 in 1838. This was, Wakeman wrote, ‘the world’s most valuable single commodity trade of the nineteenth century.’

 

在中国国内，毒瘾的增长--以及鲜为人知的银币外流的影响--引起了人们的困惑和苦恼。

道光皇帝对毒品对道德的影响表示遗憾，并敦促官员们彰显美德，但轻松致富的诱惑已经腐蚀了他的政府。

市场力量的巨大波动开始扰乱清朝社会的秩序。

农民用铜钱赚取他们微薄的收入，但他们的土地税是用白银计算并汇给政府的。

到1838年，购买一两银子所需的铜币数量从1000枚上升到1650枚；到1842年，上升到2000多枚。

(银锭的重量因地区而异，但通常约为37克或1.3盎司）。

实际税率翻了一番，毁了许多人。

中国长江以南人口最多、税负最重的地区变得动荡不安。

贫困、不和谐和农村叛乱成倍增加。

在共产党的历史观中，苦难催生了毒瘾，而两者都被外国的毒药所助长。

十九世纪中期，中国约有4.5亿人；关于有多少人使用鸦片，几乎没有可靠的估计，但他们的人数增长很快。

耶鲁大学的乔纳森-斯彭斯教授的一项研究计算出，到19世纪80年代，吸烟者的人数可能已经达到人口的10%。

 

Inside China, the growth of addiction – and the little-understood effects of the outflow of silver currency – caused perplexity and anguish. The emperor Daoguang deplored the drug’s impact on morality and urged the mandarinate to manifest virtue, but the lure of easy riches had corroded his administration. Huge swings in market forces began to disrupt the order of Qing society. Peasants earned their pittance in copper cash, but their land taxes were calculated and remitted to the government in silver. By 1838 the number of copper coins needed to buy one silver tael had risen from 1,000 to 1,650; by 1842 it had risen to more than 2,000. (The tael, an ingot of silver, varied in weight by region, but was usually about 37 grams or 1.3 ounces.) The real rate of taxation doubled, ruining many. The most populous and heavily taxed regions of China south of the Yangtze became turbulent. Poverty, discord and rural rebellions multiplied. In the Communist Party’s historical view, misery begat addiction and both were fuelled by foreign poison. In the mid-nineteenth century there were about 450 million people in China; few reliable estimates exist of how many used opium but their number grew fast. A study by Professor Jonathan Spence of Yale University calculated that by the 1880s the number of smokers may have reached 10 per cent of the population.

 

作为回应，道光发起了一场 "合法主义者 "和 "道德主义者 "之间的辩论，以确定政府如何能够管理这一危机。

法家 "认为，禁烟是徒劳的，执行禁烟只会导致腐败，对王朝来说，允许和规范鸦片消费，从而从中赚取收入会更好。

道德家 "认为，遵守法律是儒家秩序的基础，中国可以通过遵守法律来加强王权，实现道德的重生。

 

In response, Daoguang initiated a debate between ‘legalisers’ and ‘moralists’ to determine how the government could manage the crisis. The ‘legalisers’ argued that prohibition was futile, enforcement merely led to corruption and it would be better for the dynasty to permit and regulate opium consumption, thereby earning revenues from it. The ‘moralists’ held that obedience to the law was the foundation of the Confucian order and that China might strengthen the throne and achieve moral rebirth by adhering to it.

 

皇帝自己的本能在于紧缩和控制。

也许他不知道，南方的官员向他发送了关于自然灾害的虚假报告，以确保税收减免，而不是承认或解释小土地所有者因白银通货膨胀和财政负担而陷入的绝望境地。

这不会是北京的统治者最后一次对他们遥远的省份消息不灵通。

在任何情况下，皇帝都被复杂的问题困扰着。

对他来说，"洋泥 "是一种诅咒，但要消除它并不简单。

 

The emperor’s own instincts lay with austerity and control. Perhaps he did not know that officials in the south sent him false reports of natural disasters in order to secure tax remissions rather than admit or explain the desperate straits to which small landowners were reduced by silver inflation and their fiscal burden. It would not be the last time that rulers in Beijing were badly informed about their distant provinces. In any case, the emperor was vexed by complications. It was plain to him that ‘foreign mud’ was a curse, but it was not simple to eradicate it.

 

经济学上没有定论，考虑到19世纪中国的数据标准，可以原谅其统治者的糊涂。

然而，帝国主义的批评者在鸦片贸易中看到了一个典型的剥削例子。

马克思在19世纪50年代认为，西方列强依赖毒品贸易来抵消其从中国的进口，并沉迷于其收入以满足自己的支出。

因此，从中国流出的大量银币正在消耗中国的经济，并推高了国内的银两价格，造成了中国农村的苦难，同时也缓冲了欧洲的贵族们。

 

The economics were inconclusive and, given the standards of data available in nineteenth-century China, its rulers can be forgiven for being fuddled. Critics of imperialism, however, saw in the opium trade a classic example of exploitation. Marx argued in the 1850s that the Western powers depended on the drug traffic to offset their imports from China and were addicted to its revenues for their own expenditure. It followed that the huge outflow of silver currency from China was draining its economy and pushing up the domestic price of the silver tael, causing rural misery in China while cushioning the rentiers of Europe.

 

事实并非如此简单。

中国的银价也受到世界性的金属短缺的影响。

在帝国内部，清朝官员为了应对云南省铜矿的产量下降，通过铸造更便宜的硬币使铜币贬值，白银的价值飙升。

这相当于贬值，并导致铜钱的流通量激增。

格雷沙姆法则，即 "劣币驱逐良币"，开始发挥作用，白银变得如此抢手，以至于越来越少。

最后一个复杂的问题是，对白银流动的计算被扭曲了，因为有些白银从未实际离开过中国，因为在广州的西方鸦片和茶叶经纪人通过在伦敦交换的票据结算。

 

It was not as simple as that. The silver price in China was also affected by a worldwide shortage of the metal. Within the empire, silver soared in value after Qing officials debased the copper currency by minting cheaper coins in response to falling production at the copper mines in Yunnan province. This amounted to devaluation and to a surge in the circulation of copper cash. Gresham’s law, which states that ‘bad money drives out good,’ came into operation and silver became so sought-after that it grew scarce. A final complication was that calculations of the flow of silver were distorted by the fact that some of it never physically left China because western brokers in opium and tea at Guangzhou settled their accounts by bills exchanged in London.

 

权衡辩论双方的论点后，道光决定支持道德家。

抛开复杂的问题，皇帝认为麻醉品不仅会腐蚀他的臣民，而且还会带来无法控制的金融波动和侮辱性的野蛮人对天朝帝国的侵占，他认为这肯定能被击退。

 

Weighing the arguments on both sides of the debate, Daoguang decided to back the moralists. Sweeping aside complexity, the emperor saw a narcotic not only corrupting his subjects but also introducing uncontrollable financial volatility and insulting barbarian encroachment on the celestial empire, which, he believed, could certainly be repulsed.

 

1834年，中国和英国几乎发生了冲突，当时被任命为中国贸易第一任监督的纳皮尔勋爵试图打破先例，在给广州总督的正式信函中宣布自己的身份，而不是遵守禁止中国官员与外国人直接接触的规定。

总督命令纳皮尔离开，当他拒绝时，派出一支军舰舰队，阻止皇家海军前来援助他。

贸易停止了。

纳皮尔被疟疾击垮了，商人们担心他们的生意会受到影响，于是他撤退到澳门，在那里去世。

 

China and Britain almost came to blows in 1834, when Lord Napier, appointed as the first superintendent of the China trade, tried to break with precedent by announcing himself in a formal letter to the governor of Guangzhou instead of abiding by the regulations, which forbade direct contact between Chinese officials and foreigners. The governor ordered Napier to leave and, when he refused, sent a fleet of war junks to block the Royal Navy from coming to his aid. Trade halted. Broken by malaria and let down by the merchants, who feared for their businesses, Napier retreated to Macau, where he died.

 

中国人和英国人从纳皮尔的惨败中得出了截然相反的结论。

在北京，皇帝读了他的官员所写的赞叹的奏折，觉得可以轻松地把野蛮人作为人质，迫使他们服从。

在伦敦，政府意识到，在没有足够的兵力进行战争的情况下挑战清朝是草率的。

继续进行贸易符合双方的利益，但这种悲剧性的误解意味着平静期只是休战。

 

The Chinese and the British drew diametrically opposed conclusions from the Napier fiasco. In Beijing, the emperor read the exultant memorials from his officials and felt the barbarians could be held hostage with ease to compel their obedience. In London, the government realised it was rash to challenge the Qing dynasty without having sufficient force at its disposal to fight a war. It was in the interests of both sides for trade to continue, but this tragicomic misunderstanding meant that the period of calm was only a truce.

 

英国和中国并没有宣战。

他们渐渐地进入了战争。

1838年，道光任命了林则徐，一位严厉的学者和行政官员，他是一位清正廉洁的人，在广州消灭了鸦片贸易。

今天，林则徐是一位民族英雄，南方各城市都有纪念他的雕像，雕像中的林则徐总是身着官袍，显得严肃而庄重。

林则徐以一份以儒家哲学为基础的奏折赢得了皇帝的青睐，他主张在打击毒品贩子的同时，开明地对待吸毒者，少用死刑。

然而，他的努力的结果是中国的一场灾难。

 

Britain and China did not declare war. They drifted into it. In 1838, Daoguang appointed Lin Zexu, a stern scholar-administrator of incorruptible rectitude, to exterminate the opium trade in Guangzhou. Today Lin is a national hero, memorialised in statues, in which he invariably looks severe and dignified in his robes of office, in the cities of the south. Lin won the emperor over with a memorial grounded in Confucian philosophy, arguing for a campaign against traffickers that would be tempered by the enlightened treatment of addicts and the sparing use of executions. The outcome of his efforts, however, was a disaster for China.

 

林则徐作为钦差大臣抵达广州后，节奏加快了。

他命令地方官员和乡绅对走私者和经销商采取行动，依靠传统的监视和心理胁迫方法，劝说吸烟者自己戒烟。

整个地区开始了调查、逮捕和收缴鸦片的工作。

林则徐用风格化的宫廷语言给维多利亚女王写了一封建议信，告诉她皇帝正 "大发雷霆"，并对野蛮人来到中国销售一种 "有毒的药物 "表示遗憾，他听说这种药物 "是贵国非常严格禁止的。

这是一个错误。

事实上，在维多利亚时代的英国，鸦片并没有被禁止，它是 "当时的阿司匹林和苯二氮卓"，各阶层都以药丸的形式服用，并以鸦片酊（一种掺有酒精的酊剂）的形式服用液体。

它的文学追随者包括诗人塞缪尔-泰勒-柯勒律治，他在恍惚中写下了关于忽必烈汗的著名诗句，还有玛丽-雪莱笔下的维克多-弗兰肯斯坦，他用鸦片酊来麻醉自己的睡眠。

英中两国的不理解再一次是相互的、完全的。

 

Upon Lin’s arrival in Guangzhou as imperial commissioner the tempo quickened. He ordered local officials and the gentry to act against smugglers and dealers, relying on traditional methods of surveillance and psychological coercion to persuade the smokers themselves to abstain. Investigations, arrests and seizures of opium began across the region. Lin wrote a Letter of Advice to Queen Victoria in stylised court language, informing her that the emperor was ‘in a towering rage’ and deploring the arrival of barbarians selling a ‘poisonous drug’ in China which – he had heard – ‘is very strictly forbidden by your country’. This was an error. In fact opium was not prohibited in Victorian England, where it was ‘the aspirin and benzodiazepine of its day’, consumed by all classes as pills and taken as a liquid in the form of laudanum, a tincture laced with alcohol. Its literary adherents included the poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who wrote his celebrated verses on Kublai Khan in a trance, and Mary Shelley’s character Victor Frankenstein, who used laudanum to numb himself asleep. Once again, Anglo-Chinese incomprehension was mutual and complete.

 

林则徐告诉广州的中国商人，这些外国人必须无偿交出他们的鸦片库存，并签署保证书，承诺不再从事毒品交易。

这些商人同意交出象征性的1056箱。

林专员不以为然，扣押了两名中国人质，并下令逮捕第二大外国公司的负责人和英国商会主席兰斯洛特-丹特（Lancelot Dent）。

数以千计的中国军队包围了河边的飞地，外国人在那里居住并拥有他们的 "工厂"，这些大院里有住宿、办公室和被称为货仓的仓库。

警报被发送给在澳门的英国贸易监督员查尔斯-埃利奥特（Charles Elliott）上尉。

 

Lin told the Chinese merchants in Guangzhou that the foreigners must hand over their opium stocks without compensation and sign bonds promising never to deal in the drug again. The traders agreed to surrender a token quantity of 1,056 chests. Unconvinced, Commissioner Lin seized two Chinese hostages and ordered the arrest of Lancelot Dent, head of the second largest foreign firm and president of the British Chamber of Commerce. Thousands of Chinese troops surrounded the riverside enclave where the foreigners lived and had their ‘factories’, compounds which housed accommodation, offices and warehouses known as godowns. The alarm was sent to Captain Charles Elliott, the British superintendent of trade, who was at Macau.

 

埃利奥特是一名前海军军官，由外交大臣帕默斯顿勋爵任命，他希望对中国采取更有力的政策。

帕麦斯顿是辉格党的成员，这个政党将改革的热情和对国内议会至高无上的信念与对自由贸易和英国海外权力扩张的奉献相结合。

主要的鸦片商人、合伙人威廉-雅尔丁（William Jardine）和詹姆斯-马西森（James Matheson）都听他的。

帕麦斯顿对公众在维护英国威信方面对其部长的期望有着敏锐的感觉。

他也明白，对中国人来说，"礼节是朝贡制度的精髓"，并禁止艾略特屈从于它。

 

Elliott, a former naval officer, had been appointed by Lord Palmerston, the foreign secretary, who wanted to pursue a more robust policy towards China. Palmerston was a member of the Whigs, a political party which combined reforming zeal and a belief in the supremacy of Parliament at home with dedication to free trade and the expansion of British power abroad. The principal opium merchants, partners William Jardine and James Matheson, had his ear. Palmerston had an acute sense of what the public expected of its ministers in upholding British prestige. He also understood that to the Chinese, ‘protocol was the essence of the tribute system’, and forbade Elliott to submit to it.

 

帕麦斯顿并不是唯一持这种观点的人。

在这个帝国扩张的时代，维多利亚女王的臣民受到一个外国势力的任意起诉是不可想象的。

一个英国人可以期望得到本国政府的保护，无论他是否是像丹特那样的鸦片商人，没有一个大臣会同意英国人必须签署债券，承认中国皇帝的管辖权，并在违反这些债券时接受审判和斩首。

这一原则被称为 "治外法权"，它一直困扰着外国列强和中国之间的关系，直到1949年的共产主义革命结束了它。

对帕麦斯顿来说，就像对艾略特一样，这是一个为战争创造条件的原则。

第一次，中国人面对的是英国王室的代表，而不是东印度公司的雇员。

如果说林专员没有注意到这种区别，那么埃利奥特则很清楚。

他没有绝对的权力，但他有权要求他的旧部，即皇家海军，以及驻扎在印度的英国军队。

 

Palmerston was not alone in his view. During this time of imperial expansion, it was unthinkable that the subjects of Queen Victoria should be subject to arbitrary prosecution by a foreign power. An Englishman could expect the protection of his own government, whether or not he was an opium trader like Dent, and no minister could agree that Englishmen must sign bonds acknowledging the jurisdiction of the emperor of China and submitting to trial and decapitation if they broke those bonds. The principle became known as ‘extraterritoriality’, and it was to vex relations between foreign powers and China until the Communist Revolution of 1949 put an end to it. For Palmerston, as for Elliott, it was a principle which created the conditions for war. For the first time, the Chinese were dealing with a representative of the British crown, not an employee of the East India Company. If that distinction was lost on Commissioner Lin, it was clear to Elliott. He did not have absolute powers but he had authority to call on his old service, the Royal Navy, and on British forces stationed in India.

 

埃利奥特到达广州后，发现自己和他的同胞们被封锁了。

面对与纳皮尔勋爵一样的困境，他投降了。

商人们同意交出20,000箱鸦片，几乎所有的人都被允许离开，前往澳门。

在帕麦斯顿勋爵的愤怒下，埃利奥特承诺英国政府将对他们的损失进行赔偿。

愤世嫉俗的人指出，由于林专员的运动，商人们被困在过剩的鸦片中，他们一定很感激政府的慷慨，并膨胀了他们的库存。

但这是英国人的问题。

林专员给王室写了一份胜利的奏折。

他监督数百名工人销毁了近300万磅的生鸦片，他们在战壕里将鸦片与水、盐和石灰混合，然后将其冲入河中，流向大海，同时专员向南洋的精神祈祷，保佑他的净化之举。

 

Elliott arrived in Guangzhou to find himself blockaded with his compatriots. Facing the same dilemma as Lord Napier, he capitulated. The traders agreed to hand over 20,000 chests of opium and almost all were allowed to leave for Macau. To the rage of Lord Palmerston, Elliott undertook that the British government would compensate them for the loss. Cynics noted that the traders, stuck with a surplus of opium due to Commissioner Lin’s campaign, must have gratefully received the government’s generosity and had inflated their stocks. But that was a British problem. Commissioner Lin wrote a triumphant memorial to the throne. He supervised the destruction of almost three million pounds of raw opium by hundreds of labourers, who mixed it with water, salt and lime in trenches, then flushed it into the river and out to the ocean while the commissioner prayed to the spirit of the Southern Seas to bless his purifying deed.

 

在将英国人赶出广州后，林则徐发现美国商人愿意签署他的债券，并作为中间人参与茶叶和丝绸的合法贸易，从中获利。

专员服从于意外后果法则，将他的猎物追到了澳门，打算永远铲除英国人的无耻行为。

在一个名叫林维熙的中国农民在与英国水手的争吵中被杀后，林的决心更加坚定。

艾略特在支付赔偿的同时，拒绝将任何人移交给帝国司法。

这又是 "治外法权 "的原则。

林则徐命令军舰封锁葡萄牙飞地，而他的士兵在飞地边缘集结。

葡萄牙人的士气迅速崩溃，英国人被告知要离开。

1839年8月24日，艾略特船长和他的同伴们登上他们的船，驶过海湾，在香港南岸最好的深水湾附近停泊，即 "香港"。

 

Having expelled the British from Guangzhou, Lin found that American merchants were willing to sign his bonds and step profitably into the breach as middlemen in the legal trade in tea and silks. Obedient to the law of unintended consequences, the commissioner pursued his quarry to Macau, intent on stamping out British impudence for good. Lin’s resolve hardened after a Chinese farmer named Lin Weixi was killed in a brawl with British sailors. Elliott, while paying compensation, refused to hand anyone over to imperial justice. It was the principle of ‘extraterritoriality’ again. Lin ordered war junks to blockade the Portuguese enclave while his soldiers mustered on its fringes. Portuguese morale crumbled swiftly and the British were told to leave. On 24 August 1839, Captain Elliott and his companions boarded their ships and sailed across the gulf to anchor near the best deep-water bay on the southern coast at Hong Kong, the ‘fragrant harbour’.

 

在伦敦，威廉-雅尔丁怒气冲冲地回来了，政府对炮舰外交充满信心。

在怡和及其同僚的建议下，帕默斯顿勋爵为中国拟定了一份可怕的要求清单。

英国准备了一支由艾略特船长的表弟乔治-艾略特上将指挥的舰队，包括16艘战舰、4艘装甲蒸汽船和运兵船。

他们携带了一支4000人的军队，配备了火炮和速射炮。

 

In London, where William Jardine had returned in wrath, the government put its faith in gunboat diplomacy. Advised by Jardine and his fellow lobbyists, Lord Palmerston drew up a list of formidable demands for China. Britain prepared a fleet commanded by Captain Elliott’s cousin, Admiral George Elliott, of sixteen warships, four armoured steamers and troop transports. They carried an army of 4,000 equipped with artillery and rapid-firing guns.

 

1840年4月7日，托马斯-巴宾顿-麦考利在下议院为辉格党内阁辩论时说，中国沿海的英国人 "属于一个不习惯于失败、屈服或羞耻的国家；属于一个为她的孩子所遭受的错误进行赔偿的国家，使所有听到它的人的耳朵都感到刺痛。

作为回应，年轻的威廉-格莱斯顿（William Gladstone），当时的保守党人，说出了至今在中国广为流传的话。

他说："一场起源更不公正的战争，一场更想让这个国家永远蒙羞的战争，我不知道，也没有读到过，"他还说，英国国旗在中国沿海升起，"是为了保护一种可耻的违禁品交易"。

 

Speaking in the House of Commons for the Whig cabinet in the debate of 7 April 1840, Thomas Babington Macaulay said Britons on the China coast ‘belonged to a country unaccustomed to defeat, to submission or to shame; to a country which has exacted such reparation for the wrongs to her children as has made the ears of all who heard it to tingle’. In response, the young William Gladstone, at that time a Tory, uttered words which are known in China to this day. ‘A war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated to cover this country in permanent disgrace, I do not know and I have not read of,’ he said, adding that the British flag was hoisted on the coast of China ‘to protect an infamous contraband traffic’.

 

当战争来临的时候，它是漫长的，但却是决定性的。

在1840年和1842年之间，英国赢得了一系列的胜利。

舰队强行进入珠江，轰炸了广州，并对该城市进行了封锁。

英国船只向北航行，威胁到宁波港附近的舟山群岛。

威尔斯利号战舰的炮击使舟山居民仓皇而逃。

英国士兵登陆并升起他们的旗帜。

一位早期的英国游客，乔治-斯汤顿爵士，将舟山港口的魅力与威尼斯的魅力相提并论。

谁拥有了这个小群岛，谁就掌握了通往长江的通道，这是中国最强大的河流。

 

The war, when it came, was drawn-out but decisive. Between 1840 and 1842 the British won a series of victories. The fleet forced its way up the Pearl River, bombarded Guangzhou and imposed a blockade of the city. British ships sailed north to threaten the Zhoushan islands, off the port of Ningbo. A broadside from HMS Wellesley put the inhabitants of Zhoushan to flight. British soldiers landed and raised their flag. An early British visitor, Sir George Staunton, had compared the charms of Zhoushan’s harbour to those of Venice. Whoever possessed the small archipelago commanded the approaches to the Yangtze, the mightiest river in China.

 

起初，英国的侵略行为在皇帝的大议会上引起了震惊。

当舰队继续向北驶向守卫海河的堡垒时，这变成了恐惧，海河是通往北京的水路。

道光做了中国统治者在面临失败时经常做的事情：他当场更换了官员。

曾为自己能使野蛮人屈服而自豪的林专员被解职，并被流放到与俄罗斯接壤的寒带边境地区。

 

At first the British aggression created shock at the emperor’s Grand Council. This turned to fear as the fleet sailed on northwards to the forts guarding the Hai River, the water route to Beijing itself. Daoguang did what Chinese rulers have often done when facing failure: he replaced the official on the spot. Commissioner Lin, who had prided himself on aweing the barbarians into submission, was dismissed and exiled to the wintry borderlands with Russia.

 

一位富有而老练的满族总督琦善接任。

他开始与查尔斯-艾略特谈判。

英国军舰再次向南航行，而特使们则进行了会谈。

英国要求割让香港，支付巨额赔偿金，与王室直接接触，并按英国的条件进行贸易：总之，这是一份迫使旧中国开放并粉碎其价值体系的宣言。

尽管祁山的政治能力很强，但他发现自己所处的困境将在未来几个世纪里被中国与西方的谈判者所复制。

面对一个强大的对手，宫廷里的保守派攻击他，他的皇帝怀疑他是一个绥靖者，他计算错误了。

琦善意识到移交中国领土是最坏的结果，并认为英国人可能会用香港换取更多的钱和新的港口。

但时间并不在他这边；英国人恢复了军事行动，而来自北京的指示需要数周时间才能到达。

1841年1月20日，两位特使达成了《川比公约》，该公约承认了英国的要求，并确定了600万银元的赔偿金。

六天后，艾略特宣布英国对香港拥有主权，尽管他没有权力这样做。

作为回报，英国将交出舟山。

 

A rich and sophisticated Manchu governor, Qishan, took over. He began negotiations with Charles Elliott. The English warships sailed south again while the envoys talked. Britain was demanding the cession of Hong Kong, a huge indemnity, direct contact with the throne and trade on British terms: in short, a manifesto to force open the old China and shatter its value system. For all his political skills, Qishan found himself in a plight that would be replicated in centuries to come by Chinese negotiators with the West. Confronted by a powerful opponent, assailed by conservatives at court, suspected by his emperor of being an appeaser, he miscalculated. Qishan appreciated that the handover of Chinese territory was the worst outcome and felt the English might trade Hong Kong for more money and new ports. But time was not on his side; the British resumed military action and instructions from Beijing took weeks to arrive. On 20 January 1841 the two envoys agreed the Convention of Chuanbi, which conceded the British demands and fixed an indemnity of 6 million silver dollars. Six days later Elliott proclaimed British sovereignty over Hong Kong, although he had no authority to do so. In return, Britain was to hand back Zhoushan.

 

很少有协议能被其委托人如此迅速地、一致地否定。

皇帝大吃一惊，罢免了琦善，并下令将其处死，后来减为没收其财产。

他带着镣铐离开了广州。

伦敦的愤怒，尽管在后果上没有那么严厉，但却因为惊讶而变得更加复杂。

帕麦斯顿勋爵不明白为什么艾略特用舟山换取香港这个 "不毛之地"。

22岁的维多利亚女王称埃利奥特的行为 "莫名其妙"，并说他 "完全不服从他的指示，试图获得他能得到的最低条件"。

就他而言，艾略特是第一个但不是最后一个面临类似指控的英国对华谈判代表。

 

Few agreements have been so swiftly and unanimously disowned by their principals. The emperor, aghast, dismissed Qishan and ordered his execution, a sentence later commuted to the confiscation of his wealth. He left Guangzhou in chains. The ire in London, though less draconian in its consequences, was compounded by surprise. Lord Palmerston could not understand why Elliott had traded Zhoushan for the ‘barren island’ of Hong Kong. The twenty-two-year-old Queen Victoria called Elliott’s conduct ‘unaccountably strange’ and said he ‘completely disobeyed his instructions and tried to get the lowest terms he could’. For his part, Elliott was the first but not the last British negotiator with China to face similar accusations.

 

一个新的特使，英爱两国的军人和外交官亨利-波廷格爵士被任命，英国再次与中国开战。

1841年8月，波廷格带着新的主动精神从印度赶来。

他拒绝与中国的一个小特使交往，坚定了商人的信心，视察了香港的新建筑工程，召集士兵并命令海军指挥官做好准备，不顾两次严重的台风。

他的两栖作战是大胆而迅速的。

英国人占领了厦门和宁波，重新占领了舟山岛，并在1842年5月发动攻势，切断了中国的内河航道，旨在迫使中国迅速投降。

 

A new envoy, the Anglo-Irish soldier and diplomat Sir Henry Pottinger, was appointed and Britain went to war with China again. Pottinger arrived from India in August 1841 with a new spirit of initiative. He refused to treat with a minor Chinese envoy, stiffened the backbone of the merchants, inspected the new building works at Hong Kong, rallied his soldiers and ordered the naval commanders to make ready, disdaining two severe typhoons. His amphibious campaign was daring and swift. The British captured Xiamen and Ningbo, retook the island of Zhoushan and launched an offensive in May 1842 to cut China’s inland waterways, aiming to force a rapid surrender.

 

这场战争令人震惊，并带来了心理上的转变。

在宁波，英国海军的炮火摧毁了其附近的堡垒后，大门被打开了。

波廷格命令他的手下 "清除、运走或毁坏公共财产（其中包括属于皇帝或其官员的任何东西）......以及当局的官邸、粮仓、木材场、军舰和船只。

我将把破坏任何公共建筑的工作做到极致......烧掉其中可能不值钱的、或太重或太累赘的任何家具或其他物品，以便搬走。

他说，这是对虐待英国人的一种报复行为，将成为 "对其他地方的一个例子和警告"。

波廷格听说一艘沉船的幸存者，包括船主的遗孀和两个男孩，被戴上手铐，装进竹笼，在 "聚集在一起的野蛮人的叫嚣和嚎叫声 "中被带到宁波游行，他感到非常愤怒。

 

The war was shocking and psychologically transformative. At Ningbo, the gates were opened after British naval guns destroyed its nearby fortress. Pottinger ordered his men to ‘remove, carry away or destroy public property (in which I include whatever belonged to the Emperor or his officers) … and the official residences of the authorities, the granaries, timber yards, war junks and boats. I would carry this work of destruction of whatever buildings may be public to the extremest point … burning any furniture or other articles found in them that may not be worth, or be too heavy, or cumbersome, for removal.’ It was, he said, an act of retribution for the ill-treatment of Britons that would serve as ‘an example and warning to other places’. Pottinger had been outraged to hear that survivors of a shipwreck, including the master’s widow and two boys, had been manacled, put into bamboo cages and paraded to Ningbo amid ‘the hootings and howlings of the assembled savages’.

 

中国人浪费了他们在宁波的反击战，他们从四川省派来了仅有长刀的部落民兵，冲进了英国人的榴弹炮和地雷，而惊慌失措的新兵们则堆在他们后面，成百上千地被砍倒，直到血流成河。

这场屠杀甚至使那些人感到厌恶。

这样的场面在沿海地区的战场上不断上演。

 

The Chinese squandered their counter-attack at Ningbo by sending tribal levies from Sichuan province, armed only with long knives, to charge into the teeth of British grapeshot and land mines, while panicky raw recruits piled in behind them and were cut down in hundreds until blood ran in the streets. The slaughter repelled even those inflicting it. Such scenes were repeated on battlefields along the coast.

 

残酷是战争的货币，但英国人发现，在中国他们发现了对它的改进，这开始使波廷格和他的指挥官们的心变硬。

一名英国士兵的尸体被发现用自己的剃刀割掉了耳朵和鼻子，并挖掉了眼睛，这促使一名军官对肇事者进行反思，说这是 "他们凶残的最好证明......在他们自己的恐怖处境中，期望几乎立即死亡"。

在镇江，由1600名封臣组成的满族驻军宁可自杀也不投降，先是割断他们妻子的喉咙，使她们免于被强奸，然后谋杀自己的孩子。

当代英国人的描述是，士兵们踩在一堆因毒药而肿胀发黑的中国人尸体上，而尸体则挂在房梁上，漂浮在浅水井中。

波廷格的传记作者指出，他把这些事情储存在脑海中，"意识到他正在处理一种以前没有经历过的冷酷文化。

 

Cruelty was the currency of war, but the British found that in China they had discovered refinements to it which began to harden the hearts of Pottinger and his commanders. The body of a British private was found mutilated with his own razor, which had been used to cut off his ears and nose and to cut out his eyes, prompting an officer to reflect of the perpetrators that it was ‘great proof of their ferocity … amidst the horrors of their own situation, expecting almost immediate death’. At Zhenjiang, the Manchu garrison of 1,600 bannermen killed themselves rather than surrender, first cutting the throats of their wives to spare them from rape and murdering their own children. Contemporary British accounts told of soldiers treading amid heaps of Chinese bodies swollen and blackened from poison while corpses hung from roof beams and floated in shallow wells. Pottinger’s biographer noted that he stored up these things in his mind and ‘realised that he was dealing with a callous culture of a kind not previously experienced.’

 

这种震惊是多层面的。

在中国方面，满族人自杀式的忠诚被一种渐渐产生的怀疑所抵消，即王朝在生存斗争中不能指望自己的汉族臣民。

来自珠江三角洲的流氓跟随英军掠夺和焚烧中国人的家园。

鸦片贸易在西方人和南方沿海城市的所有罪犯、秘密团体和小商人之间建立了联系，这些人对当局的手感到不满。

关于背叛的谣言在满族指挥官中传播开来，他们看到河上的船长、盐业走私者和农村土匪中到处都有间谍。

在镇江自相残杀之前，满族士兵已经对当地人民实施了恐怖统治，杀害了任何被认为是可疑的人。

 

The shock was many-textured. On the Chinese side, the suicidal loyalty of the Manchu clansmen was offset by a creeping suspicion that the dynasty could not count on its own Han Chinese subjects in its fight to survive. Rogues from the Pearl River Delta followed the British army to plunder and burn Chinese homes. The opium trade had created a nexus between the Westerners and all those criminals, secret societies and small merchants in the southern coastal cities who chafed against the hand of authority. Rumours of treachery spread among Manchu commanders, who saw spies everywhere among river junk captains, salt smugglers and rural bandits. Before the self-slaughter at Zhenjiang, the Manchu soldiers had turned on the local people in a reign of terror, murdering any who were thought to be suspicious.

 

因此，政治和军事上的考虑迫使道光与侵略者达成了协议。

夺取香港是一个决定性的损失，第一次鸦片战争的失败标志着帝国主义在中国的统治开始结束。

西方技术战胜了原始的勇敢，训练有素的英国军队迷惑了传统的中国将军。

这场战争并没有推翻清朝的制度，但最终它侵蚀了满清王朝对自己的信心，摧毁了人民对它的信心。

1842年后，中国的统治秩序一直在退却，至少根据共产党的历史，毛泽东在1949年建立了'新中国'。

 

Political as well as military considerations, therefore, compelled Daoguang to come to terms with the invaders. The seizure of Hong Kong was a decisive loss, and defeat in the first Opium War marked the beginning of the end for imperial rule in China. Western technology had won against raw bravery and the well-drilled British military confounded traditional Chinese generalship. The war did not overthrow the Qing system, but ultimately it eroded the Manchu dynasty’s faith in itself and destroyed its people’s confidence in it. After 1842 the Chinese ruling order was in retreat until, according to Communist histories at least, Mao Zedong founded ‘New China’ in 1949.

 

在政治时机上，中国也很不走运。

1842年夏天，英国在阿富汗遭遇灾难性的失败后，需要一场武器的壮举来恢复对其本国统治精英的信心。

在1841-2年冬天从喀布尔撤退的过程中，整个军队损失惨重，波廷格的一个亲侄子被杀，另一个受伤并被扣为人质。

 

China was unlucky, too, in the political timing. In the summer of 1842 Britain needed a feat of arms to restore confidence in its own ruling elite after a catastrophic defeat in Afghanistan. During the retreat from Kabul in the winter of 1841–2 an entire army was lost, one of Pottinger’s own nephews was killed and another was wounded and taken hostage.

 

这是英国政治生活中的一个反动与改革的时期，是贵族与崛起的新阶级之间的较量，也是一场关于统治权是由功绩还是由出身决定的大胆的新辩论--对于那些了解它的人来说，这是与通过考试选拔出来为中国国家服务的功勋精英的一个诱人的比较，即使皇帝的满族人担任着中国的重要职务和指挥。

在战争的后期阶段，英国将其在战场上的野心委托给了世袭贵族。

埃尔金勋爵、一群骑士和一位出身显赫的海军将领，他们都很好地履行了自己的职责，在某些情况下还很英勇；而其在中国沿海的外交官则为包括一位公爵、一位子爵和五位伯爵在内的外交秘书服务。

几乎无法想象19世纪上半叶给予贵族的尊敬、崇拜和非凡的特权，"当时的一位英国历史学家写道。

1842年，威灵顿公爵本人在73岁时重返英国陆军，担任终身总司令，他坚定地认为 "军队不应受到下议院的支配"。

 

This was a period in British political life of reaction versus reform, of a contest between the aristocracy and the rising new classes, and of a bold new debate over whether the right to govern was due to merit or to birth – a tantalising comparison, for those who knew of it, with the meritocratic elite chosen by examinations to serve the Chinese state, even if the emperor’s Manchu clansmen held its great offices and commands. In the latter stages of the war Britain entrusted its ambitions in the field to the hereditary aristocracy: Lord Elgin, a brace of knights and an admiral of distinguished lineage, all of whom did their duty well, and in some cases heroically; while its diplomats on the China coast served foreign secretaries who included a duke, a viscount and five earls. ‘It is almost impossible to picture the deference, the adulation, the extraordinary privileges accorded to the nobility in the first half of the nineteenth century,’ a British historian of the period wrote. In 1842 the Duke of Wellington himself returned as commander-in-chief for life of the British Army at the age of seventy-three, unflinching in his view that ‘the army was not to be dictated to by the House of Commons.’

 

然而，英国在中国的冒险也促进了一个新的精英阶层。

它造就了发家致富的企业家，也提拔了像约翰-鲍林这样的行政人员，他是一位自由主义的多面手，在成为香港第四任总督时才被封为爵士，还有哈里-帕克斯，一位粗鲁的语言学家和外交官，"他是一个典型的自信的、背景平平的人，抓住了帝国提供的机会"。

值得注意的是，许多在东部治理帝国的人或在东部发展的人是苏格兰人或爱尔兰人。

 

Yet Britain’s adventure in China also advanced a new elite. It created entrepreneurs who made fortunes and it promoted administrators like John Bowring, a liberal polymath who was knighted only when he became the fourth governor of Hong Kong, and Harry Parkes, a brash linguist and diplomat, ‘a typical example of the self-confident go-getter of modest background who seized the opportunities afforded by the empire’. Notably, many of the men who governed the empire in the east or who prospered in it were Scottish or Irish.

 

对于英国的中国政策来说，其利害关系不仅仅是一块 "贫瘠的岩石 "和鸦片的利润。

这也是关于权力和控制。

在中国的英国军队由购买委任状的绅士领导，这是威灵顿所支持的制度，他认为这样可以保持军队与社会上层阶级之间的联系，避免出现导致欧洲军事专制主义的那种职业化的军队。

军事力量保障了英国的商业，并扩展了维多利亚女王的领地；它不应该受到民选政治家的干涉。

在阿富汗的一次成功的惩罚性远征和对中华帝国的胜利证明了这种观点。

 

There was more at stake for British policy in China than a ‘barren rock’ and profits from opium. It was also about power and control. The British army in China was led by gentlemen who purchased their commissions, a system upheld by Wellington, who felt it kept a connection between the army and the higher classes of society, avoiding the emergence of the type of professionally officered armies which had led to military despotism in Europe. Military prowess safeguarded British commerce and extended Queen Victoria’s realms; it was not to be interfered with by elected politicians. A successful punitive expedition in Afghanistan and victory over the Chinese empire vindicated this opinion.

 

1842年8月29日，波廷格和三位中国代表在康沃利斯号船上签署了《南京条约》，该条约标志着英国的胜利。

太子少保 耆英、乍浦副都統 伊里布、署理兩江總督 牛鑑。

这些文件是用丝绸装订的。

每位清朝使者都在文件上盖了一个巨大的红色长方形印章，并以精美的书法题写了所需的同意书。

亨利爵士在这一页上写下了他的签名。

在礼节性的交流中，耆英把几个糖李子直接喂到波廷格的嘴里，说这是一个古老的习俗。

 

The Treaty of Nanjing, which sealed the British victory, was signed on 29 August 1842 on board HMS Cornwallis by Pottinger and three Chinese representatives: Qiying, Yilibu and Niu Jian. The documents were bound in silk. Each of the Qing emissaries imprinted them with a great red rectangular seal and inscribed the required assent in fine calligraphy. Sir Henry scrawled his signature across the page. During the exchange of courtesies, Qiying fed Pottinger several sugar plums directly into his mouth, saying this was an old custom.

 

撇开李子不谈，对中国来说，《南京条约》的苦涩没有任何甜味。

它被称为中国现代历史上最重要的条约解决办法。

它将香港岛交给维多利亚女王及其继承人 "永久"，向外国商人开放了五个条约港口，废除了漕运商人的垄断，向中国征收2100万银元的赔偿金，对贸易设定了未明确的 "适度关税"，并通过一项协议正式埋葬了屈从的宏大语言，即今后两国将以平等身份相互称呼。

 

Plums aside, there was nothing to sweeten the bitterness of the Treaty of Nanjing for China. It has been called the most important treaty settlement in China’s modern history. It handed the island of Hong Kong to Queen Victoria and her successors ‘in perpetuity’, opened five treaty ports to foreign merchants, abolished the Cohong merchant monopoly, imposed an indemnity of 21 million silver dollars on China to be paid in instalments, set unspecified ‘moderate tariffs’ on trade and formally buried the grandiose language of subservience with an agreement that henceforth the countries would address each other as equals.

 

该协议被爱国者视为中国和一个外国势力之间的第一个不平等条约。

但所有的条约都是不平等的，因为如果国家之间存在着完美的平衡，就不需要外交协议来维持弱者和强者之间的和平。

清朝的第一个让步条约是1835年在中国的穆斯林边境与可汗签订的，可汗是一个掠夺性的邻国，主导了通往中亚的贸易路线。

该条约向大汗提出了一系列要求，甚至允许他在中国西部的领事代表审理案件并向外国人征税，而治外法权原则正是导致与西方列强冲突的原因。

贸易特许权与俄国在中国东北唯一获准设立的贸易站所给予的特许权相似。

因此，安抚在过去是清帝国的一个工具。

像耆英这样的吏部尚书认为，这将对野蛮人起作用。

但问题是，它并没有起到作用。

 

The agreement was seen by patriots as the first unequal treaty between China and a foreign power. But all treaties are unequal, for if a perfect balance existed between states no diplomatic agreements would be needed to keep the peace between the weak and the strong. The first concessionary treaty of the Qing dynasty had been made on China’s Muslim frontier in 1835 with the Khan of Kokand, a predatory neighbour who dominated the trade route to Central Asia. It conceded a swathe of demands to the Khan, even allowing his consular representatives in China’s far west to try cases and levy taxes on foreigners, the principle of extraterritoriality which caused such conflict with the Western powers. The trade concessions were similar to those granted to Russia at its solitary permitted trading post in northeast China. Appeasement, therefore, had been a tool for the Qing empire in the past. Mandarins like Qiying argued that it would work against the barbarians. The trouble was that it did not.

 

中国已经被英国人打开了大门，但其他国家很快就追随他们。

1843年，约翰-泰勒总统派马萨诸塞州议员卡勒-库欣与齐英谈判贸易特权。

他们签署的条约允许新教传教士进入中国，废除了阻止外国人学习中国语言的企图，并将治外法权让给了美国领事。

法国人随后也来了，他们签订了一份更加严格的条约，迫使皇帝颁布了一项容忍罗马天主教徒的诏书，废除了其祖先制定的对传教士的禁令。

至于英国人，他们有能力在香港建立他们的新属地，而其他人则增加对清朝的压力，因为根据他们自己的条约所附的 "最惠国待遇 "条款，他们将获得与任何敌对国家所赢得的相同利益。

耆英的这一明显无能的外交讨价还价，使清朝失去了与野蛮人相互博弈的机会。

 

China had been wrenched open by the British but other nations soon followed them. In 1843 President John Tyler sent a Massachusetts congressman, Caleb Cushing, to negotiate trading privileges with Qiying. The treaty they signed allowed Protestant missionaries access to China, abolished attempts to prevent foreigners learning the Chinese language and conceded extraterritorial powers to American consuls. The French came afterwards, with an even more exacting treaty which compelled the emperor to issue an edict of toleration for Roman Catholics, abolishing a ban on missionaries instituted by his ancestors. As for the British, they could afford to build up their new possession at Hong Kong while others increased pressure on the Qing, for under a ‘most favoured nation’ clause attached to their own treaty they would receive the same benefits as those won by any rival power. This remarkably inept diplomatic bargain by Qiying robbed the dynasty of any chance to play the barbarians off against each other.

 

尽管有了这一系列的让步，许多中国人认为这是百年屈辱的开始，但外国人并不满意。

耆英说服了皇室，魔鬼在细节中，中国将通过耐心、规则和形式来消磨入侵者。

在19世纪40年代，王朝恢复了它的姿态，外国商人对他们的命运越来越失望，即使怡和洋行派了一支由80艘快船组成的船队来经营鸦片贸易，每年的鸦片贸易量增长到6万箱。

 

Despite this raft of concessions, which many Chinese saw as the start of one hundred years of humiliation, the foreigners were not satisfied. Qiying had persuaded the throne that the devil was in the details and that China would wear down the intruders by patience, rules and formality. During the 1840s the dynasty recovered its poise and foreign traders grew disappointed with their lot, even as Jardine Matheson sent a fleet of eighty clippers to run the opium trade, which grew to 60,000 chests a year.

 

在法庭上，认为中国拥有优越的文明的观点还没有被打破。

但在这十年的末尾，在香港内陆的广西省东部，爆发了一场千禧年式的叛乱。

它由一个有魅力的乌合之众领导，洪秀全，他宣称自己是耶稣基督的弟弟，并宣布了一个大和平的天国。

太平天国反对 "满清恶魔 "的叛乱耗尽了1850年接替道光的咸丰皇帝的统治；虽然它的基督教起源最初吸引了西方的同情，但外国列强很快就把它视为一种威胁，帮助资助和组织清军来镇压它，然后在约2000万中国人丧生的情况下袖手旁观。

 

At court, the view that China possessed a superior civilisation had not yet been shattered. But at the end of the decade a millenarian revolt broke out in eastern Guangxi province, inland from Hong Kong. It was led by a charismatic rabble-rouser, Hong Xiuquan, who declared himself to be the younger brother of Jesus Christ and proclaimed a Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace. The Taiping rebellion against the ‘Manchu demons’ consumed the reign of the emperor Xianfeng, who succeeded Daoguang in 1850; and while its Christian origins initially attracted Western sympathy, the foreign powers soon perceived it as a threat, helped to finance and organise the Qing armies that put it down, then gazed on while some 20 million Chinese lives were lost.

 

1854年，英国人利用这场混乱，要求重新谈判《南京条约》，要求进入中国所有内陆地区进行商业活动并使鸦片贸易合法化。

帕麦斯顿勋爵重新担任首相，为最大胆的建议提供了许可，而广州的排外清朝总督叶名琛则傲慢、挑衅、冷漠，煽动公众对野蛮人的仇恨，同时显然没有意识到英国政策的变化将导致他的失败和在流亡中死亡。

 

In 1854, the British took advantage of the chaos to press for renegotiation of the treaty of Nanjing, demanding commercial access to all of the Chinese interior and legalisation of the opium trade. The return of Lord Palmerston as prime minister licensed the boldest counsels, while the xenophobic Qing governor at Guangzhou, Ye Mingchen, was haughty, provocative and indifferent, inciting the public to hatred of the barbarians while apparently unaware of the change in British policy which would lead to his defeat and death in exile.

 

1856年，香港总督、新获封爵的鲍林爵士找到了他所寻找的理由，当时叶氏勇士登上了亞羅号，这是一艘中国式的帆船，船主是中国人方阿明，在香港注册，名义上的船长是贝尔法斯特的托马斯-肯尼迪。

它的注册文件已经过期，但鲍林和他的领事哈里-帕克斯（Harry Parkes）将这个细节抛在一边。

海军少将迈克尔-西摩爵士（Sir Michael Seymour）将他的舰队驶入珠江，夺取了守卫广州的要塞，并轰炸了该城市。

叶名琛仍然不为所动，贸易停止，伦敦的议会爆发了一场争吵。

 

The governor of Hong Kong, the newly knighted Sir John Bowring, found the casus belli he sought in 1856 when Ye’s bravos boarded the Arrow, a lorcha, or sailing vessel rigged Chinese-style, that was owned by a Chinese, Fong Ah-ming, had been registered in Hong Kong, and was nominally captained by Thomas Kennedy, from Belfast. Its registration papers had expired but Bowring and his consul, Harry Parkes, brushed that detail aside. Rear Admiral Sir Michael Seymour sailed his fleet up the Pearl River, seized the forts guarding the approaches to Guangzhou and bombarded the city. Ye remained immovable, trade halted and a row broke out in Parliament in London.

 

一年后，在印度兵变导致增援部队延迟抵达后，英国人在法国人的加入下强势回归。

这一次，广州沦陷。

盟国成立了一个联合委员会来统治这个城市，将叶名琛流放到印度，并任命了一个傀儡的中国总督来代替他。

 

A year later the British returned in force, joined by the French, after a delay in the arrival of reinforcements due to the Indian mutiny. This time Guangzhou fell. The allies installed a joint commission to rule the city, exiled Ye to India, and appointed a puppet Chinese governor in his place.

 

一支由埃尔金勋爵指挥的远征军随后向北进发，威胁天津港和首都本身。

这就在这个无能的年轻皇帝的宫廷里引发了一场死硬派和绥靖派之间的斗争。

谨慎的态度占了上风；王朝投降并签署了《天津条约》，其条款是迄今为止最严厉的。

鸦片将被征税和管制，更多的城市被开放给商业，外国贸易被允许深入内地，基督教传教士可以传教，大使们将居住在北京。

最后，"野蛮人 "的汉字被禁止出现在文件中。

 

An expedition commanded by Lord Elgin then headed north to threaten the port of Tianjin and the capital itself. This set off a battle between diehards and appeasers at the court of the ineffective young emperor. Caution prevailed; the dynasty capitulated and signed the Treaty of Tianjin, whose provisions were the harshest yet. Opium was to be taxed and regulated, more cities were opened up to commerce, foreign trade was permitted deep in the interior, Christian missionaries could evangelise and ambassadors would reside at Beijing. As a final touch, the Chinese character for ‘barbarian’ was banned from documents.

 

所有这些已经够丢人的了，但最让人难以接受的是，天朝帝国与蛮族之间的国家关系将在平等的基础上进行。

西方军队在他的门前，俄国人在他的东北边境压迫，咸丰皇帝在坚持礼节的同时，也暂缓了行动。

外国使节只能像进贡一样前来，在护卫下沿着帝国的驿道旅行，他们不能坐轿子或携带武器，而且每隔几年才允许他们进入。

埃尔金勋爵对这种不可言喻的顽固态度感到厌烦，并对他的一群谈判代表（包括《伦敦时报》的一名记者）被谋杀感到愤怒，他向北京进军。

皇帝逃跑了，派他的弟弟恭亲王去谈判。

1860年10月，英法联军将圆明园夏宫、圆明园洗劫一空，并将其烧毁，马戛尔尼勋爵曾在此为中国更明智的统治者展示其商品。

在1860年10月24日由中国、英国、法国和俄国签署的《北京公约》中，英国被永久授予面向香港岛的九龙半岛。

咸丰在第二年夏天去世，享年30岁。

 

All this was shame enough, but the bitterest fruit to swallow was that state-to-state relations between the celestial empire and the barbarians would be conducted on an equal basis. With Western armies at his gates, and the Russians pressing on his northeastern borders, the emperor Xianfeng temporised while he clung to protocol. Foreign envoys might only come as if bearing tribute, travelling along the imperial post roads under escort, they might not ride in sedan chairs or carry weapons, and they would be allowed in only every few years. Fed up with such ineffable intransigence, and enraged by the murder of a group of his negotiators, including a correspondent of The Times of London, Lord Elgin marched on Beijing. The emperor fled, sending his brother, Prince Gong, to parley. In October 1860 the Anglo-French force looted and burned to the ground the summer palace of the Yuanming Yuan, the Gardens of Perfect Brightness, where Lord Macartney had displayed his wares for a more sagacious ruler of China. In the Convention of Beijing, signed by China, Britain, France and Russia on 24 October 1860, Britain was awarded the Kowloon peninsula facing Hong Kong island in perpetuity. Dissipated and worn out, Xianfeng died at the age of thirty the next summer.

 

英国通过战争的胜利夺取了香港岛和九龙的尖端。

英国的下一步收购行动在三十八年后才正式开始，但在这期间，中国变得越来越弱小。

日本加入了它周围的掠夺性强国的行列，衰弱的清朝陷入衰败，精英改革者未能挽救既定的秩序，中国社会被叛乱和社会混乱所扰乱，而国内的鸦片生产增加，进口毒品变得不那么重要。

 

Britain had taken Hong Kong island and the tip of Kowloon through victory in war. The next step of British acquisition would not be formalised for another thirty-eight years, but in the intervening period China became weaker and weaker. Japan joined the predatory powers around it, the enfeebled Qing dynasty sank into decay, elite reformers failed to save the established order and Chinese society was convulsed by rebellions and social chaos, while domestic production of opium increased and imports of the drug became less important.

 

到19世纪末，鸦片贸易在外国列强与中国的斗争中不再发挥关键作用，但它被称为 "现代最长期持续和系统的国际犯罪"。

在中国，经常有人要求英国道歉。

任何英国政府最接近于半官方的道歉是最后一任香港总督彭定康在1997年6月30日英国的告别仪式上，在黑暗和雨中发表的告别演说，当时没有任何中国领导人出席。

彭定康说："这一章是以一些事件开始的，从今天的制高点来看，在下个世纪末，我们在座的各位都不希望或寻求宽恕。

但我们可以注意到，现在生活在香港的大多数人都是因为我们这个世纪的事件而生活在香港，而这些事件在今天是很少有人会维护的。

所有这些都提醒我们，有时我们应该记住过去，以便更好地忘记它。

 

By the end of the nineteenth century the opium trade no longer played a critical part in the struggle between foreign powers and China, but it has been termed ‘the most long-continued and systematic international crime of modern times’. In China, there are frequent calls for Britain to apologise. The closest that any British government has ever come to a semi-official apology was the valedictory speech by the last governor of Hong Kong, Chris Patten, delivered in the dark and the rain at Britain’s farewell ceremony, which was not attended by any Chinese leader, on 30 June 1997. ‘This chapter began with events that, from today’s vantage point, at the end of the following century, none of us here would wish or seek to condone,’ Patten said. ‘But we might note that most of those who live in Hong Kong now do so because of events in our own century which would today have few defenders. All that is a reminder that sometimes we should remember the past the better to forget it.’

 

对中国来说，漫长的19世纪以进一步的屈辱而告终。

这一次，灾难是通过一场为控制朝鲜而进行的不明智的对日战争展开的。

新近组织起来的日本军队在一场高超的陆地战役中击败了清军，日本的海军击败了中国的舰队。

清廷派其主要政治家李鸿章就1895年4月17日签署的《马关条约》进行谈判，该条约的要求包括将台湾和满洲部分地区丢失给日本，承认日本在朝鲜的首要地位和巨额的财政赔偿。

随着清朝的衰落，法国、德国和俄国迫使清朝将港口、城市和铁路的租期延长至99年。

 

For China, the long nineteenth century wound to a close with a further humiliation. This time disaster unfolded through an ill-advised war against Japan for control of Korea. The newly organised Japanese army defeated the Qing forces in a masterful land campaign and Japan’s navy mauled the Chinese fleet. The Qing court sent its leading statesman, Li Hongzhang, to negotiate the Treaty of Shimonoseki, signed on 17 April 1895, whose exactions included the loss of Taiwan and part of Manchuria to Japan, acknowledgement of Japanese primacy in Korea and huge financial indemnities. As the dynasty reeled, France, Germany and Russia compelled it to grant leases of up to ninety-nine years on ports, cities and railways.

 

清朝一直是个谨慎的借贷者。

它在很大程度上使用国内资本来资助其军工厂、炼钢和造船业的扩张。

1861年至1894年期间，它的外债总额估计约为1200万英镑，主要是由香港上海汇丰银行以5%的利率提供的英国银团贷款，以及由德国银行组成的财团提供的类似贷款。

1895年，帝国的财政在对日本的赔款下陷入困境。

清政府面临着一笔连本带利的5,450万英镑的付款。

 

The Qing dynasty had been a prudent borrower. It had largely used domestic capital to finance its expansion of military arsenals, steelmaking and shipbuilding. Its total foreign debts between 1861 and 1894 have been estimated at around £12 million sterling, principally a British loan syndicated by the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation at a rate of 5 per cent and a similar loan from a consortium of German banks. In 1895 the imperial finances buckled under the indemnity to Japan. The Qing government faced a payment that has been calculated, with interest, at £54.5 million.

 

它不可能指望用自己的资源来支付这样一笔钱。

最重要的问题是，这笔款项是以西方国家使用的金本位制的英国英镑支付的，而中国自己仍然以银本位制计算其收入。

在无计可施的情况下，帝国不得不求助于外国金融家，在列强之间掀起了一场为赔偿金筹资的争夺战。

伦敦金融城、法俄银团和德国银行竞相争取贷款。

银行家们召集了他们的外交官来援助。

俄国外交部长维特伯爵认为，为中国的皇室债务提供资金，使圣彼得堡获得了在满洲里的铁路特许权的筹码，建立了其在宫廷的威望，并削弱了英国对中国事务的传统权力。

实际上，在外交部放弃了维多利亚时代的自由放任做法，以外交支持的方式介入后，截至1913年，大部分对华外国贷款都是通过香港上海银行的手。

汇丰银行也是1895年的一个胜利者。

 

It could not hope to pay such a sum from its own resources. Not the least of its problems was that the payment was fixed in British sterling on the gold standard used by the West, while China itself still computed its revenues on the silver standard. Hapless, the empire had to turn to foreign financiers, setting off a scramble among the powers to finance the indemnity. The City of London, a Franco-Russian syndicate and the German banks competed to capture the loans. The bankers summoned their diplomats in aid. Count Witte, the Russian foreign minister, believed that financing the Chinese imperial debt gave St Petersburg leverage to extract railway concessions in Manchuria, built up its prestige at court and weakened the traditional power of Britain over Chinese affairs. In practice, most of the foreign loans to China up to 1913 passed through the hands of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank after the Foreign Office abandoned its Victorian laissez-faire approach and stepped in with diplomatic support. The Hongkong Bank, too, was a victor of 1895.

 

两次胜利的是日本。

它的军事胜利为现代日本资本主义制度的诞生提供了资金。

赔偿金达到了国家年度预算的三倍以上。

据当时的一位学者说，以当时世界上最主要的货币英镑支付的这么大一笔钱，对日本资本主义产生了 "不可估量的 "影响。

它使日本有可能在1897年采用金本位制，加入到全球大国的行列中。

 

The winner twice over was Japan. Its military triumph financed the birth of the modern Japanese capitalist system. The indemnity amounted to more than three times the annual national budget. A sum so large, paid in sterling, then the world’s leading currency, had ‘incalculable’ effects on Japanese capitalism, according to a scholar of the period. It made it possible for Japan to join the top rank of global powers by adopting the gold standard in 1897.

 

在中国人努力偿还债务的时候，西方的贵族们从他们的贷款利息中获得了安慰。

在这一先例的鼓励下，外国势力后来又对1901年的义和团运动进行了进一步的惩罚性赔偿。

对中国来说，这场灾难已经结束。

以权力平衡的名义，英国政府指示其驻北京公使克劳德-麦克唐纳爵士，要求将九龙的界牌街和深圳河之间的土地以及周围的岛屿租给中国，租期为99年。

根据1898年6月的《北京第二公约》，"新界 "成为香港皇家殖民地的一部分，免租租约于1997年6月30日到期。

在当时，似乎没有人考虑过这个到期日。

李鸿章的名字成了一个耻辱的代名词，在中国决定收回主权时，邓小平本人也援引了这个名字。

 

The rentiers of the West did comfortably out of the coupons on their loans as the Chinese laboured to pay back the debt. Encouraged by the precedent, foreign powers would later impose further punitive indemnities for the Boxer Rebellion in 1901. For China, the disaster was complete. In the name of the balance of power, the British government instructed its minister at Beijing, Sir Claude MacDonald, to press for a lease of ninety-nine years on the land between Boundary Street in Kowloon and the Shenzhen River, together with the surrounding islands. The ‘New Territories’ became part of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong by the Second Convention of Beijing of June 1898 under a rent-free lease expiring on 30 June 1997. At the time, it seems that nobody gave much thought to the expiry date. The name of Li Hongzhang became a byword for shame, and was invoked by Deng Xiaoping himself when China decided to reclaim its sovereignty.

 

二十世纪初，中国经历了几十年的动荡，香港的人口和繁荣也随之增长。

一届又一届的总督修建道路，改善港口，建立学校和医院，监督法院，监视警察，维持欧洲的社会秩序，同时避免干涉中国的习俗和惯例。

和平、商业和繁荣的机会吸引了来自中国南方的定居者在英国的旗帜下不断涌入。

 

Hong Kong grew in population and prosperity as China went through decades of upheaval in the early twentieth century. A succession of governors built roads, improved the port, set up schools and hospitals, watched over the courts, kept an eye on the police and maintained the European social order while refraining from interference with Chinese customs and practices. Peace, commerce and the chance of prosperity attracted a steady flow of settlers from southern China under the British flag.

 

在中国，满清王朝灭亡。

一个共和国成立了，但却陷入了军阀主义和混乱之中。

广州附近的黄埔军校中大胆的年轻军官领导了一场民族主义运动--国民党。

 在内陆地区，共产主义运动蔓延。

在20世纪20年代末，双方互相争斗，而国民党在南京的军阀领地中管理着一个短命的共和政府。

1931年，日本入侵东北，1937年在中国各地发动征服战争，然后站在德国一边加入了第二次世界大战，中国的内战因此中断了。

与日本的战争标志着西方在中国沿海地区统治地位的结束。

香港坚持其作为英国海军和情报行动中心的脆弱地位，但即使是温斯顿-丘吉尔也承认该殖民地注定要失败，它于1941年12月25日落入日本人手中。

 

In China, the Manchu dynasty fell. A republic was set up, only to fall into warlordism and chaos. Bold young officers at the Whampoa military academy near Guangzhou led a nationalist movement, the Kuomintang. Inland, the Communist movement spread. In the late 1920s the two sides fought one another while the Kuomintang ran a short-lived republican administration from Nanjing amid a fractured mosaic of warlord fiefdoms. The Chinese civil war was interrupted when Japan invaded the northeast in 1931, launched a war of conquest across China in 1937, then joined the Second World War on the side of Germany. War with Japan marked the end of Western dominance along the China coast. Hong Kong clung to its fragile post as a centre of British naval and intelligence operations, but even Winston Churchill admitted the colony was doomed and it fell to the Japanese on 25 December 1941.

 

1945年，日本投降后，一支英国舰队驶回维多利亚港，收复该殖民地，尽管美国和中国民族主义者对此颇有怨言。

重建的工作开始了。

但随着香港的稳定，中国又陷入了新一轮的内战。

这场战争以1949年共产党的胜利而告终，战败的军队和难民逃离中国大陆，外国人被驱逐出中国沿海的其他地方。

当中国在毛泽东领导下进入三十年的孤立状态时，香港的中国人的技能和精力推动了中国通过出口和贸易向外扩张。

在英国的统治下，他们建立了一个矛盾的社会--繁华、不平等、注重传统、现代、为其主要的广东文化感到骄傲，并注入了对自身脆弱性的认识。

 

In 1945, after the surrender of Japan, a British fleet sailed back into Victoria Harbour to reclaim the colony, despite grumbling from the United States and the Chinese nationalists. The work of reconstruction began. But as Hong Kong stabilised, China fell into a new round of civil war. It ended with victory for the Communists in 1949, an exodus from mainland China of defeated troops and refugees, and the eviction of foreigners from everywhere else on China’s seaboard. While China passed into three decades of isolation under Mao Zedong, the skills and energy of the Chinese people in Hong Kong drove its outwards expansion by exports and trade. Under British rule they built a society that was contradictory – bustling, unequal, tradition-minded, modern, proud of its mainly Cantonese culture and infused with a sense of its own fragility.

 

香港是资本主义的前哨，是西方的宝贵资产，但对北京的共产党政权来说，它是 "历史遗留问题"。

因此，当毛泽东去世，毛泽东主义试验在20世纪70年代末减弱时，中国的新统治者不可避免地将目光转向深圳河对岸的这座海滨城市。

 

Hong Kong was an outpost of capitalism and a precious asset to the West, but to the Communist regime in Beijing it was ‘a problem left over from history’. So when Mao died and the Maoist experiment waned in the late 1970s, it was inevitable that the new rulers of China would turn their gaze south across the Shenzhen River to the city by the sea.

 

2. 改革与开放

2. Reform and Opening Up

 

 

1977年11月，邓小平离开寒冷的北京，来到气候温和的中国南部沿海地区，访问广东省。

当地官员以对统治中国的最高机构--政治局常委的新成员应有的尊重来接待他。

邓小平曾两次被清洗，是毛泽东文化大革命的受害者，在经历了多年的荒芜之后，他正在重新掌权。

他曾蒙羞，他的家人被羞辱，而他的长子邓朴方被红卫兵从窗户扔出去，导致高位截瘫。

但他仍然是中国最著名的政治家之一。

 

In November 1977, Deng Xiaoping left the chill of Beijing for the milder climes of China’s southern coast to visit Guangdong province. The local officials received him with the deference due to a new member of the supreme body which ruled China, the Politburo standing committee. Twice purged, a victim of Mao’s Cultural Revolution, Deng was on the way back to power after years in the wilderness. He had been disgraced and his family humiliated, while his eldest son, Deng Pufang, was left a paraplegic when Red Guards tossed him out of a window. But he remained one of the best-known politicians in China.

 

这个国家几乎一蹶不振。

它的工业工厂已经化石化，而且很脏。

农业的节奏像一颗摇摇欲坠的心脏。

人口增长速度超过了经济增长速度。

在孤立的情况下，中国的科学家错过了技术、基础计算和公共卫生方面的进展，而这些进展正在改变对手的国家。

苏联仍然是一个威胁，而与美国的和解却没有得到什么回报。

中国有一支庞大的军队和核弹；一个已经过时，领导不力，另一个没有实际用途。

多年的清洗已经耗尽了共产党的思想活力；毛泽东时代的幸存者在驚险中击败了极左的 "四人帮 "毛的遗孀江青和她的三个盟友张春桥、王洪文和姚文元。

 

The country was all but prostrate. Its industrial plant was fossilised and dirty. The rhythm of agriculture beat like a faltering heart. The population was growing faster than the economy. In isolation, China’s scientists had missed advances in technology, basic computing and public health that were transforming rival nations. The Soviet Union still loomed as a threat, while there had been scant reward from reconciliation with the United States. China had a huge army and nuclear bombs; one was obsolete and ill-led, the other of no practical use. Years of purges had drained the Communist Party of intellectual vitality; the survivors of the Mao era had narrowly defeated his widow, Jiang Qing, and her trio of allies, Zhang Chunqiao, Wang Hongwen and Yao Wenyuan, in the ultra-left Gang of Four.

 

并非一切都像邓小平的宣传员后来所说的那样糟糕。

没有什么外债。

收成来了，人们大多没有挨饿。

中国在能源方面基本自给自足。

犯罪几乎不为人知，惩罚也很严厉，人们后来会回忆起一种凄凉的团结感。

值得注意的是，毛泽东之后的精英转型没有发生流血事件。

政府机器以一种摇摇欲坠的方式工作。

与非洲和中东的一些社会不同，中国从未绝对崩溃，即使在内战结束时也是如此。

但在近三十年的社会主义之后，大多数普通公民仍然很穷。

当韩国、泰国和菲律宾等邻国越来越富裕的时候，中国却几乎落后于亚洲所有其他国家。

数以亿计的中国人生活在绝对贫困中。

对数百万人来说，邓小平是他们对美好事物的希望所在。

Not everything was quite as bad as Deng’s propagandists later made it out to be. There was little foreign debt. The harvests came in and people mostly did not starve. China was largely self-sufficient in energy. Crime was hardly known, punishment was harsh, and people would later recall a bleak sense of solidarity. The elite transition after Mao had taken place, remarkably, without bloodshed. The machinery of government worked in a creaking fashion. Unlike some societies in Africa and the Middle East, China had never collapsed absolutely, even at the end of the civil war. But after almost thirty years of socialism, most ordinary citizens were still poor. While neighbours like South Korea, Thailand and the Philippines were getting richer, China had fallen behind almost every other country in Asia. Hundreds of millions of Chinese people existed in absolute poverty. For millions, the repository of their hope for better things was Deng Xiaoping.

 

访问广东的照片和新闻报道显示，邓小平身材矮小，被官员们围在中间，尴尬地笑着，他们高高在上，而他则用一种猫头鹰般的审问眼神看着他们，手里拿着未过滤的香烟。

从表面上看，这是一个按照剧本展开的仪式。

当地知名人士发表讲话，并带领邓小平视察农场和工厂。

他穿过被封锁的街道，乘坐一队汽车沿着堤坝飞驰，穿过绿油油的稻田。

很少有公众看到他。

然而，在闭门会议上，邓小平卸下了他和蔼可亲的面具，变得很粗暴。

当广东省委领导向他介绍一个安全问题时，他不耐烦地坐着。

他们告诉他，在与英国领土香港接壤的宝安县，曾有几次大规模越过铁丝网逃跑。

 

Photos and news reports from the visit to Guangdong showed Deng, who was small in stature, surrounded by officials smiling awkwardly as they towered over him, while he fixed them with an owlish interrogatory look, unfiltered cigarette in hand. It was, to all appearances, a ritual which unfolded according to the script. The local worthies gave talks and led Deng to inspect farms and factories. He swept through the cordoned streets and sped along causeways through green-gleaming rice paddies in a cavalcade of cars. Few of the public saw him. In closed sessions, however, Deng shed his amiable mask and became brusque. He sat impatiently while Guangdong’s provincial party leadership briefed him on a security problem. They told him that in Bao’an country, which bordered the British territory of Hong Kong, there had been several mass escapes across the barbed wire.

 

英国在1950年关闭了边境，当时约有300万人从中国前往香港，寻求战争和革命的庇护。

在1949年大逃亡的高峰期，每天有超过10万人通过罗湖的小桥。

对总督葛量洪爵士来说，已经够了。

他的决定结束了自殖民地成立以来一直存在的自由迁入香港的传统。

这是一个被放弃的传统，但却让人有些心痛，因为它表明了人们对英国统治的吸引力的幸福信心。

但它并没有被完全放弃。

广东省的本地人仍然可以来往。

移民官员对他们进行语言测试。

如果一个人用粤语回答，他们就可以通过。

这是一个典型的香港解决方案。

 

The British had closed the border in 1950 after some three million people from China headed for Hong Kong, seeking sanctuary from war and revolution. More than 100,000 had crossed the small bridge at Lo Wu every day at the peak of the exodus in 1949. For the governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, enough was enough. His decision ended the tradition of free movement into Hong Kong which had endured since the foundation of the colony. It was a tradition abandoned with some heartache, as it spoke to a blissful confidence in the attraction of British rule. But it was not abandoned completely. Natives of Guangdong province could still come and go. Immigration officers gave them a language test. If a person responded in Cantonese, they could pass. It was a typically Hong Kong solution.

 

就其本身而言，中华人民共和国的新政府起初让其人民离开，满足于看到资本家和国民党的支持者离开该国。

1950年，这种自由放任的观点发生了变化。

中国开始采用苏联等社会主义国家常见的旅行限制。

到1977年邓小平访问时，一个严酷而低效的政权在边境地区运作。

 

For its part, the new government of the People’s Republic of China at first let its people go, content to see capitalists and supporters of the Kuomintang leave the country. In 1950, this laissez-aller view changed. China began to adopt the restrictions on travel common to socialist countries like the Soviet Union. By the time of Deng’s visit in 1977, a harsh yet inefficient regime operated along the border.

 

中国的大部分边境都是与社会主义国家接壤的，或者是偏远、荒凉、人口稀少的地方。

广东很特别。

几个世纪以来，它一直是一个出入境点，对中华帝国的官吏们来说是一个永恒的悲哀。

共产党记住了从香港流入战时中国的武器和货物，并不打算走吏治的老路。

一道竹帘很快穿过平地，将中国南方、香港的英国资本家和澳门的葡萄牙人分开。

 

Most of China’s borders were with socialist countries or were remote, inhospitable and scarcely populated. Guangdong was special. It had been a point of entry and exit for centuries, a constant woe to the mandarins of the Chinese empire. The Communist Party, remembering the flow of arms and goods into wartime China from Hong Kong, did not intend to go the same way as the mandarinate. A bamboo curtain soon descended across the flatlands separating south China, the British capitalists in Hong Kong, and the Portuguese in Macau.

 

1951年，人民解放军从边境地区驱逐了成千上万的人。

那些非深圳居民或政治上不可靠的人被打包到广东内地。

五年后，解放军在该地区划定了三条防线。

它宣布边境地区为禁区。

人们需要许可证才能进入香港。

 

In 1951, the People’s Liberation Army had expelled thousands of people from the border region. Those who were not residents of Shenzhen or who were politically unreliable were packed off to the interior of Guangdong. Five years later, the PLA designated three defence lines across the zone. It declared the frontier a prohibited area. People needed permits to cross into Hong Kong.

 

这一切都没有发挥作用。

成千上万的人涉水渡过深圳河，爬上长满尖刺的草山，躲在灌木丛中，躲避围墙两边的巡逻队。

中国当局对安全问题十分重视，派出军队追捕逃亡者，并阻止其他人尝试。

广东省委书记向邓小平承认，军队无法阻止这种流动。

这是因为问题在于我们的政策，"邓小平插话说，"这个问题不能由军队来解决。

邓小平没有再多说什么，让官员们在他回北京时思考他神秘的话语。

挑战长期坚持的党的政策并不是晋升的途径。

省委书记吴南生决定采取更安全的勤奋学生的角色。

他去了深圳，要求得到数据。

None of it had worked. In their thousands, people waded across the Shenzhen river, climbed spiky grass hills and hid in the bushes to dodge patrols on both sides of the fence. Obsessed with security, the Chinese authorities sent army units to hunt escapers and to deter others from trying. The party secretary of Guangdong admitted to Deng that the troops could not stop the flow. ‘This is because the problem is our policy,’ Deng cut in, ‘the problem can’t be solved by the army.’ Deng said little more, leaving the officials to ponder his enigmatic words as he went back to Beijing. To challenge long-held party policy was not a route to promotion. Wu Nansheng, the provincial party secretary, decided to adopt the safer role of diligent pupil. He went to Shenzhen and demanded data.

 

当地人民的收入与河对岸的新界农民的收入之间的巨大反差发人深省，"一份官方的共产党历史说。

吴南生了解到，深圳村民的人均年收入为134元，而新界村民的人均年收入大致相当于13,000元。

这位官方历史学家总结说。

'邓小平所说的问题很清楚。

"前线 "也是 "贫困线"。

‘The huge contrast between the income of local people and that of farmers just across the river in the New Territories was thought-provoking,’ stated an official Communist Party history. Wu learned that the per capita annual income of villagers in Shenzhen was 134 yuan, while that of villagers in the New Territories was roughly equivalent to 13,000 yuan. The official historian concluded: ‘The problem of which Deng Xiaoping spoke was clear. The “front line” was also a “poverty line”.’

 

 

在1977年治理中国是一项让巨人都望而生畏的任务。

经济毫无起色。

共产党在运动和清洗中自我消亡。

在1976年9月9日去世的毛泽东的独裁统治之后，政治生活慢慢恢复了。

总的来说，党内有一个自由派和一个严格的马克思主义者的核心。

他们赞同列宁的学说，即党是至高无上的，但在如何管理一个现代国家方面存在分歧。

除此之外，大人物、敌对部族、地区忠诚度和不稳定的革命遗产的权力网络中存在着无数细微的差别。

外国政府和中国人民没有被征求意见，他们花了很多精力试图了解谁在上，谁在下。

在一个严格保密的命令式经济中，要想了解真实的状况是非常困难的。

幸运的是，时间的流逝侵蚀了党的纪律，因此，1977年属于国家机密的许多事情现在已经为人所知。

 

To govern China in 1977 was a task that would have daunted a titan. The economy was rudderless. The Communist Party had decimated itself in campaigns and purges. Political life resumed slowly after one-man rule under Mao, who had died on 9 September 1976. Broadly speaking, there was a liberal faction in the party and a core of rigorous Marxists. They shared Lenin’s doctrine that the party reigned supreme but disagreed on how to run a modern country. Beyond that lay a thousand nuances in the power network of big personalities, rival clans, regional loyalties and a chequered revolutionary heritage. Foreign governments and the Chinese people, who were not consulted, spent much effort trying to understand who was up and who was down. Divining the true state of affairs inside a command economy run in strict secrecy was exceptionally difficult. Fortunately, the passage of time has eroded party discipline so that much that in 1977 was a state secret is now known.

 

赵紫阳在1975年担任四川省委书记时，开始进行农村改革，拆除了毛泽东的人民公社。

他后来担任了共产党总书记的最高职位，并成为中国的总理，但他在1989年倒台。

他在北京的家中被禁闭多年，编写了一本回忆录，在他2005年去世后，被偷运到国外出版。

它仍然是毛泽东之后的中国领导人如何思考和行动的罕见的真实证明。

 

Zhao Ziyang began rural reforms to dismantle Mao’s people’s communes when he was party secretary in Sichuan province in 1975. He would later take the top position as general secretary of the Communist Party and become premier of China, but he fell from power in 1989. Through long years of confinement in his home in Beijing, he prepared a memoir which, after his death in 2005, was smuggled out and published abroad. It remains a rare authentic testament as to how China’s leaders thought and acted in the days after Mao.

 

二十多年来，农民在每次收割后将他们生产的谷物交给国家后，都没有足够的食物，"他写到1975年之前的时期。

多年来--在文化大革命之前和期间--我们在许多方面都落后了，包括城市建设、农业和人民的生活水平。

为了向更健康的经济状态转变，我们必须经历一个 "重新学习 "的过程。

在这种情况下，不可能实现经济的快速发展。

1977年，当时已经60岁的赵紫阳成为政治局候补委员。

他在重建经济方面发挥了领导作用。

我坚信......沿海地区在对外贸易方面有巨大的潜力。

我们的制度和政策扼杀了它，"他写道。

‘For more than two decades, farmers had not had enough to eat after handing over the grains they had produced to the state after every harvest,’ he wrote of the period before 1975. ‘For many years – before and during the Cultural Revolution – we had been lagging in many respects, including urban construction, agriculture and people’s living standards. To shift to a healthier economic state we had to go through a process of “relearning”. In this situation it was impossible to attain rapid economic development.’ Zhao, who was then a vigorous sixty-year-old, became an alternate member of the Politburo in 1977. He took a leading role in rebuilding the economy. ‘I believed strongly … that there was huge potential in foreign trade for the coastal regions. Our system and policies had suffocated it,’ he wrote.

 

最终，赵紫阳和邓小平在改革的速度和性质上发生了分歧，引发了党的统治的严重危机，但在70年代末，两人都公开谈论了改革的必要性。

重新学习 "是党的方法论中一个可以接受的格言。

在农业方面，向大寨学习！"毛泽东时代的口号是对一个先锋公社的赞美，其成就被证明是虚假的。

在工业方面，向大庆学习！"另一个口号是邀请所有人学习黑龙江的石油钻探者的英勇工作，他们位于荒凉的东北地区。

 

Eventually Zhao and Deng would fall out over the pace and nature of reform, setting off a grave crisis in the party’s rule, but in the late seventies both men spoke openly of the need to change. ‘Relearning’ was an acceptable maxim of party methodology. ‘In agriculture learn from Dazhai!’ enjoined a Mao-era slogan in praise of a pioneering commune, whose achievements turned out to be fraudulent. ‘In industry learn from Daqing!’ went another exhortation inviting all to study the heroic work of oil drillers in Heilongjiang, in the bleak northeast.

 

然而，向外国人学习，在政治上仍然是敏感的。

中国向西方和日本派遣了高级代表团，真诚地研究不同的经济模式，但这种访问因礼节而变得僵硬，并受到语言和文化的限制。

此外，中国方面总是有充分的理由怀疑，外国人在铺设红地毯的同时，主要是想向他们出售中国不需要也买不起的东西。

 

Learning from foreigners, however, was still politically sensitive. China dispatched high-ranking missions to the West and to Japan in a sincere effort to examine different economic models, but such visits were stilted by protocol and hampered by the constraints of language and culture. In addition, there was always a well-founded suspicion on the Chinese side that the foreigners, while rolling out the red carpet, were chiefly intent on selling them things which China did not need and could not afford.

 

邓小平想到了一个主意。

政府将向香港和澳门的同胞学习，他们实行有中国特色的资本主义。

然后它将巧妙地采用它认为合适的方面，以建立有中国特色的社会主义。

他的解决方案有一种意识形态上的优雅。

 

Deng hit on an idea. The government would learn from its compatriots in Hong Kong and Macau, who practised capitalism with Chinese characteristics. It would then deftly adopt such aspects as it saw fit in order to establish socialism with Chinese characteristics. There was an ideological elegance to his solution.

 

邓小平求助于他信任的部下段云。

这两个人自1950年代以来一直在一起工作。

段云在中国境外鲜为人知，在当时的中国主流报道中也是一个小人物，但他在中国的改革开放中起到了关键作用。

 

Deng turned to a trusted subordinate, Duan Yun. The two men had worked together since the 1950s. Little known outside China, and a minor figure in mainstream Chinese accounts of the period, Duan was to play a critical part in opening up the country.

 

段云1921年出生于宁夏，这是一个人烟稀少的沙漠和游牧民族地区，动荡的少数民族和古老的穆斯林人口与汉族人生活在一起。

他很早就加入了共产党，成为一名革命官僚，学习掌握领导层行使权力的指令和请示的纸质流程。

这是政府管理的良好实践。

到20世纪50年代初，党控制了国家，邓小平管理着中国西南军事行政委员会，段云是其办公室主任。

根据党的作家胡邦定的回忆录《回忆段云同志》，这两个人合作得非常好，他们似乎像一个整体一样运作。

每当邓小平有事情要向中央委员会报告时，他就会在办公室里来回走动，大声向段云口述。

当邓小平讲完后，段云就会完成他所写的东西。

邓小平只看了一遍，就毫不犹豫地签字，并立即把它送到北京。

从这一点我们可以看出，段云作为一个记事员的技能是非凡的。

 

Duan was born in 1921 in Ningxia province, a sparsely inhabited region of deserts and nomads, where turbulent ethnic minorities and an ancient population of Muslims lived alongside the Han Chinese. He joined the Communist Party at an early age and became a revolutionary bureaucrat, learning to master the paper flow of directives and petitions through which the leadership exercised its authority. It was good practice for the administration of government. By the early 1950s, the party was in control of the state, Deng was running its southwest China military administrative committee and Duan was the director of his office. According to a memoir ‘Recalling Comrade Duan Yun’, by the party author Hu Bangding, the two men operated so well together that they seemed to function as a single unit. ‘Whenever Deng Xiaoping had something to report to the central committee he would pace up and down the office dictating out loud to Duan Yun. As Deng finished speaking, Duan would finish what he was writing. Deng would read it just once, sign it without hesitation and send it off to Beijing immediately. From this we can tell that Duan’s skills as a note-taker were extraordinary.’

 

回忆录说，段云还是一位出色的书法家和画家。

1980年，他在北京艺术博物馆举办了自己的作品展。

尽管他的古典美学倾向和他与邓小平的政治联系，段云度过了文化大革命。

到1970年代末，他成为国家计划委员会的副主任。

邓小平和段云都是幸存者，都对精英政治中的不和谐现象保持敏感，他们相互理解，掌握了必须要做的事情的复杂性。

他们的下一步行动是官僚主义的精妙之作。

 

Duan was also an accomplished calligrapher and painter, the memoir said. In 1980 he held an exhibition of his works at the Beijing Art Museum. Despite his classical aesthetic bent and his political association with Deng, Duan got through the Cultural Revolution. By the late 1970s he was deputy director of the National Planning Commission. Both survivors, both attuned to the dissonances in elite politics, Deng and Duan understood one another and grasped the intricacies of what must be done. Their next move was a masterpiece of bureaucratic subtlety.

 

没有什么大惊小怪，中国内阁国务院的党内元老们被说服，批准成立一个香港和澳门的经济和贸易调查小组。

这听起来很无害。

它的任务是探索香港和澳门如何实现经济增长，确定如何吸引海外中国人的技能和资本，审查外国投资的作用，并研究先进技术的使用。

其成员来自国家计划委员会和对外贸易部。

它将由段云领导。

该小组将只写一份关于其调查结果的概要报告；真正的信息将在向中央委员会的口头简报中传达。

 

Without much fuss, the party elders in the State Council, the Chinese cabinet, were persuaded to approve the formation of a Hong Kong and Macau economic and trade investigation team. It sounded innocuous enough. Its mandate was to explore how Hong Kong and Macau had achieved economic growth, establish how overseas Chinese skills and capital could be attracted, examine the role of foreign investment and look at the use of advanced technology. Its members were drawn from the state planning commission and the Ministry of Foreign Trade. It would be led by Duan. The group would write only an outline report of its findings; the real message would be delivered in an oral briefing to the central committee.

 

该小组于1978年4月10日抵达香港，引起了殖民地媒体的广泛报道。

政府官员举行了正式的欢迎仪式，确保了公众的尊重和顺利接待。

没有抗议活动来扰乱来自北京的人的平衡，他们身着安全人员的惯常单调服装。

他们也没有花太多时间与中国驻香港的官方代表接触，也许他们事先知道他们肯定会从共产党新闻机构新华社（在香港被称为新华社）的人那里听到意识形态路线。

相反，他们专注于看到和听到对他们来说很新鲜的东西。

 

The group’s arrival in Hong Kong on 10 April 1978 drew widespread coverage in the colony’s media. Government officials laid on a formal welcome, ensuring a respectful and smooth reception by the public. There were no protests to disturb the equilibrium of the men from Beijing, who wore the customary drab attire of safe-hands party functionaries. Nor did they spend too much time with the official Chinese representatives in Hong Kong, perhaps aware in advance of the ideological line they were sure to hear from the denizens of the Communist press agency Xinhua, known in Hong Kong as the New China News Agency (NCNA). Instead they concentrated on seeing and hearing things that were new to them.

 

英国殖民政府很高兴，尽管不确定这一切可能意味着什么，但还是组织了一次对证券交易所的访问，与企业会面，拜访政府，并参观了香港的外围地区--那些可以在深圳河对岸看到的诱人的地方。

在澳门，调查组收集了更多证据，会见了葡萄牙当局，并亲眼目睹了一块小小的飞地是如何变得繁荣的。

他们选择忽略其赌场，因为在共产党的教导下，赌博是一种可怕的社会弊端。

相反，他们谈到了工业、贸易和发展。

 

Delighted, if unsure of what it might all mean, the British colonial government organised a visit to the stock exchange, meetings with businesses, calls on the administration and tours of the outlying parts of Hong Kong – those that could be seen so alluringly across the Shenzhen River. In Macau, the team collected more evidence, met the Portuguese authorities and saw for itself how a tiny enclave had become prosperous. They chose to overlook its casinos, gambling being a hideous social blight in Communist teachings. Instead they talked about industry, trade and development.

 

1978年5月6日，段和他的伙伴们回到了北京。

即使在今天，他们此行的官方历史和他们随后于5月30日提交的报告草稿，都传达了一个长期以来对外部世界封闭的社会内部所引起的惊讶和羡慕之情。

 

Duan and his associates returned to Beijing on 6 May 1978. Even today, the official history of their trip and their subsequent report, which was delivered in draft on 30 May, conveys a sense of the amazement and envy aroused inside a society which had been closed to the outside world for so long.

 

6月3日，领导人聚集在一起听取报告。

虽然大多数中国人早已忘记了它，但党自己的说法是，它是 "一份真正伟大的历史文件，迈出了改革开放的第一步"。

它相当于放弃了中央计划，并从在中国领土上普遍应用马克思列宁主义经济学的方向上退了一步。

事实上，它又回到了许多长辈认为可以在中国境内设立独立的区域，按照与国家其他地区不同的路线运行的概念。

这个想法本身就有条约港口、外国特权和所有可恨的屈辱时代的包袱的影子，该党说它已经结束了。

然而，证据是如此令人信服，甚至连正统的毛泽东主义者华国锋，即伟大舵手的选定继承人，都会对其表示祝福。

 

On 3 June, the leaders gathered to hear the report. Although most Chinese people have long forgotten it, the party’s own account acknowledges it to be ‘a truly great historical document which took the first step in reform and opening up’. It amounted to a renunciation of central planning and a step back from the universal application of Marxist-Leninist economics throughout Chinese territory. In fact, it reverted to the concept, neuralgic to many elders, that there could be separate zones inside China run on different lines from the rest of the country. The very idea had echoes of treaty ports, foreign privileges and all the hateful baggage of an era of humiliation which the party said it had brought to an end. Yet so compelling was the evidence that even the orthodox Maoist Hua Guofeng, the chosen successor to the Great Helmsman, would give it his blessing.

 

今天，段和他的团队制定的原则似乎是任何经济学教科书中的平淡陈述。

在1977年北京的一次闭门会议上--人们可以想象，沉重的扶手椅，热气腾腾的茶杯，疲惫的头靠在防滑垫上，邓小平的痰盂放在他休息的座位附近，抽着烟--这些都带有政治风险。

 

Today the principles laid out by Duan and his team seem bland statements out of any economics textbook. In a closed party session in the Beijing of 1977 – one can imagine the heavy armchairs, the steaming cups of tea, the weary heads rested on antimacassars and Deng’s spittoon set near the seat where he reposed, chainsmoking – they came with political risk.

 

Duan告诉他的听众，他们对在香港和澳门发现的繁荣感到震惊。

官方报告说，仅英国殖民地在1977年的贸易额就达196亿美元，而整个中国的贸易额为148亿美元。

香港的土地资源有限。

它依靠外国资本和先进技术来刺激其经济增长。

香港对外汇没有管制，因此有大量的资本流动用于投资。

它的劳动力成本很低。

轻微的管制使公司能够以最少的麻烦进口原材料和先进的技术设备。

与中国社会主义官僚机构的迷宫相比，所有听众都知道，这是一个陌生的新世界。

此外，香港的产品是针对出口市场的。

 

Duan told his listeners that the group had been shocked by the boom they found in Hong Kong and Macau. The British colony alone, the official report said, did US$19.6 billion in trade in 1977, compared with US$14.8 billion for all of China. Hong Kong had limited resources of land. It relied on foreign capital and advanced technology to spur its economic growth. Hong Kong had no controls on foreign currency and thus enjoyed abundant flows of capital for investment. Its labour costs were low. Light regulation allowed companies to import raw materials and advanced technological equipment with a minimum of trouble. Compared to the labyrinth of Chinese socialist bureaucracy, all those listening knew, this was a strange new world. In addition, Hong Kong’s products were targeted at export markets.

 

调查组总结说，中国可以复制香港的方法。

它可以利用外国资本和当地廉价劳动力，进口原材料或半成品，引进必要的设备，然后向世界出口成品。

将设立特区来进行试验，保留政治控制权，如果党觉得做得太过分，还可以关闭贸易。

 

The investigation team summed up by saying that China could copy the methods of Hong Kong. It could use foreign capital and cheap local labour, import raw materials or semi-finished products, bring in the necessary equipment and then export the finished articles to the world. Special zones would be set up to conduct the experiment, retaining political control and the ability to shut down trade if the party felt it had gone too far.

 

这也许是中国共产党委员会内部听到的第一个全球化宣言。

它精明地对农业、工业、国防和科技四个现代化表示敬意，这四个现代化是该党自1960年代以来正式拥护的目标，并被重新恢复，打上口号和重新命名，以表示邓小平的新政策。

它采用了党的劝告所喜欢的激动人心的语调，说："现在是解放思想，采取行动的时候了。

 

This was, perhaps, the first manifesto for globalisation heard inside the councils of the Chinese Communist Party. It shrewdly paid deference to the Four Modernisations, of agriculture, industry, national defence and science and technology, goals officially embraced by the party since the 1960s which had been revived, sloganised and rebranded to signify the new policies of Deng Xiaoping. Adopting the stirring tones favoured for party exhortations, it said: ‘Now is the time to emancipate the mind and to act.’

 

(在统治秩序中，认识到这种解放的局限性是有代价的）。

我们现在知道，邓小平本人并不打算让中国的社会主义道路转变成一个具有混合经济、竞争性政党和自由选举的社会民主实验。

一位持不同政见者魏京生在1978年晚些时候在首都短暂的 "民主墙 "上张贴了一篇文章，发出了对 "第五个现代化"--民主的著名呼吁，知识分子和工人可以在这里发泄情绪。

邓小平去世后，香港回归中国，1997年他终于被驱逐到美国，但 "第五个现代化 "仍然是一个不祥之兆）。

(Within the ruling order, it paid to recognise the limits of such emancipation. We now know that Deng himself had no intention of allowing the Chinese path to socialism to be diverted into a social democratic experiment with a mixed economy, competing political parties and free elections. A dissident, Wei Jingsheng, issued a famous call for a ‘fifth modernisation’ – democracy – by posting an essay later in 1978 on the capital’s short-lived Democracy Wall, where intellectuals and workers were allowed to let off steam. Wei went to prison for a total of eighteen years, and the ‘fifth modernisation’ remained anathema when he was finally deported to the United States in 1997 after Deng’s death and the return of Hong Kong to China.)

 

改革者在1978年的成功正是因为将政治排除在议程之外。

他们所提出的建议足够激进。

他们建议中国在宝安县（此后被普遍称为深圳）和珠江对岸的沿海城市珠海建立其首批两个经济特区。

官方说法是这样总结其吸引力的。

深圳和珠海拥有发展出口区的条件，这在全国其他地方是无法比拟的。

让我们向香港和澳门学习! 想象一下，经过三到五年的努力，我们建设了基础设施，发展了工农业出口的生产基地，赢得了香港和澳门同胞的心。

为什么，连游客都会蜂拥而至。

让这两个县成为我们新的边疆城市'。

 

The reformers succeeded in 1978 precisely by keeping politics off the agenda. What they proposed was radical enough. They suggested that China set up its first two Special Economic Zones in Bao’an county – henceforth to be known generally as Shenzhen – and the coastal city of Zhuhai, across the Pearl River. The official account summed up their appeal like this: ‘Shenzhen and Zhuhai have conditions for developing export zones that are unmatched anywhere else in the country. Let us learn from Hong Kong and Macau! Imagine that after three to five years hard work we have constructed the infrastructure, developed a production base for industrial and agricultural exports and won over the hearts of our Hong Kong and Macau compatriots. Why, even tourists will flock to see it. Let the two counties become our new frontier cities.’

 

即使通过宣传部门的枯燥的散文，也很难摆脱那些起草文件的人的兴奋和机会感。

他们也曾在细节上下功夫。

必须采取 "特别管理办法"，派最好的干部去加强南方这个遥远的、经常不守规矩的地区的地方领导。

外贸部的进口和出口部门将与香港和澳门当局打交道。

广东的省级当局将负责原材料和设备。

他们被授权进行贷款，并通过香港和澳门进口任何必要的东西。

作为一项优惠措施，新出口的部分收入将由地方政府保留。

 

Even via the leaden prose of the propaganda department, it is hard to escape the sense of excitement and opportunity that must have seized those drafting the document. They had worked on the detail, too. There would have to be a ‘special management approach’ with the best cadres sent in to strengthen the local leadership in a far-flung and often unruly part of the south. The import and export department of the Ministry of Foreign Trade would deal with the authorities in Hong Kong and Macau. The provincial authorities in Guangdong were to be responsible for raw materials and equipment. They were authorised to take out loans and to import whatever was necessary through Hong Kong and Macau. As a sweetener, some of the revenues from the new exports would be kept by the local government.

 

无处不在的国家安全机构，他们的谨慎是可以预期的，被告知要简化持有必要文件的香港和澳门 "同胞 "及其 "外国客人 "的入境程序。

在1967年文化大革命的混乱中被取缔的小规模跨境贸易将得到恢复。

沿岸的渔民将被允许拥有外汇和进行贸易，这是一个信号，表明对他们行动的限制将被放宽。

这一切都指向了自由化。

社会主义并不排斥市场经济，"这是邓小平的口头禅。

他赞成在深圳和珠海进行试验，后来又将福建省的老条约港口厦门列入名单。

 

The omnipresent organs of state security, whose caution was to be expected, were told to simplify the procedures for admitting Hong Kong and Macau ‘compatriots’ who held the necessary documents, and their ‘foreign guests’. Small scale cross-border trade, outlawed amid the chaos of the Cultural Revolution in 1967, was to be restored. Fishermen along the coast would be allowed to have foreign currency and to trade, a signal that restrictions on their movement would be eased. It all pointed to liberalisation. ‘Socialism does not exclude a market economy,’ was Deng Xiaoping’s refrain. He was in favour of the experiments at Shenzhen and Zhuhai and would later add the old treaty port of Xiamen, in Fujian province, to the list.

 

随着时间的推移，苏维埃火焰的守护者将对经济特区做出反应。

陈云是继邓小平之后最有影响力的党内元老，他坚持认为中央计划必须占上风。

他抱怨说，经济特区会侵蚀社会主义经济，从中国的贫困地区抽走资源和投资，分散国家主要任务的注意力，最糟糕的是，会造成一种两级经济模式，让人想起过去的坏日子。

陈云一直反对经济特区的想法，"赵紫阳在其回忆录中写道。

他从未涉足其中任何一个。

我听说他派了特使去这些地区，这些特使一开始回来的报告是负面的，但后来却比较积极。

但他总是有疑虑和反对意见。

 

In time, keepers of the Soviet flame would react against the Special Economic Zones. Chen Yun, the most influential party elder after Deng Xiaoping, insisted that central planning must prevail. He complained that the zones would erode socialist economics, drain resources and investment from poorer parts of China, act as a distraction from the country’s main tasks and, worst of all, create a two-class economic model all too redolent of the bad old days. ‘Chen Yun had always objected to the idea of Special Economic Zones,’ wrote Zhao Ziyang in his memoir. ‘He never set foot in any of them. I’ve heard that he sent envoys to the zones who at first returned with negative reports, but later were more positive. But he always had doubts and objections.’

 

然而，在1978年令人振奋的夏天，邓小平和改革者们的势头很好。

所有人都很清楚，中国必须尝试一些新的东西，即使各派别对这一尝试的具体内容有分歧。

中央委员会和国务院同意了段云报告中的建议。

这意味着政治领导层和政府都对其进行了认可。

担任政治局常委的不善言辞的毛派人士华国锋发表了一份 "原则上 "同意的声明。

这标志着华国锋--被毛泽东提名为他的继任者，因为主席在他最后的日子里说："你辦事，我放心"--让出了政治立场。

他告诉规划官员："去吧，按你说的做。

 

In the heady summer of 1978, however, Deng Xiaoping and the reformers had momentum on their side. It was clear to all that China had to try something new, even if the factions disagreed as to exactly what that should be. The central committee and the State Council agreed to the recommendations in Duan Yun’s report. This meant that both the political leadership and the government had given it their imprimatur. Hua Guofeng, the uncharismatic Maoist who chaired the Politburo standing committee, issued a statement of approval ‘in principle’. It marked a moment when Hua – nominated by Mao as his successor because, the chairman said in his last days, ‘with you in charge my heart is at ease’ – conceded political ground. He told the planning officials, ‘Go ahead and do what you say.’

 

 

对于正在努力恢复中国南部秩序和信心的党政官员来说，北京的决定几乎来得太晚了。

据官方历史记载，从1978年下半年到1979年中期，越境逃往香港的人数达到高峰。

不仅是农民，还有官员、工人及其子女，甚至是青少年和中小学学生都在逃亡。

统计数据不稳定，但有一个数据很能说明问题：在一个叫莲塘的村子里，几乎所有的人口，大约1200人，都逃了出来，一半的土地无人打理，生产目标也被放弃。

 

The decision in Beijing came almost too late for party officials struggling to restore order and confidence in southern China. The period from the second half of 1978 to the middle of 1979 saw a peak in numbers escaping across the border to Hong Kong, according to official histories. ‘Not only farmers but also officials, workers and their children, even teenagers and primary and middle school students were escaping,’ said one account. The statistics were fluid but one speaks volumes: in a village called Liantang almost all the population, some 1,200 people, had fled, half the land lay untended and production targets had been abandoned.

 

1978年7月的一天，广东省委书记习仲勋开始了对边境地区的视察之旅。

习仲勋的官方传记异常生动地叙述了这一旅程，这具有重要意义，因为习仲勋不仅是一位可信的共产党老兵，他的意见得到了政治局的重视。

他还是习近平的父亲，习近平将在2012年成为中国的领导人。

 

One day in July 1978, the party secretary of Guangdong, Xi Zhongxun, set out on an inspection tour of the border areas. The journey is recounted in unusually vivid detail in his official biography, a matter of significance because Xi Zhongxun was not only a credible Communist veteran whose opinions were taken seriously by the Politburo. He was also the father of Xi Jinping, who would become leader of China in 2012.

 

1913年10月15日，习仲勋出生在中国中部陕西省的一个农村地主家庭。

尽管这个阶级背景可疑，但他的革命血统是完美无缺的。

青年时期，他参加了学生示威活动，被国民党警察逮捕。

在狱中，他于1928年成为一名共产党员。

出狱后，他进入了中国西北部动荡的军事政治，最后加入了在渭河以北活动的共产党游击队。

作为一个天生的领导者，他成为一个横跨陕西和甘肃省的苏维埃主席，然后成为在荒凉的西北地区管理一个大的革命根据地的集体领导之一。

 

Xi Zhongxun was born to a rural landowning family in central China’s Shaanxi province on 15 October 1913. Despite this dubious class background, his revolutionary pedigree was immaculate. As a youth he joined student demonstrations and was arrested by the nationalist police. While in prison, he became a member of the Communist Party in 1928. On release, he entered the turbulent military politics of northwest China, where he ended up with Communist guerrillas operating north of the Wei river. A natural leader, he emerged as chairman of a Soviet that spanned Shaanxi and Gansu provinces, then became one of a collective leadership running a big Revolutionary Base Area in the bleak northwest.

 

他的故事现在加速了。

1935年，习仲勋成为党内 "整风运动 "的受害者。

这类谋杀性的清洗活动定期席卷共产党地区。

一些学者认为，永久性的斗争是根植于从布尔什维克引进的斯大林主义方法论中的，是将权力集中在一个人身上的一种不公开的手段。

宗族和地区竞争也起到了一定的作用。

官方的说法是，在习仲勋即将被处决的几天里，毛泽东带着他的部队来到这里，饶了他一命，并将习仲勋和他的同志们纳入延安苏维埃。

在党的历史上，这里成为毛泽东从长征中恢复过来并为新中国打下基础的红色堡垒。

一经平反，习仲勋就被奉为中国第一代革命领袖的延安神殿。

 

His story now quickens: Xi fell victim to a party ‘rectification campaign’ in 1935. Murderous purges of this kind periodically swept the Communist areas. Some scholars believe permanent struggle was ingrained in the Stalinist methodology imported from the Bolsheviks as an undeclared means to centralise authority in one man. Clan and regional rivalries also played their part. The official version is that Xi was days from execution when Mao Zedong arrived with his troops, spared his life and integrated Xi and his comrades into the Yan’an Soviet. This became hallowed in party history as the redoubt in which Mao recovered from the Long March and built the foundations of New China. Once rehabilitated, Xi Zhongxun was enshrined in the Yan’an pantheon of the First Generation of Chinese revolutionary leaders.

 

习仲勋作为一名军人、一名行政人员和一名马克思主义者取得了成功。

传记指出，他在共产党控制的西北地区组织了战争经济，担任军事参谋，并在党的组织部门担任有影响力的职务，负责管理人事和任命。

报告强调，在所有政策中，他都被视为温和和务实的，拒绝激进的左翼方法，主张政治解决方案。

当然，这只是官方许可的传记性事后分析。

然而，在革命后的中国，记录显示他采取了精明的讨价还价和妥协策略，平息了青海藏族省份的叛乱。

他化解了新疆的阶级斗争，新疆是西北的一个广大地区，激进分子试图将土地改革和阶级分化强加给反抗和迷茫的牧民。

 

Xi prospered as a soldier, an administrator and a Marxist. The biography notes that he organised the war economy in the Communist-held northwest, served on the military staff and held an influential post in the party’s organisation department, which governed personnel and appointments. In all policies, it emphasises, he was seen as moderate and pragmatic, rejecting radical left-wing methods and arguing for political solutions. This is, of course, officially licensed biographical hindsight. In post-revolutionary China, however, the records show him pursuing an astute strategy of bargain and compromise to put down a rebellion in the ethnic Tibetan province of Qinghai. He defused the class struggle in Xinjiang, a vast area of the northwest where the radicals sought to impose land reform and class divisions among resistant and bewildered herders.

 

20世纪50年代，年轻的达赖喇嘛在北京见到了习仲勋，认为他 "思想开放，非常好"。

他送给这位中国干部一块欧米茄金表。

然而，习仲勋不是自由主义者，而是一个被毛泽东信任的忠诚的共产党人，他是一个经历过流血、镇压和无情的党内争斗的老手。

他站在党的最高点，监督宣传、教育和文化政策。

他是中央委员会成员，并担任副总理，向周恩来报告。

需要指出的是，这些年是毛泽东的大跃进时期，贸然推行工业化，这些年的社会主义政策导致了大饥荒。

在这些注定要失败的实验中，官方统计的饥饿和暴力死亡人数为1500万，调查记者杨继盛认为约为3600万，香港大学的批判性历史学家Frank Dikötter认为高达 4500万。

 

The young Dalai Lama met Xi in Beijing in the 1950s and decided that he was ‘open minded and very nice’. He gave the Chinese cadre a gold Omega watch. Yet Xi was no liberal but a loyal Communist trusted by Mao as a veteran of bloodshed, repression and pitiless intra-party feuds. He rose to supervise propaganda, education and culture policies from a vantage point at the apex of the party. He was on the central committee and served as a vice premier, reporting to Zhou Enlai. Let it be noted that these were the years of Mao’s Great Leap Forward, a rash bid for industrialisation, years of socialist policies which caused a great famine. The death toll through starvation and violence of these doomed experiments has been put at 15 million by official statistics, at some 36 million by the investigative journalist Yang Jisheng and as high as 45 million by the critical historian Frank Dikötter of Hong Kong University.

 

1962年，毛泽东发动了一场大清洗，其方法是文化大革命的前奏，这一切对习仲勋来说都是崩溃的。

在经典的风格中，它的特点是一本有争议的书，一个早已被遗忘的失宠的干部，以及为毛泽东的一个老敌人恢复名誉的秘密努力。

细节并不重要：重要的是毛泽东将这一切视为 "反党阴谋"。

随之而来的是下台、自我批评和流放到拖拉机厂。

在这期间，习仲勋的家人被打散，他的儿子习近平被放逐到农村，在陕西的一个公社劳动。

在接下来的几年里，随着文化大革命在中国的蔓延，竞争的毒液流遍了党的血管。

激进分子监禁并折磨习仲勋，然后将他软禁起来。

直到毛泽东去世和乌托邦式的中国马克思主义实验的衰落，他才出现。

到1978年，他已经恢复了体力和政治权威。

邓小平将他派往广东。

 

It all came crashing down for Xi in 1962 when Mao unleashed a purge that served in its methods as a precursor to the Cultural Revolution. In classic style, it featured a contentious book, a long-forgotten disgraced cadre and a coded effort to rehabilitate an old enemy of Mao. The details were irrelevant: what mattered was that Mao saw it all as an ‘anti-party plot’. Downfall, self-criticism and exile to a tractor factory swiftly ensued. In that time Xi’s family was scattered and his son, Xi Jinping, was banished to the countryside to labour on a commune in Shaanxi. The venom of rivalry flowed through the party’s veins in the following years as the Cultural Revolution spread across China. The radicals imprisoned and tortured Xi Zhongxun, then put him under house arrest. It was not until the death of Mao and the waning of the utopian Chinese Marxist experiment that he emerged. By 1978 he had recovered his physical strength and his political authority. Deng dispatched him to Guangdong.

 

该省变革的时机已经成熟。

该省人民目睹了伴随他们一生的一幕幕。

企业家张伟航Zhang Weihang回忆说，在文化大革命后期，他和母亲一起沿着广州珠江边的舒适河边散步："我抬起头，看到有人被吊在树上。

他们被吊在绳索的末端。

他们穿着简单的蓝色衣服，就像当时的所有人一样。

我注意到他们的身体慢慢地转来转去，在微风中摇摆，树枝随着他们的移动而弯曲。

我的母亲告诉我不要抬头，要直视前方，继续走。

我们决不能对任何人说起这件事。

 

The province was ripe for change. Its people had witnessed scenes that stayed with them for the rest of their lives. Zhang Weihang, an entrepreneur, recalled going out as a child with his mother during the latter days of the Cultural Revolution along the pleasant riverside walk in Guangzhou by the Pearl River: ‘I looked up and I saw people hanging from the trees. They were hanging on the end of ropes. They were wearing simple blue clothes like everybody did at that time. I noticed that their bodies were slowly turning round and round, swaying in the breeze and the branches of the trees bent as they moved. My mother told me not to look up, to look straight ahead and to walk on. We were never to say anything to anyone about it.’

 

 

张的父母是一对受过高等教育的夫妇，曾在粤剧界工作。

他们的家曾经充满了音乐和绚丽的服装和色彩，直到单调的服从和政治控制扼杀了这种艺术形式。

更糟的是，他们的背景很富有。

张的祖父在解放前拥有一家工厂。

他们已经失去了一切。

全家住在一个两室一厅的公寓里。

张的父母和他的姑姑与男孩和他的妹妹睡在同一个房间，他们的床被浅色窗帘隔开。

他们在走廊尽头与其他五个家庭共用一个厕所和浴室。

 

Zhang’s parents were a highly cultivated couple who had worked in the Cantonese opera. Their home had been full of music and splendid costumes and colours until drab conformity and political control strangled the art form. Worse, they had come from a wealthy background. Zhang’s grandfather had owned a factory before Liberation. They had lost everything. The family lived in a two-room apartment. Zhang’s parents and his aunt slept in the same room as the boy and his sister, their beds separated by light curtains. They shared a toilet and bathroom at the end of the corridor with five other families.

 

中国人民解放军的一名士兵魏瀚也有类似的回忆。

魏瀚的出身不那么高雅，但他把自己变成了一个受过高等教育的农民知识分子。

军队服务使他学会了学习的纪律，他抓住了解放军为其部队提供的每一个教育机会。

他在云南省的亚热带森林中的土匪国家服役，直到他的部队被派往广东。

当时，党的领导层开始利用解放军来恢复秩序，结束文化大革命中笼罩城市和农村的暴力无政府状态。

但是，解放军并不总是有效的，它的政治任务是模糊的和不断变化的。

有一天，魏瀚和他的部队沿着堤坝在稻田里行进，士兵们听到并看到他们左边的骚动。

 

Wei Han, a soldier in the People’s Liberation Army, had similar recollections. Wei came from less refined origins but had made himself into a self-educated peasant intellectual. Army service taught him discipline in learning and he seized every educational opportunity the PLA offered its troops. He served in bandit country down in the subtropical forests of Yunnan province until his unit was posted to Guangdong. It was a time when the party leadership began to use the PLA to restore order and to put an end to the violent anarchy that had gripped cities and countryside alike in the Cultural Revolution. But the PLA was not always effective and its political mandate was ambiguous and ever-shifting. One day Wei was marching with his unit along a dyke through the rice paddies when the soldiers heard and saw a commotion to their left:

'看起来有数百人在田野里排队，大约两百米远。

他们正在被红卫兵射杀。

被处决。

我们看到枪声，听到许多枪声。

他们像玉米穗一样倒下，或者像动物在村里被杀时一样倒下。

我们所有的士兵都感到震惊。

这怎么可能呢？杀害中国人？我们当时很年轻。

我曾经是一名红卫兵，在我十几岁的时候，我甚至还带领大家去韶山的毛主席出生地游行过。

但看到这一幕，还是非常震惊。

我和我的战友们说，我们必须进行干预。

但我们的官员非常严格。

他们说 "伙计们! 这与我们没有关系。

我们是解放军，正在履行我们的职责。

这是政治工作，与我们无关。

眼睛看着路，继续往前走"。

我们当然遵从了。

但我们没有人能够忘记我们所看到的一切。

‘It looked like hundreds of people lined up in the field, about two hundred metres away. They were being shot by the Red Guards. Executed. We saw the gunsmoke and heard many shots. They fell over like ears of corn or like animals when they are killed in the village. All of us soldiers were shocked. How could this be? Killing Chinese people? We were young. I had been a Red Guard, I had even led a march to Chairman Mao’s birthplace in Shaoshan when I was a teenager. But it was still very shocking to see this. My comrades and I said we must intervene. But our officers were very strict. They said: “Men! This is nothing to do with us. We are PLA men doing our duty. This is political work and not for us. Keep your eyes on the road and keep marching ahead.” We obeyed of course. But none of us could ever forget what we saw.’

 

 

几十年来，普通中国人一直盯着前面的路，不敢看周围。

这就是为什么在炎热、潮湿的季节里，习仲勋踏上了一个让他大开眼界的旅程。

他的传记说，这次旅行是在夏至之后不久进行的，这提醒人们，即使在共产党的中国，天象的变化也与收获和丰收有关。

习仲勋与当地党政官员王南国和地区报纸《南方日报》的副主编张汉卿乘坐一辆七人座的小巴，后者留下了他们的旅行记录。

 张汉卿回忆说："7月和8月是收获季节，但我们没有看到南方的田地里有任何繁忙的耕作。

习仲勋明显感到不安。

看到这一幕，习仲勋的心里就有了沉重的阴影。

 

For decades ordinary Chinese had kept their eyes on the road ahead and had not dared to look around them. That was why, one day in the hot, humid season, Xi Zhongxun set out on a journey that opened his eyes. The trip came shortly after the summer solstice, his biography says, a reminder that even in Communist China, the passage of the heavens was associated with harvests and plenty. Xi rode in a seven-seater minibus with Wang Nanguo, a local party official, and Zhang Hanqing, deputy editor of the Nanfang Daily, a regional newspaper, who left an account of their trip. ‘July and August were harvest time,’ Zhang recalled, ‘but we did not see any busy farming in the fields to the south. Xi was visibly upset. Seeing this scene, a heavy shadow fell upon Xi Zhongxun’s heart.’

 

在返回深圳的路上，小巴停在路边。

车上的人看着解放军士兵抓住两名逃犯，给他们戴上了手铐。

这些人将被关押在哪里？习仲勋问现场的官员。

 

On the way back to Shenzhen, the minibus stopped by the side of the road. Its occupants watched PLA soldiers seize two fugitives and handcuff them. ‘Where will these men be held?’ Xi asked officials at the scene.

 

莲塘有一个临时收容所，过河时被抓的人先被带到那里，关押一晚上。

第二天早上，他们会被送到其他地方。

每天都是这样。

"回答说。

‘There’s a temporary shelter in Liantang, where people who are caught crossing the river are taken first and held overnight. They are sent on elsewhere the next morning. It’s like this every day,’ came the reply.

 

当小巴沿着狭窄的乡村公路回到深圳时，天已经黑了。

习仲勋命令司机找到去临时收容所的路。

他对他所发现的情况感到沮丧。

官方传记提供的叙述，虽然无疑是为了宣传目的而涂抹的，但却传达了当时的政治信息：

"社会主义应该是很好的，因为我们是自己命运的主人，那么你们为什么要去香港做奴隶，被剥削？习仲勋问蜷缩在庇护所里的逃亡者。

 

It was dark when the minibus arrived back in Shenzhen along the narrow country roads. Xi ordered the driver to find his way to the temporary shelter. He was dismayed at what he found. The official biography provides an account that, while undoubtedly varnished for propaganda purposes, conveys the political message of the moment: ‘Socialism is supposed to be so good because we are masters of our own destiny, so why do you go to Hong Kong to be slaves and to be exploited?’ Xi asked the fugitives huddled in the shelter.

 

'我们很穷，没有足够的钱，'一个人说，'在香港很容易找到工作。

‘We are poor and there’s not enough to go around,’ said one, ‘and it’s easy to find a job in Hong Kong.’

 

宝安县委书记方宝告诉他的知名访客，到了香港的人在找到工作后不久就开始寄钱回来。

他们的家人在一两年内就能建造新的房屋。

这就是为什么他们冒着风险越过党史定义的 "贫困线"。

 

The party secretary of Bao’an County, Fang Bao, told his eminent visitor that people who made it to Hong Kong began to send money back shortly after they got a job. Their families would be able to build new houses within a year or two. That is why they took risks to cross what the party history defined as ‘the poverty line’.

 

绝望导致了从未出现在中国媒体上的场面。

在深圳，关押被抓获的押运员的拘留所拥挤得可怕。

其中一个拘留所可容纳400人，但却容纳了3000人。

在炎热的夏天，由于卫生条件差，一直有一股恶臭。

饮水短缺。

病人和伤员不得不自力更生。

对党政当局来说，不祥的是，法律和秩序在崩溃的边缘徘徊。

习仲勋的官方传记说："在遣返过程中，一些人跳出了车辆，有一些人埋伏在那里，偷窃他们的东西，""多次发生有人袭击护送人员，殴打他们，偷窃他们的武器。

为了安全起见，护送人员采取了给护送人员戴上手铐，把他们绑在一起，但这也造成了不好的影响。

 

Desperation led to scenes that never appeared in the Chinese media. The detention centres for captured escapers in Shenzhen were horribly overcrowded. One was built for 400 people but held up to 3,000. In the summer heat, there was a constant stink from poor sanitation. Drinking water ran short. The sick and injured had to fend for themselves. Ominously for the party authorities, law and order teetered on the verge of breakdown. ‘During repatriations some people jumped out of the vehicles, there were crowds lying in wait and stealing from them,’ says the official biography of Xi, ‘there were repeated cases where people set upon the escorts, beat them up and stole their weapons. For security reasons the escorts resorted to handcuffing the escapers and roping them together but this also caused a bad effect.’

 

无政府状态的事件可能会玷污最热心的党内官员的记录，习仲勋很清楚，必须采取一些措施。

对官方传记中对其战略监督的描述持怀疑态度是很诱人的。

然而，证据显示，习仲勋抵制了警方对押送人员进行无情镇压的本能。

他的决策中还有一个因素。

在从香港回来的路上，段云率领的调查组在广州停留，拜访了他。

他们都同意，现在是向香港和澳门学习的时候了。

恢复安全所需要的是繁荣和希望。

 

Episodes of anarchy might stain the record of the most ardent party official and Xi was well aware that something must be done. It would be tempting to be sceptical of the official biography’s rendition of his strategic oversight. The evidence, however, is that Xi resisted the instincts of the police to stage a merciless crackdown on escapers. There was another element in his decision-making. On their way back from Hong Kong, the investigation team led by Duan Yun had stopped in Guangzhou to call on him. They all agreed that it was time to learn from Hong Kong and Macau. All that was needed to restore security were prosperity and hope.

 

习仲勋召开了党政官员和政府部门负责人会议。

这些逃犯是我们的同胞，不能被当作我们的敌人，"他告诉他们，"如果他们自己的生活条件不够好，不能解决他们的问题，我们怎么能说他们是偷渡者？人民之间有矛盾，而不是我们和某个敌人之间有矛盾。

我们不应该只是抓人。

我们应该建设好我们的内陆地区，把他们引到我们这边来。

 

Xi called a meeting of party officials and heads of government departments. ‘These fugitives are our fellow countrymen and can’t be treated as our enemies,’ he told them, ‘how can we call them stowaways if their own living conditions aren’t good enough to solve their problems? There are contradictions among the people, not between us and some enemy. We should not just catch people. We should build up our inland areas and lure them to our side.’

 

 

他建议释放这些被拘留者，并派他的一个副手黄静波去深圳，命令他放人。

结果是又一次爆发了无政府状态。

谣言像野火一样蔓延，说大赦意味着边境开放。

来自边境地区乡镇的7万多人冲向边境哨所，试图强行通过。

只有在深圳市委和边防部队尽力通过教育来劝阻他们之后，情况才得以平静下来，"官方传记腼腆地说。

八百多人确实成功地逃了出来，官方也不可避免地进行了调查。

在了解事实后，习仲勋感到自己在采取预防措施之前，仓促决定释放所有被拘留者，这个决定不符合边境地区的实际情况。

习仲勋进行了自我批评，并意识到只有在大陆改革和生活水平提高后，这些逃亡才会停止，"它说。

 

He proposed that the detainees should be set free and sent one of his deputies, Huang Jingbo, to Shenzhen with orders to let them go. The result was another outbreak of anarchy. Rumours spread like wildfire that the amnesty meant the border was open. More than 70,000 people from townships in the border region rushed to the frontier posts and tried to force their way through. ‘Only after the Shenzhen municipal party committee and the border forces tried their best to dissuade them through education did the situation calm down,’ the official biography states coyly. More than eight hundred people did succeed in escaping and there was the inevitable official inquest. ‘On learning the facts, Xi Zhongxun felt that he had made a hasty decision to release all the detainees before taking preventive measures, a decision which was not in line with the reality along the border. Xi made a self-criticism and realised that these escapes would only stop when the mainland had reformed and its living standards had been raised up,’ it said.

 

这段轶事出自两卷本的传记，其本身就是政治建设的一个启示性例子。

第一卷出版于2008年，在主人公的儿子习近平获得最高权力的四年前。

第二卷是在2012年动荡的继任后于2013年出版的，因此可以推测它对错误和自我批评等事情采取了更谨慎的态度。

 

The two-volume biography from which this anecdote comes is itself a revelatory example of political construction. The first volume was published in 2008, four years before Xi Jinping, the subject’s son, came to supreme power. The second volume appeared in 2013 after the tumultuous succession of 2012 and may thus be presumed to take a more cautious approach about such things as errors and self-criticism.

 

该书由一位值得信赖的党史专家贾巨川撰写，他于1996年开始研究其主题。

他是干燥、贫穷的中部省份陕西的人，在抗日战争期间，老习在那里度过了他在共产党根据地的部分 "革命之旅"。

这本传记得到了党的领导人的批准，这是一种尊重的标志，保证了作者能够接触到他的对象。

老习还活着，"贾巨川写道，他回忆说，他感到 "责任重大，但非常幸运"。

随着任务的进展，多达八位其他作者加入了一个编辑委员会，但通过集体决定，贾巨川被任命为主要作者。

这篇文章自然是事后的颂扬，但对习仲勋和他的同志们在1978年的教训包含了一个历史真相：改革不能拖延。

 

It was written by a trusted party historian, Jia Juchuan, who began work on his subject in 1996. He was a native of the dry, poor central province of Shaanxi, where the elder Xi spent part of his ‘revolutionary journey’ in the Communist Party base areas during the war against Japan. The biography was approved by party leaders, a sign of esteem which guaranteed the author access to his subject. ‘Old Xi was still alive,’ wrote Jia, recalling that he felt ‘great responsibility but very lucky’. As the task progressed, up to eight other contributors joined an editorial committee but by a collective decision Jia was named lead author. The text is, naturally, a homily in hindsight but the lessons for Xi Zhongxun and his comrades in 1978 contain a historical truth: reform could not be delayed.

 

1978年12月拜会英国总督麦理浩爵士的中国部长也是一位香港的老兵。

1929年，李强被共产党派去通过民族主义控制的中国，在九龙建立一个秘密电台。

当时他只有二十四岁。

 

The Chinese minister who called on Sir Murray MacLehose, the British governor, in December 1978 was also a veteran of Hong Kong. Li Qiang had been sent by the Communist Party through nationalist-controlled China in 1929 to set up a secret radio station in Kowloon. He was only twenty-four at the time.

 

在一个不那么拥挤的时代，李强值得为他自己写一本传记。

作为间谍、科学家和思想家，中国的外贸部长在经历了艰苦的革命生涯后，很晚才来到官场上的光鲜走廊。

他对英国人毫无好感。

20岁时，李强是1925年 "五卅运动 "的学生领袖。

"五卅运动 "是一场反对西方帝国主义的运动，这一天，英国官员领导的上海市警察在该市的国际定居点枪杀了罢工者和抗议者。

这一事件促使上海的许多年轻人加入革命运动；对爱国者来说，它唤起了外国在中国存在的所有最糟糕的方面：治外法权、剥削、任意使用武力和野蛮镇压。

事件发生后，抗议罢工和抵制活动沿着海岸线蔓延到香港。

当一系列中国和国际法律名人进行调查时（由外国主导的调查为警察洗脱罪名），年轻的李强和他的战友们被激怒了。

 

In a less crowded age Li would merit a biography of his own. Spy, scientist and ideologue, China’s foreign trade minister had come late in life to the polished corridors of officialdom after a career at the hard end of revolution. He had no love for the British. At twenty, Li was a student leader in the May 30th Movement of 1925, a campaign launched against Western imperialism, named for the day when the Shanghai Municipal Police, under British officers, shot dead strikers and protesters in the city’s international settlement. The incident drove many youths in Shanghai to join the revolutionary movement; to patriots, it evoked all the worst aspects of the foreign presence in China: extraterritoriality, exploitation, the arbitrary use of force and brutal repression. In its aftermath, protest strikes and boycotts spread down the coast to Hong Kong. While an array of Chinese and international legal luminaries held inquiries (the foreign-led inquiry cleared the police), the young Li and his comrades were fired up.

 

根据他的官方传记，在工人武装起义期间，李强成为一名炸弹制造专家。

他迅速进入党的核心，并受到党的战略家周恩来的关注。

党会要求他戴上各种面具--在20世纪30年代的派系斗争的丛林中，在苏联，在内地深处组织一个巨大的军火工业。

最后，他将戴上外交的面具，会见外国使节和香港的殖民地总督。

李强的科学能力很早就得到了认可，但他并不是一个没有色彩的学者。

他的职业生涯沉浸在政治暴力中，由间谍活动形成，并以对叛徒的终生怀疑为标志。

 

According to his official biography, Li became an expert bomb-maker during the workers’ armed uprising. He moved rapidly to the core of the party and was noticed by its strategist, Zhou Enlai. The party would call upon him to don various masks – in the thickets of factional rivalries of the 1930s, in the Soviet Union, in organising a gigantic arms industry deep in the interior. Finally he would don the mask of diplomacy to meet foreign envoys and the colonial governor of Hong Kong. Li was recognised early on for his scientific prowess but he was no colourless academic. His career was steeped in political violence, formed by espionage and marked by a lifelong suspicion of traitors.

 

周恩来委托他在上海建立党的第一个地下电台。

他必须在国民党、其街头聪明的黑帮盟友、殖民地警察特别部门、日本军事情报和其他一系列相关方的眼皮底下，找到并培训一批热心的青年人才。

李强使它获得了成功。

在九龙的广播电台是党的宣传链中的第二个环节。

这也在没有被英国人注意到的情况下获得了成功。

这些电台很快就向全国各地广播了中央委员会的信息。

 

Zhou entrusted him with setting up the party’s first underground radio station in Shanghai. He had to find and train a group of ardent young talents under the noses of the Kuomintang, their street-smart gangster allies, the colonial police Special Branch, Japanese military intelligence and a slew of other interested parties. Li made it a success. The radio station in Kowloon was a second link in the party’s propaganda chain. This, too, succeeded without being noticed by the British. The stations were soon broadcasting messages from the central committee across the country.

 

1927年，上海的共产党遭到了背叛和屠杀，李强躲过了这一劫。

据说他的名字是后来被顾顺章出卖给国民党的人之一，顾顺章是1930年代该党最臭名昭著的叛徒。

温和的周恩来下令杀害顾顺章的家人以示报复；有一个可怕的国民党版本称，受害者被勒死并埋在房屋的水泥地板中。

李强逃到哈尔滨，一个与俄罗斯接壤的东北边境城市，然后逃到了莫斯科。

在那里，他接受了电信方面的培训。

他发表了关于无线电传输的研究论文，赢得了苏联科学当局的正式认可；据中国历史记载，其中一个定理被称为李强公式。

 

Li evaded the treachery and massacres that decimated the Communist Party in Shanghai in 1927. It is said that his name was among those later betrayed to the nationalists by Gu Shunzhang, the party’s most notorious traitor of the 1930s. The mild-mannered Zhou Enlai ordered Gu’s family to be killed in reprisal; one lurid Nationalist version has it that the victims were strangled and buried in the concrete floors of houses. Li escaped to Harbin, a city in the northeast borderlands with Russia, then made it to Moscow. There he trained in telecommunications. He published research papers on radio transmissions that won official recognition from the Soviet scientific authorities; one theorem, the Chinese history says, was known as the Li Qiang formula.

 

似乎这还不够冒险，李强回到中国北方，在延安周围单调的黄土高原上与毛泽东和周恩来会合。

长征结束后，共产党人在与世隔绝的情况下，决定建立自己的武器工业。

党史认为，李强策划了武器工厂、军火厂、钢铁厂、制药实验室和炼油厂的建设。

第一批枪支在1939年准备就绪，尽管生产规模不大。

尽管如此，李强还是建立了能够生产步枪、轻型火炮、榴弹发射器、手榴弹和迫击炮弹的工厂，并对从战场上运来的装备进行维修。

1949年共产党的胜利后，在毛泽东本人的赞扬下，李强负责发展无线电工业，主持延安自然科学学院的工作，并致力于为 "新中国 "培养一代技术人员和科学家。

像许多人在那个狂喜的时代一样，李强觉得他是在自己的圈子里。

 

As if this was not adventure enough, Li returned to northern China to join Mao and Zhou in the drab Loess Plateau around Yan’an. Fortified in their isolation after the Long March, the Communists decided to set up their own arms industry. The party history credits Li with masterminding the construction of weapons factories, munitions plants, steel mills, pharmaceutical laboratories and oil refineries. The first guns were ready in 1939 although the scale of production was modest. None the less, Li had established plants capable of turning out rifles, light artillery, grenade launchers, grenades and mortar shells, as well as repairing equipment that came in from the field. After the Communist victory in 1949, basking in praise from Mao himself, Li took charge of the development of the radio industry, presided over the Yan’an academy of natural sciences and devoted himself to training a generation of technicians and scientists for the ‘New China’. Like many in that time of rapture, Li felt that he was in his element.

 

然而，毛泽东再次需要他的才能，而李强则服从了党的意志。

凭借流利的俄语、科学声誉和管理经验，他被选为中国的对外贸易部长。

在当时，贸易意味着与社会主义兄弟国家的贸易。

李强驾驭了与苏联的求助，监督了一段时期的合作，然后在1960年代处理了两者之间的突然分裂。

在中国尽力从苏联方面保守国家机密和技术数据时，这位老间谍的手艺派上了用场。

 

Once again, however, Mao had need of his talents and Li submitted to the party’s will. With fluent Russian, scientific renown and managerial experience, he was chosen to be China’s minister of foreign trade. In those days trade meant commerce with fraternal socialist countries. Li navigated the courtship with the Soviet Union, oversaw a period of co-operation and then managed the abrupt split between the two in the 1960s. The old spy’s craft came in handy as China did its best to keep state secrets and technical data from the Soviet side.

 

在文化大革命期间，李强在党和国家核心的地位对他很有帮助。

他对冒险的纯粹热情也是如此。

在65岁时，李克强对越南进行了一次秘密访问，沿着胡志明的足迹走了一圈，亲眼目睹了中国为抗美援朝战争提供的数十亿美元所带来的成果。

他显然是毫不犹豫地支持：1995年，越南政府将授予他友谊勋章。

 

Li’s stature at the core of the party and the state served him well during the Cultural Revolution. So did his sheer enthusiasm for risk-taking. At the age of sixty-five, Li made a secret visit to Vietnam and travelled down the Ho Chi Minh trail to see for himself what China was getting for its billions of dollars in aid to the war against America. He was evidently unhesitating in his support: in 1995 the Vietnamese government would award him its medal of friendship.

 

在经济方面，他是一个实用主义者。

当理查德-尼克松在1971年切断美元和黄金之间的联系时，李强看到了一个机会。

在这位美国总统单方面取消其主要货币与贵金属的可兑换性，并实施工资和价格控制之后，世界货币体系颤抖了。

在北京，很少有人理解此举的讽刺意义。

尼克松正在对抗由越南战争开支引发的通货膨胀，而中国是越南战争中资助共产党一方的国家之一。

作为一个好的马克思主义者，李强去找他的老板周恩来，并说服他利用资本主义的混乱局面。

中国扩大了其在香港的外汇业务，并在对外贸易中采取了更严格的商业决策，其中大部分是通过珠江港口流动的。

在一年之内，周恩来称赞他的下属收获了30亿美元的收益。

 

In economics, he was a pragmatist. When Richard Nixon cut the link between the dollar and gold in 1971, Li saw an opportunity. The world’s monetary system trembled after the American president unilaterally cancelled the convertibility of its leading currency into precious metal and imposed wage and price controls. Few in Beijing understood the ironic connectivity of the move: Nixon was fighting inflation unleashed by spending on the Vietnam War, in which China was among those financing the Communist side. As a good Marxist, Li went to his boss, Zhou Enlai, and persuaded him to take advantage of the chaos gripping capitalism. China expanded its foreign exchange operations in Hong Kong and took tighter commercial decisions in foreign trade, most of which flowed through the Pearl River ports. Within a year, Zhou praised his subordinate for reaping a gain of $3 billion.

 

在毛泽东去世后的动荡时期，李强在伴随着四人帮垮台的恶性政治中幸存下来，成为一个复兴的声音。

文化大革命后，七十多岁的李强以其渊博的知识、广阔的视野和敏锐的思维，第一个向中央政府提出使用外国贷款的建议，他促进了向更广阔的世界开放，甚至将第一条可口可乐生产线带到了中国，"官方传记称。

李克强担任外贸部部长长达29年。

1996年9月，当他因肝癌去世，享年91岁时，他的存款账户上只有一小笔钱，这是中国科学院的一笔奖金。

就是这个人走进礼宾府，迎接香港第25任总督。

 

During the turbulent period after the death of Mao, Li survived the vicious politics that accompanied the fall of the Gang of Four to emerge as a voice of renewal. ‘After the Cultural Revolution the septuagenarian Li Qiang, with his profound knowledge, broad vision and keen thought, was the first to propose to the central government the use of foreign loans, he promoted opening up to the wider world and even brought the first Coca-Cola production line to China,’ the official hagiography stated. Li served as minister of foreign trade for twenty-nine years. And when he died of liver cancer, at the age of ninety-one, in September 1996, there was just a small sum in his deposit account, a gratuity from the Chinese Academy of Sciences. This was the man who walked into Government House to meet the twenty-fifth governor of Hong Kong.

 

Crawford Murray MacLehose, Baron MacLehose of Beoch, KT, GBE, KCMG, KCVO, DL，是该殖民地任期最长的总督。

他的四个任期涵盖了1971年至1982年的十多年。

他身着惯常的深色西装，身高超过六英尺，无论从哪个角度看，他都是英国在东部的机构的活生生的缩影。

 

Crawford Murray MacLehose, Baron MacLehose of Beoch, KT, GBE, KCMG, KCVO, DL, was the longest serving governor of the colony. His four terms in office covered more than a decade between 1971 and 1982. Towering in his customary dark suit at more than six feet tall, he appeared to all intents and purposes to be a living epitome of the British establishment in the east.

 

橄榄球学校、牛津大学贝利奥尔学院、一场 "好战"、外交部；事后看来，他的进步似乎毫不费力。

但是，麦克莱霍斯在工作中运用了苏格兰人的严谨态度，并拥有丰富的智力储备，使他在那个缺乏这种技能的时代成为一名中文学者。

他的职业生涯和其他许多人一样，在第二次世界大战期间涉足情报领域，当时他曾训练中国游击队在日本防线后方活动。

 

Rugby School, Balliol College, Oxford, a ‘good war’, the Foreign Office; in hindsight his progress can appear effortless. But MacLehose applied a Scottish rigour to his work and had reserves of intellect that made him a scholar of the Chinese language at a time when that skill was scarce. His career, like many others, shaded into the byways of intelligence during the Second World War, when he had trained Chinese guerrillas to operate behind Japanese lines.

 

麦理浩不是一双柔软的手。

他被选中担任艰苦的职务；最艰苦的也许是他在60年代末担任工党外交部长乔治-布朗的私人秘书。

布朗很容易出现闪光点--他声称1967年的联合国第242号决议是他的功劳，该决议至今仍确定了中东和平的参数--但更多时候是反复无常，情绪化。

麦理浩需要他所有的外交才能来安抚他的主人，并在这位外交大臣和他的首相哈罗德-卫奕信之间游刃有余。

他得到了双方的信任，他的回报是在1967年被任命为驻南越大使，那是美国政策陷入困境的关键一年。

卫奕信急切地想让英国不参与林登-约翰逊的战争。

这是一个需要最敏锐的政治技巧、宽阔的肩膀和安全许可的职位，让大使看到整个棋盘，从湄公河三角洲到北京和莫斯科。

这是为接下来的事情做的适当准备。

 

MacLehose was not a soft pair of hands. He was picked for hard postings; none harder, perhaps, than his period as private secretary to George Brown, the Labour foreign secretary, in the late 1960s. Brown was prone to flashes of brilliance – he claimed credit for the UN resolution 242 of 1967 that still defines the parameters of peace in the Middle East – but was more often erratic and emotional. MacLehose needed all his diplomatic talents to pacify his master and to navigate the cross-currents between the foreign secretary and his prime minister, Harold Wilson. Trusted by both, his reward was a job as ambassador to South Vietnam in 1967, the critical year when American policy buckled. Wilson was desperate to keep Britain out of Lyndon Johnson’s war. It was a posting that called for the sharpest political skill, broad shoulders and a security clearance that let the ambassador see the whole chessboard, from the Mekong Delta to Beijing and Moscow. It was apt preparation for what came next.

 

对大多数殖民地居民来说，令人惊讶的是，当麦克利什于1971年作为新任总督来到这里时，他不是作为一个行走的遗迹，所有填充的羽翼和拱形礼节，而是作为一个改革者。

像许多公务员一样，他吸收了战后工党政府的想法，尽管他对这些想法的有效实施感到绝望。

香港为温和的社会进步提供了一个实验室，他的专制权力扫除了令人厌烦的障碍，尽管自然有很多委员会。

在短时间内，除其他法令外，他扩大了义务教育，制定了建房计划，建造了地铁，引入了劳动保护，提高了香港老人和病人有资格获得的微薄的社会保险金，建立了廉政公署，并将中文作为官方语言。

 

The surprise, for most colonial residents, was that when MacLehose arrived as their new governor in 1971 he came not as a walking relic, all stuffed plumage and arch protocol, but as a reformer. Like many civil servants, he had absorbed the ideas of post-war Labour governments even if he despaired of their efficient implementation. Hong Kong provided a laboratory for moderate social progress and his autocratic powers swept away tiresome obstructions, although, naturally, committees there were in plenty. In short order, among other edicts, he extended compulsory education, set up a house-building programme, built the Mass Transit Railway, brought in labour protection, raised the paltry social security payments for which Hong Kong’s old and sick were eligible, established the Independent Commission Against Corruption and made Chinese an official language.

 

简而言之，他是马克思主义者所厌恶的那种社会民主改革者。

然而，他有一个务实的信念，他没有偏离这个信念，如果中国人猜到了，这无疑是他们决定与他打交道的依据。

作为香港和中国的老兵，麦理浩坚信，向香港输入民主是一个坏主意。

他在一连串的会议记录和简报中争辩说，这将疏远中国，无论英国政府对此说什么或做什么，中国都将不可避免地控制香港。

因此，很难想象有什么比李强1978年访问殖民地时面对面的英国和中国代表更适合开展外交。

 

He was, in short, the kind of social democratic reformer whom Marxists loathed. He had, however, one pragmatic conviction from which he did not deviate and which, if the Chinese guessed it, undoubtedly informed their decision to deal with him. As a veteran of Hong Kong and China, MacLehose was convinced that importing democracy to Hong Kong was a bad idea. It would alienate China, he argued in a stream of minutes and briefings, and China would inevitably take control of Hong Kong no matter what any British government could say or do about it. It was hard, then, to conceive of a better fit for diplomacy than the British and Chinese representatives who came face to face when Li Qiang visited the colony in 1978.

 

亮点是在政府大楼的午餐会。

这是一个值得中国访客回味的时刻。

当李强的汽车驶入半圆形的车道时，卫兵们顿时肃然起敬。

穿着白夹克的工作人员恭敬地端着茶点，准备就绪。

總督以其对小王室和大人物的正式而轻松的魅力来迎接他的客人。

在室内，灰泥和柱廊的宏伟气势被英国人安装的舒适家具所缓和，无论他们在哪里执政，在棕榈树或松树下，都能营造出诺福克乡村别墅的氛围。

据一位参观者回忆，中国人非常专注地看着周围，也许他们不知道礼貌是一种武器，在为皇室服务的过程中发挥了巨大的作用。

 

The highlight was luncheon at Government House. It was a moment to be savoured by the Chinese visitors. Guards snapped to attention as Li’s car swept into its semicircular drive. Deferential, white-jacketed staff stood poised with refreshments. The governor greeted his guests with the formal yet easy charm honed on a host of minor royals and grandees. Inside, the grandeur of stucco and colonnade was tempered by the comfortable furniture installed by the British to create the atmosphere of a Norfolk country house wherever they governed, beneath palm or pine. The Chinese, one of the visitors recalled, looked around with great attention, perhaps unaware that politeness was a weapon deployed to considerable effect in the service of the Crown.

 

麦理浩没有他的客人那样强硬、阴谋的经验，但他对香港复杂的行政事务有着深刻的了解，对香港的商业生活有着马克思主义中央规划师所无法理解的认识，并预见到了将为双方创造赢家的机会。

麦理浩在1971年担任港督后，为香港人做了很多好事，"一部中国官方历史承认。

'香港在1970年代的卓越经济表现与麦理浩先生的贡献是分不开的。

 

MacLehose had none of the hardened, conspiratorial experience of his guest but he was steeped in the administrative complexities of Hong Kong, grasped its commercial life with an understanding that eluded Marxist central planners and foresaw opportunities that would create winners on both sides. ‘MacLehose did a lot of good things for the people of Hong Kong after he became governor in 1971,’ an official Chinese history conceded. ‘Hong Kong’s remarkable economic performance in the 1970s is inseparable from Mr MacLehose’s contribution.’

 

午餐时，双方的谈话是谨慎而亲切的。

英方已经无休止地排练了议程，确定了中国人最终会抛弃的立场。

中方只需说明邓小平所规定的内容；香港将在1997年回归中国，但将通过谈判而不是通过革命行动实现。

事后，英国官员表示宽慰。

李强一直很正式但很有礼貌。

对中国人来说，这一时刻的意义是巨大的。

李强是新中国成立以来第一个访问香港的部长级别的人，"《人民日报》后来回忆说。

 

Over luncheon, the talk was cautious but cordial. The British side had endlessly rehearsed the agenda, staking out positions that the Chinese would eventually bat away. The Chinese had to do little more than state what Deng Xiaoping had ordained; that Hong Kong would revert to China in 1997 but that it would do so through negotiations, not by a revolutionary act. Afterwards, British officials expressed relief. Li had been formal but courteous. To the Chinese the significance of the moment was grand. ‘Li Qiang was the first person holding the rank of minister to visit Hong Kong since the foundation of New China,’ the People’s Daily later recalled.

 

对中国人来说，殖民统治者再次成为祈求者，一种自然的平衡得到了恢复。

对英国人来说，与北京展开对话的机会是一个福音。

政治是公平的。

在适当的时候，中国发出了邀请。

总督将访问首都并会见邓小平本人。

然而，在这之前，这位中国领导人将发动一场政治政变，改变他的国家，并在20世纪余下的时间里塑造世界的命运。

 

For the Chinese, the colonial administrators were the supplicants once again and a natural balance was restored. For the British, the opportunity to open a dialogue with Beijing was a boon. The politics were set fair. In due course an invitation arrived from China. The governor was to visit the capital and to meet Deng Xiaoping himself. Before that happened, however, the Chinese leader was to stage a political coup de main that would transform his country and shape the destiny of the world for the remainder of the twentieth century.

 

1978年12月18日至22日，中国共产党在北京召开了第十一届中央委员会第三次全体会议，"干巴巴的公报，在序言中没有暗示已经发生的戏剧。

这次会议是在邓小平的要求下召开的，邓小平的声望和政治权力正处于巅峰状态。

1977年，邓小平恢复了一系列职务，他的精力和动力在行政人员和人民中间引起了极大的热情。

慢慢地，官员们开始接受合规的风险很低。

在几十年的跷跷板政治中，这周的正确路线可能是下周的异端，许多干部习惯性地选择了历史悠久的不作为政策，就像他们的帝国前辈那样。

邓小平计划利用这次全会将他的改革正式化，并确立一条党的路线，为被要求执行政府决定的官员提供保障。

‘From the 18th to the 22nd of December 1978 the Communist Party of China held the third plenary session of the 11th Central Committee in Beijing,’ read the dry communiqué, which gave no hint in its preamble of the drama that had taken place. The session was called at the behest of Deng Xiaoping, whose popularity and political power were at a peak. Restored to an array of offices in 1977, his energy and drive commanded enthusiasm among administrators and people alike. Slowly, officials had begun to accept that the risks of compliance were low. Traumatised by decades of seesaw politics, in which the correct line one week might be heresy the next, many cadres had habitually opted for the time-honoured policy of inaction much as their imperial predecessors had done. Deng planned to use this plenary session to formalise his changes and to establish a party line that would give security to officials called upon to carry out the decisions of the government.

 

他并不害怕真正的人民起义。

在这一时期刻板的混乱形象中被遗忘的事实是，中国的内部安全机构在整个70年代都保持着斯大林式的控制力。

这个国家是稳定的。

一个由居住证、内部旅行许可和将每个公民与他们的工作单位联系在一起的全景系统，使当局能够镇压任何自发的行动，并策划党的任何命令。

这并不是无懈可击的；全国各地都有暴乱、违法行为的爆发、犯罪浪潮和嘈杂的抗议活动。

但是，经过数十年镇压而完善的国家权力，最终粉碎了所有反对派，并吞噬了反对者。

此外，邓小平真的很受欢迎。

1977年夏天，邓小平做出了一个充满象征意义的戏剧性姿态，为他的公共生涯画上了句号，这是他持久魅力的一个标志。

 

He had no fear of a genuine popular uprising. Forgotten in the images of chaos and confusion stereotypical of the period is the fact that China’s internal security apparatus kept its Stalinist grip throughout the 1970s. The country was stable. A panopticon system of residence permits, internal travel authorisations and regulations tying every citizen to their danwei, or work unit, allowed the authorities to quench any spontaneous action and to orchestrate whatever the party decreed. It was not infallible; there were riots, outbreaks of lawlessness, crime waves and noisy protests all over the country. But the enveloping power of the state, perfected over decades of repression, eventually crushed all opposition and swallowed up opponents. Plus, Deng was genuinely popular. A sign of his enduring charisma came in the summer of 1977, when Deng made one of the dramatic gestures, replete with symbolism, that punctuated his public career.

 

香港青年足球队来到北京，与中国自己的青年足球运动员比赛。

1977年7月30日傍晚，比赛在工人体育场举行，这是一个被外交区北部街道网格中的公寓楼包围的蹲式场馆。

可以想象当时的噪音、汗水、8万名观众（几乎都是男性）、留在外面的数千辆自行车、单调的衣服、脚下的花生壳和烟头以及集体的人类气息。

 

The Hong Kong youth football team had come to Beijing to play China’s own young footballers. The match, on the hot evening of 30 July 1977, was in the Workers Stadium, a squat arena surrounded by apartment blocks in a grid of streets north of the diplomatic quarter. One can imagine the noise, the sweat, the 80,000 crowd, almost all male, the thousands of bicycles left outside, the drab clothes, the peanut shells and cigarette stubs underfoot and the reek of collective humanity.

 

当两支球队步入球场时，现场响起了阵阵掌声。

然后，一个矮小、精干的身影轻快地走上讲台。

当代中国的一篇报道对接下来发生的事情做了一个令人窒息的描述，但很可能是准确的。

 

There was a burst of applause as the two teams trooped onto the pitch. Then a short, lean figure walked briskly up to the rostrum. A contemporary Chinese account gives a breathless, but most likely accurate, description of what came next:

邓小平来看球了！"。

随着扩音器播放这一消息，整个工人体育场成了欢乐的海洋。

数以万计的人同时挥动双手。

掌声如雷，经久不息。

在政治领域沉寂了一年多的邓小平精神抖擞，向观众和香港球员挥手致意。

许多人流下了激动的泪水。

‘Deng Xiaoping has come to watch the football! As the news was broadcast by loudspeakers, the entire Workers Stadium became a sea of joy. Tens of thousands of hands were waving at the same time. The applause was thunderous and enduring. Deng, who had been silent in the political sphere for more than a year, was in lively spirits, waving to the spectators and the Hong Kong players. Many shed emotional tears.’

 

 

邓小平通过一次看似无害的亮相，测试了自己的知名度，将自己展示为所有中国人的领袖，并发出了一个信息，即他在香港的同胞将在他的国家愿景中发挥作用。

 

With one apparently innocuous appearance Deng had tested his own popularity, presented himself as a leader for all Chinese and sent a message that his compatriots in Hong Kong would play a part in his vision for the nation.

 

同一篇报道解释说："香港已经成为现代化进程、国际关系和祖国统一的一个活棋子。

在邓小平的愿景中，香港问题是一个最重要的问题。

这种姿态很容易赢得掌声，但中国领导层面临着一系列巨大的基本政策决定，远远超过了殖民统治下的一个沿海城市的重要性。

然而，值得注意的是，中国领导人以一种有远见的方式将香港政策纳入改革政治，并使其成为爱国主义的护身符，也成为中国将对世界更加开放的信号。

今天，我们很难理解这一变化对数千万中国人的深远意义。

 

The same account explained: ‘Hong Kong has become a living chess piece for the modernisation drive, international relations and the reunification of the motherland. In the context of Deng Xiaoping’s vision, the issue of Hong Kong is a paramount one.’ Such gestures won easy applause, but the Chinese leadership faced a raft of huge and fundamental policy decisions far exceeding the importance of a single coastal city under colonial rule. It was notable, however, that in a far-sighted way the Chinese leaders integrated policy on Hong Kong into the politics of reform and made it a talisman of patriotic integrity that also served as a signal that China would be more open to the world. It is difficult, today, to understand the profundity of that change to tens of millions of Chinese people.

 

为了强调对香港的承诺，但同样也是为了将其与政府的其他职能区分开来，中国的内阁--国务院于1978年4月秘密同意成立港澳事务办公室（HKMAO）。

虽然官方没有披露其存在，但这个机构将成为英国和葡萄牙谈判人员的对话者。

不过，它的首要任务是 "澄清某些错误的极左政策，改善与香港和澳门商界的关系"。

 

To underline the commitment to Hong Kong, but equally to separate it from the other functions of government, the State Council, China’s cabinet, agreed in secret in April 1978 to set up a Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office (HKMAO). Although its existence was not officially disclosed, this body would be the interlocutor for British and Portuguese negotiators. Its first task, though, was ‘to clarify certain erroneous far-left policies and to improve relations with the business communities of Hong Kong and Macau’.

 

全会是那些需要橡皮图章的共产主义政权所喜爱的集会之一。

从布达佩斯到巴格达和平壤，以各种形式采用的苏联模式，是为了给已经在权力顶点做出的决定赋予合法性。

它通过大会、中央委员会和全会的礼仪周期来进行，以证明党对其起源的忠诚，并提醒党员他们属于一个选举人。

也许是希望普通民众可能会感到困惑和疲惫，其语气一般都是深思熟虑的，公报的内容冗长到讽刺的程度。

然而，中国的版本往往包括真实的后台革命戏剧和尖锐的演讲，直到今天，这些演讲往往可以达到歌剧般的高潮。

在北京，政治根本没有被暂停，只是在屏幕后面表演。

 

The plenary session was one of those gatherings beloved by Communist regimes in need of a rubber stamp. The Soviet model, adopted in various forms from Budapest to Baghdad and Pyongyang, was meant to impart legitimacy to decisions already taken at the apex of power. It moved through a liturgical cycle of congresses, central committees and plenums, ordained to prove the party’s fidelity to its origins and to remind party members that they belonged to an elect. Perhaps in the hope that the general public might grow bewildered and weary, the tone was generally ponderous and the communiqués leaden to the point of satire. The Chinese version, however, often included authentic backstage revolutionary drama and shrill speeches, which to this day can often come to an operatic crescendo. In Beijing, politics was not suspended at all, merely enacted behind a screen.

 

官方称，1978年12月18日开幕的会议被称为 "伟大的转折点"。

最近的中国和外国学术研究表明，它并不完全是这样。

会议的许多政策是由邓小平事先组织的小团体制定的，其决定很可能是由邓小平的影响力预先决定的。

但其政治意义是毋庸置疑的。

它将被未来一代的领导人引为改革和开放的验证。

它结束了自粉碎 "四人帮 "以来两年的徘徊不前......并打破了指导性的教条主义和个人崇拜，"一部授权的历史宣称。

它的结论震撼了共产党的核心。

 

Officially, the meeting that opened on 18 December 1978 is called ‘a great turning point’. Recent Chinese and foreign scholarship has shown that it was not quite that. Many of its policies were worked up in small groups organised by Deng beforehand and its decisions were likely ordained in advance by the sheer weight of his influence. But its political significance was undoubted. It would be cited by leaders for a generation to come as validation of reform and opening up. ‘It ended two years of wandering about since the crushing of the Gang of Four … and broke down the guiding dogmatism and the personality cult,’ an authorised history declared. Its conclusions shook the Communist Party to its core.

 

所有已知的中国资料都清楚地表明了一点，而这一点似乎是外国评论家所忽视的。

邓小平和中国共产党的领导人采取了这些措施，因为他们是马克思列宁主义者，而不是因为他们是秘密的资本家，悄悄地从内部进行颠覆，或者是知道游戏结束的老年呆子。

他们最终不会缩减国家的边界或将经济的指挥权交给跨国公司；那是外国人的一厢情愿。

领导人相信，有一种马克思主义的分析符合中国的情况。

它要求对经济采取灵活的方法，使人民更加富裕。

他们接受了一些人比其他人更快致富的说法，正如毛泽东所说，这确实是人民之间的矛盾。

但是，阅读赵紫阳的回忆录和当时其他领导人的讲话就会明白，他们真正相信有一条通往社会主义的中国道路，而且必须经过一些会冒犯纯粹主义者的阶段。

目标就是事情。

 

All known Chinese sources are clear on one point that seems to evade foreign commentators. Deng Xiaoping and the leaders of the Communist Party of China took these steps because they were Marxist-Leninists and not because they were closet capitalists quietly subverting from within, or geriatric ditherers who knew the game was up. They would not ultimately roll back the frontier of the state or hand over the commanding heights of the economy to multinational corporations; that was wishful thinking on the part of foreigners. The leaders believed that there was a Marxist analysis that fitted China’s conditions. It called for a flexible approach to the economy to make people richer. They accepted that some would get rich faster than others, verily a contradiction among the people, as Mao would have said. But to read the memoir of Zhao Ziyang and the speeches of other leaders at the time is to understand that they genuinely believed there was a Chinese road to socialism and that it must lead through stages that would have offended a purist. The goal was the thing.

 

12月的会议抛出了 "两个凡是"，这是一条左派格言，即毛泽东做出的任何决定都必须坚持，毛泽东的任何指示都必须遵守。

这是一个静态专制政府的公式。

中国需要的是动态的变化，而不是固守不变的教条的神职人员。

我们必须重新确立解放思想、实事求是的思想路线。

我们应该停止使用 "阶级斗争 "的口号，做出伟大的决定，把党和国家的工作转移到经济建设、改革和开放上来，"最后声明说。

 

The meeting that December threw out the ‘two whatevers’, a leftist maxim that said whatever decisions Mao had made must be upheld and whatever instructions Mao had given must be followed. This was a formula for static authoritarian government. China needed dynamic change, not a priesthood clinging to immutable doctrines. ‘We must re-establish the ideological line of emancipating the mind and seeking truth from facts. We should stop using the slogan of “class struggle” and made a great decision to shift the work of the party and the country to economic construction, reform and opening up,’ the final statement said.

 

这里面有一个后来被毛泽东主义者、极左派和不满者质疑的说法。

邓小平声称要恢复党的经验主义马克思主义的思想路线，而不是废除它。

纠正错误思想 "是会议的第一个前提。

第二个前提是 "恢复党的民主集中制的传统"。

概括地说，这一神圣的共产主义原则认为，党员可以在政策通过前进行辩论，但在政策通过后所有人都必须坚持。

它仍然是所谓的 "人民民主专政 "的一个基石。

这与毛泽东的池畔别墅周围的献媚的朝臣相比，是一个进步，但与全面的政治集会相比，则相去甚远。

尽管如此，对于那些从帝国的黄昏中走出来建立集体领导形式的政治家来说，这也是一种保险。

 

In this lay a claim that would later be contested by Maoists, the ultra-left and the discontented. Deng Xiaoping claimed to be restoring the party’s ideological line of empirical Marxism, not abolishing it. ‘Correcting the wrong ideas’ was the first premise of the meeting. The second was to ‘restore the party’s tradition of democratic centralism’. Broadly, this hallowed Communist principle held that party members could debate a policy before it was passed but all must uphold it afterwards. It remains a keystone of what is known as ‘the people’s democratic dictatorship’. It was a step away from the fawning courtiers around Mao’s poolside villa but a far cry from a full-throated political assembly. None the less, to politicians emerging from the twilight of an imperium to build a form of collective leadership, it was an insurance policy.

 

全会还对法治、公民权利和宪法中规定的保护措施给予了应有的尊重，这些在1978年以来的几十年里都没有什么意义。

对法治来说，不祥的是，它建立了党自己的审讯部门--中央纪律检查委员会，在法律体系之外对犯错的党员行使权力。

一代人之后，该委员会将为习近平的利益服务，在选择性的 "反腐 "运动中消灭他的敌人。

不过，当时全会最有效的决定是推动农业改革，在守旧派和新派之间开辟一条道路，并批准中国应该改革和开放的原则。

 

The plenum also paid due deference to the rule of law, civil rights and the protections enshrined in the constitution, none of which have meant very much in the decades since 1978. Ominously for the rule of law, it established the party’s own inquisitorial wing, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, wielding powers over errant party members outside the legal system. A generation later, the commission would serve the interests of Xi Jinping by destroying his foes in a selective ‘anti-corruption’ campaign. At the time, though, the plenum’s most effective decisions were to push forward agricultural reform, forging a path between the old guard and the new, and to give its approval to the principle that China should reform and open up.

 

1978年的中国改变了大多数人的生活。

它启动了20世纪末的伟大发展之一，使中国有可能成为一个巨大的制造国，从而使全球化的经济得以建立。

1979年7月，邓小平爬上了黄山，象征着他的精力和体力。

第二年，他确保了三个支持者被任命为政治局常委。

他们是后来的党的总书记胡耀邦、热心的改革者赵紫阳和万里。

在他们的指导下，深圳实验的发展势头良好。

在香港，银行家、律师、商人和开发商都渴望加入进来。

这是伟大的无产阶级商业革命的开始。

 

The year 1978 in China changed the lives of most of humanity. It set in motion one of the great developments of the late twentieth century by making it possible for China to emerge as a giant manufacturing power, thus allowing the creation of a globalised economy. In July 1979, Deng Xiaoping climbed the Huang Shan mountain to symbolise his energy and stamina. The following year he secured the appointment of three supporters to the Politburo standing committee. They were Hu Yaobang, later general secretary of the party, Zhao Ziyang, an ardent reformer, and Wan Li. Under their guidance the Shenzhen experiment gathered momentum. In Hong Kong, bankers, lawyers, traders and developers all thirsted to join in. It was the start of the great proletarian commercial revolution.

 

共产党改革的成功取决于赢得官僚机构的合法性。

三中全会后，这个新中国的设计师们必须将政治意愿转化为政府行为，否则将面临一切风险。

如果失败和混乱接踵而至，正统的毛派和激进派随时准备扑上来。

广东省的档案显示了习仲勋为保护自己不受政治批评和减轻对地区分裂的恐惧所采取的谨慎措施。

从表面上看，他的游戏是无懈可击的。

 

Successful reform in the Communist Party depended upon winning bureaucratic legitimacy. After the Third Plenum, the architects of this new China had to transform political will into acts of government or risk everything. Orthodox Maoists and radicals stood ready to pounce if failure and chaos ensued. The archives of Guangdong province reveal the care Xi Zhongxun took to protect himself against political criticism and to allay the ever-present fear of regional secession. His game was, on the face of it, impeccably played.

 

1979年4月3日，习仲勋前往北京。

他带着广东5000万人民的期望而去，"该省的官方报道说。

习仲勋给自己两天时间准备参加在京西宾馆举行的中央工作会议，这是一个由政府管理的单调场所，可以不受干扰地作出重大决定。

 

On 3 April 1979, Xi travelled to Beijing. ‘He went carrying the expectations of 50 million people in Guangdong,’ the province’s official account stated. Xi gave himself two days to prepare for a central work conference at the Jingxi hotel, a drab government-run place where great decisions could be taken undisturbed.

 

4月5日上午，他在会上发言。

主持会议的是华国锋，这位忠诚的毛泽东主义者担任党主席一职。

华国锋曾与 "四人帮 "一起工作。

但他在1976年毛泽东去世后策划了他们的倒台，并作为政治幸存者出现，一度被誉为 "明智的领导人"。

然而，在1979年春天的那个早晨，所有聚集在京西宾馆的人都知道，华国锋的权力正在减弱。

今天，他被看作是一个过渡性人物，注定要失去职位，消失在人们的视线中，不受迫害，但默默无闻，直到他在2008年悄然去世。

 

He took the floor on the morning of 5 April. In the chair was Hua Guofeng, the loyal Maoist who held the office of party chairman. Hua had served alongside the Gang of Four. But he engineered their downfall after Mao’s death in 1976 and emerged as a political survivor to be hailed, for a while, as ‘the wise leader’. All those gathered at the Jingxi hotel on that spring morning of 1979 knew, however, that Hua’s power was on the wane. He is seen today as a transitional figure, doomed to lose office and to vanish into obscurity, unpersecuted but unsung, until his quiet death in 2008.

 

习仲勋，这个正在崛起的人，说得很直白。

他说，中国的权力和经济管理太集中了。

在理论上 "揭露矛盾 "是不够的，现在是实践的时候了。

中央和各省之间的关系没有得到很好的处理。

他说，广东靠近香港和澳门，那里有很多渴望做生意的海外华人。

他争辩说，让广东先走一步，然后观察结果。

 

Xi, the rising man, spoke bluntly. Power and economic management in China were too centralised, he said. It was not enough to ‘expose contradictions’ in theory, it was time for practice. The relationship between the centre and the provinces had not been handled well. He said Guangdong was close to Hong Kong and Macau, it was full of overseas Chinese hungry to do business. Let Guangdong go first, he argued, and watch the results.

 

华国锋尖锐地插话说。

他问："仲勋同志，你想要什么权利？Hua interjected sharply. ‘Comrade Zhongxun, what rights do you want?’ he asked.

 

习近平回答说，权力。

他说，广东就像一只麻雀，这种鸟在中国文化中象征着春天和幸福。

'虽然麻雀很小，但广东设备齐全，它就像一只大麻雀，有5000万人口，相当于一个国家，甚至两个国家的规模。

 

Power, Xi replied. Guangdong, he said, was like a sparrow, a bird which in Chinese culture symbolised spring and happiness. ‘Though the sparrow is small, Guangdong is fully equipped, it is like a big sparrow, with 50 million people, the size of a country, even two countries.

 

'现在，该省的权力太小。

中央政府的控制太僵化了，它被束缚在一起，无法让经济得到发展。

我们的要求是--当然是在中央的领导下--只要放开一点，让事情活泼一点。

这样的话，对地方和国家利益都会有好处。

 

‘Right now, the province has too little power. Central government control is too rigid and it is too bound up together to allow the economy to develop. Our request is that – under the central leadership of course – just let go a little and liven things up a little. In this way it will make things better for both local and national interests.’

 

 

他认为，中国这个充满希望的地区正在被国家计划扼杀。

它严重缺乏电力，因为发电站的石油供应没有保障，生产可能会停止。

因此，广东不得不从香港购买电力，以维持其工厂的运转。

他说，具有讽刺意味的是，中华人民共和国向香港出口的石油正是在殖民地发电，然后再卖给中国的石油。

计算一下金额，"习仲勋告诉他的听众，"香港的资本家购买了100,000吨重油，用于发电，然后转卖给广东。

他们可以赚取300万人民币的利润。

对我们国家来说，这是不合理的，不经济的。

 

This promising region of China was being strangled by state planning, he argued. It was seriously short of electricity because oil supplies for power stations were not guaranteed and production could come to a halt. As a result Guangdong had to buy electricity from Hong Kong to keep its factories humming. It was ironic, he said, that the People’s Republic was exporting the very oil to Hong Kong that generated power in the colony to be sold back to China! ‘Calculate the amount,’ Xi told his listeners, ‘the capitalist in Hong Kong buys 100,000 tons of heavy oil which they use to generate electricity and then resells it to Guangdong. They can make a profit of three million yuan. For our country this is unreasonable and uneconomic.

 

'只要允许广东有更多的灵活性，它就能为国家贡献更多的外汇。

这些都是必须解决的体制问题。

 

‘Guangdong can contribute more foreign exchange to the country as long as it is allowed more flexibility. These are all institutional issues which must be addressed.’

 

 

这是一个高风险的政治推销。

然而，时代的势头是站在习仲勋一边的。

 

It was a high-risk political pitch. The momentum of the times, however, was on Xi’s side.

 

大约两周后，政治局召开会议，讨论该计划。

这一次，习仲勋面对的是一个重量级阵容。

华国锋和他的副手李先念再次坐在那里，李先念是一个面色凝重的正统主义的拥护者。

但邓小平很热心。

他带来了谷牧，一个被他委以改革重任的副总理。

 

About two weeks later the Politburo convened to discuss the plan. This time Xi faced a heavyweight lineup. There sat Hua Guofeng once again, along with his deputy, Li Xianian, a leaden-faced apostle of orthodoxy. But Deng Xiaoping was keen. He brought along Gu Mu, a vice premier he entrusted with key tasks in the drive to reform.

 

他们听说，这个想法是将深圳、珠江三角洲的珠海镇和汕头港开放为 "贸易合作区"。

它们靠近香港和澳门，海外华人熙熙攘攘，投资时机成熟。

 

The idea, they heard, was to open up Shenzhen, the town of Zhuhai on the Pearl River Delta, and the port of Shantou as ‘trade co-operation zones’. They were near Hong Kong and Macau, bustling with overseas Chinese and ripe for investment.

 

邓小平很爽快。

他听说新加坡通过提供特殊的税率来赢得外国投资并建立新工厂。

他说，通过吸引所有海外华人的资金，中国也可以在几年内崛起。

对邓小平来说，"贸易合作区 "这个词还不够激进。

穿过在意识形态上正确的术语上的讨价还价，他直奔主题："最好把它们称为特区。

中央政府没有钱给你们。

但我们可以给你们政策。

 

Deng was brisk. He had heard that Singapore won foreign investment and built new factories by offering special tax rates. Surely, he said, by attracting all that overseas Chinese money, China too could rise within a few years. The term ‘trade co-operation zone’ was not radical enough for Deng. Cutting through the haggling over ideologically correct terminology, he got brusquely to the point: ‘It’s better to call them special zones. The central government has no money to give you. But we can give you policies.’

 

 

初夏时节，谷牧去了广东，敲定了所有重要的文件，这些文件将作为政策的基础，并将其固定在党的路线上。

邓小平还派他到沿海省份福建，在那里进行类似的试验。

 

In the early summer, Gu Mu went to Guangdong to finalise the all-important documents that would underpin the policy and anchor it to the party line. Deng also sent him to the coastal province of Fujian, where a similar experiment was to be conducted.

 

在两个多月的时间里，回到北京的起草人对他们的文本感到担忧。

当官方语言称这两个省的文件 "具有重大历史意义 "时，这一次并没有夸大其词。

就像古时候贴在命令上的大印一样，1979年7月19日中央委员会最终发布的报告上的红色印章是为了激发人们对权威的敬畏。

实验要继续进行。

 

Over two months the drafters back in Beijing worried over their texts. For once the official language did not exaggerate when it called the documents from the two provinces ‘of great historical significance’. Like the great imperial seals affixed to commands of old, the red stamps on the reports eventually issued by the central committee on 19 July 1979 were meant to inspire an awe of authority. The experiments were to go ahead.

 

像任何地方的官僚一样，当有疑问时，中国官员喜欢召集一个委员会。

在共产主义制度下，集体决策保护个人。

一个又一个会议接踵而至，就像一个收获的周期。

没有人能够衡量他们喝了多少加仑的茶，抽了多少未经过滤的烟，丢弃了多少文件，因为他们一直在努力。

这是缓慢而耐心的政策建设。

改革的房子将一砖一瓦地建成。

这不仅仅是对政治风险的厌恶，而是一种谨慎的渐进式方法，中国古代王朝的农业管理者都很熟悉。

当你统治一个巨大的农业国家时，你要按照庄稼和水的速度来治理。

 

Like bureaucrats anywhere, when in doubt Chinese officials like to convene a committee. In the Communist system, collective decision-making protected the individual. Meeting after meeting succeeded one another like a cycle of harvests. No one could measure the gallons of tea sipped, the unfiltered cigarettes smoked, the papers discarded as they ploughed on. This was slow, patient policy-building. The house of reform would rise brick by brick. It was not just aversion to political risk but a cautious incremental method that would have been familiar to the agrarian administrators of ancient Chinese dynasties. When you rule over a giant agricultural nation, you govern at the pace of crops and water.

 

对于任何关注中国政府方式的人来说，它的运作是基于一个久经考验的信念，即一层一层的建设可以建立起复原力。

皇帝时代的官吏们建造了堤坝、运河和城墙，计算出一些可能会失败，但足够坚挺。

洪水、灾难和饥荒是可以忍受的；无论如何，这些都被视为上天的旨意。

中国的大厦是如此之大，以至于只要有弹性，这个国家就能承受住反复的冲击。

在这个意义上，七十年代末中国的召集人代表了连续性，而不是变化。

习仲勋的传记称他为 "无产阶级革命家"；如果是这样的话，他是一个可以灵巧地服务于皇帝的人。

事实证明，改革者需要敏锐的生存技能。

 

The lesson for anyone looking at the Chinese way of government is that it operates on a time-tested belief that construction layer by layer builds resilience. The mandarins of imperial times had built dykes, canals and walls, calculating that some might fail but enough would hold firm. Floods, disasters and famine could be endured; these were, in any case, viewed as acts of heaven. The edifice of China was so large that, with resilience, the country could withstand repeated shocks. In this sense the conveners of late seventies China represented continuity, not change. The biography of Xi Zhongxun calls him ‘a proletarian revolutionary’; if so, he was one who might have served an emperor with dexterity. As it turned out, the reformers would need keenly honed survival skills.

 

12月下旬，习仲勋在广东召集了他的忠实支持者。

他承认华国锋在北京的领导地位，但没有再提他。

他对当时反对毛泽东失宠的继任者林彪和反对四人帮的政治运动表示敬意，然后将其驳回。

全省反对林彪和四人帮的群众运动基本上已经结束了。

他说："我们的工作重点应该转移到四个现代化上。

 

In late December, Xi rallied his loyalists in Guangdong. He acknowledged the leadership of Hua Guofeng in Beijing and did not bother to mention him again. He paid homage to the political campaigns of the time against Mao’s disgraced successor, Lin Piao, and against the Gang of Four, then dismissed them. ‘The whole province’s mass movement against Lin Piao and the Gang of Four has basically come to an end. The focus of our work should be shifted to the Four Modernisations,’ he said.

 

他的议程是雄心勃勃的。

特区将引进先进技术和外国资本。

它们将促进旅游业。

工业和农业生产将增加。

增加对香港和澳门的食品和商品出口将带来收入。

但是，正是习仲勋的讲话预示着将震撼世界其他国家经济的巨大变化。

 

His agenda was ambitious. The special zones would bring in advanced technology and foreign capital. They would promote tourism. Industrial and agricultural production would increase. Higher exports of food and commodities to Hong Kong and Macau would bring in revenues. But it was Xi’s peroration which foreshadowed the gigantic changes that would shake the economies of the rest of the world.

 

他为中国制定了一个计划，要在制造业的每一个部门中占据主导地位，其规模一定让那些单色的干部队伍感到畏惧，他们的自行车就堆放在会议厅外。

他说："我们省有出口......轻工业产品的悠久历史，所以我们有很大的潜力。

他勾出了一份清单：纺织品、轻工业加工、机械、高级精密工程、电子、化工、冶金和矿产。

为了刺激出口，该党将允许创新。

官员们预测，组装供应的零件会出现繁荣。

他们认为低成本的劳动力对加工从鱼到晶体管收音机的一切都有好处。

工厂将学习如何制作样品，赢得客户并吸引外国公司进行 "技术合作"。

他们将学习外国的管理经验。

中国将扩大对外贸易，增加建筑材料的出口和承包项目，目的是进入国际建筑市场；所有这些都是在中国的基础设施项目开始从非洲到拉丁美洲到处扩散之前的几十年。

 

He set out a plan for China to dominate every sector of manufacturing on a scale that must have daunted the monochrome ranks of cadres, whose bicycles were stacked outside the conference hall. ‘Our province has a long history of exporting … light industrial products, so we have great potential,’ he said. He ticked off a checklist: textiles, light industrial processing, machinery, advanced precision engineering, electronics, chemicals, metallurgy and minerals. To spur exports, the party would allow innovation. Officials predicted a boom in assembling supplied parts. They saw low-cost labour as a boon for processing everything from fish to transistor radios. Factories would learn how to make samples, win customers and draw foreign firms into ‘technical co-operation’. They would learn from foreign management experience. China would expand foreign trade, increasing the export of building materials and contracting projects with the objective of entering the international construction market; all this decades before Chinese infrastructure projects began to proliferate everywhere from Africa to Latin America.

 

在1979年，在个人电脑、大规模移民或互联网之前的时代，这是一个如此全面的宣言，对习仲勋的许多听众来说，这一定是无法想象的。

自1949年中国革命以来，中国一直处于与全球资本主义市场隔绝的状态。

很少有中国人有对外贸易的经验。

大厅里没有外国人。

 

In 1979, in an era before personal computers, mass migration or the internet, this was a manifesto so comprehensive that it must have seemed unimaginable to many of Xi’s listeners. Since the Chinese revolution of 1949, the country had remained in defiant isolation from global capitalist markets. Few Chinese had any experience of foreign trade. No foreigners were in the hall.

 

习仲勋解释说，党已经想好了如何实现这一目标。

外国公司、海外华商以及香港和澳门的 "同胞 "将自行投资或在特区设立合资企业。

中国将在国外销售其商品和服务，利润将流回中国。

中央银行将放松对外汇贸易的限制。

外国人可以通过中国银行（一个巨大的国营机构）将他们的利润份额汇到国外。

在这个详细的阐述中，没有提到对自由企业、市场经济或即将出现的私营部门的任何赞美。

这是一个更新的、强大的、繁荣的、由政府管理的中国的愿景。

资本主义是为外国人服务的。

中国将通过其国有企业和银行进行贸易。

 

The party had thought out how to make it happen, Xi explained. Foreign companies, overseas Chinese businessmen and ‘compatriots’ from Hong Kong and Macau would invest on their own or set up joint ventures in the special zones. China would sell its goods and services abroad and the profits would flow back into the country. The central bank would relax restrictions on the trade in foreign currencies. Foreigners could remit their share of the profits abroad through the Bank of China, a giant state-run institution. Left unsaid in this detailed exposition was any praise of free enterprise, market economics or the private sector that was about to emerge. This was a vision of a China renewed, powerful, prosperous and run by the government. Capitalism was for foreigners. China would trade through its state-owned enterprises and banks.

 

这就是习仲勋的信息。

如果外国观察家后来将改革和开放解释为政治自由化的举措，那就是他们的错误。

习仲勋的话和许多党的文件中都没有支持这一观点。

中国官员认为允许外国人自欺欺人并无大碍；在这一点上，中国无可指责。

 

That was Xi’s message. If foreign observers later interpreted reform and opening up as a move towards political liberalisation, that was their mistake. There was nothing in Xi’s words or in the numerous party documents to support the idea. Chinese officials saw no harm in allowing foreigners to deceive themselves; in this China was blameless.

 

对于聚集在广州的习仲勋和他的效忠者来说，这个时刻是再好不过的了。

他的听众已经准备好了。

骄傲的南方人感到远离了北方寒冷、孤立的城市。

他们已经准备好进行贸易。

广东自古以来就是中国与外国进行经济和文化交流的重要门户，"当地的一本纪事宣称。

丝绸之路的起源在全世界都很有名。

在秦、唐和宋代，广州是该国的对外贸易中心。

 

For Xi and his loyalists gathered in Guangzhou, the moment would never be more auspicious. His audience was ready. Proud southerners felt far from the cold, isolated cities of the north. They were ready to trade. ‘Guangdong has been an important portal for China’s economic and cultural exchanges with foreign countries since ancient times,’ declared a local chronicle. ‘The origins of the Silk Road are famous all over the world. During the Qin, Tang and Song dynasties Guangzhou was the country’s foreign trade centre.

 

在元朝、明朝和清朝，它是中国最大的贸易港口之一。

现在随着共产党的到来，它正在进入一个新的时代。

‘In the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties it was one of the largest trading ports in China. Now with the Communist Party it is entering a new era.’

 

对于听习仲勋讲话的受过教育的南方人来说，这让人想起了过去深处的黄金时代，它的丰富性、世界性和与外国的交往与北方城市截然不同，它代表了一种传统，既以世界性为荣，又引起了中国专制统治者的深深怀疑。

改变再次来自南方。

 

To the educated southerners listening to Xi Zhongxun, this harked back to a golden era deep in the past, so distinct from the northern cities in its richness, its cosmopolitanism and its intercourse with foreign lands that it represented a tradition which both gloried in worldliness and aroused deep suspicions among the authoritarian rulers of China. Once again, change would come from the south.

 

1978年开始的改革是温和而革命性的。

在纸面上，它们是零散的行政措施，没有对整个国家施加蓝图。

政策的大方向已经确定，地方当局被允许进行试验。

 

The reforms which began in 1978 were modest yet revolutionary. On paper, they were piecemeal administrative measures that imposed no blueprint on the whole country. The broad lines of policy were set and local authorities were allowed to experiment.

 

通过善意的不干预让事情发生，比起摧毁毛泽东思想，争议更少。

这也使得邓小平和他的追随者更容易进行改革。

诀窍是使用平淡无奇的术语，如家庭责任制，这实际上是废除了人民公社。

它的作用是将集体土地划分为由家庭耕种的地块。

他们可以在公开市场上出售他们的一些产品以换取现金，只要他们也向国家出售一定数量的产品。

农民将再次获得工作和储蓄的动力。

结果是迅速的：农业生产在1975年和1985年之间增加了四分之一。

 

It was less contentious to let things happen through benign non-intervention than to tear down Maoist ideology. It also made it easier for Deng and his followers to make changes. The trick was to use banal, unexciting terms such as the household responsibility system, which in effect abolished the People’s Communes. Its effect was to divide the collective land into plots worked by families. They could sell some of their produce on the open market for cash as long as they also sold a fixed amount to the state. Peasants would once more gain an incentive to work and save. The results were rapid: agricultural production rose by a quarter between 1975 and 1985.

 

邓小平把农业模式移植到工业上。

双重价格机制打破了斯大林主义配额制度的垄断。

国有企业摆脱了毛泽东主义的僵化规则，可以出售他们生产的任何超过配额的商品。

官员们放宽了规则，让商品按市场价格和五年计划规定的价格出售。

公司的管理也发生了变化。

在工业责任制下，一个经理团队或一个地方机构可以承包经营一个国有企业，目的是创造利润。

政府绝对控制的日子正在减弱。

随着时间的推移，中国的管理人员会发现，更微妙和难以捉摸的方法可以保持共产党的权威，但在改革的早期，在一些人看来，机会似乎是无限的。

 

Deng transplanted the agricultural model to industry. A dual price mechanism broke the monopoly of the Stalinist quota system. State enterprises escaped the rigid rules of Maoism and could sell any goods they produced in excess of the quota. Officials relaxed the rules to let commodities be sold at market prices as well as at rates fixed by the Five Year Plan. The management of companies changed, too. Under the industrial responsibility system, a team of managers or a local institution could contract to run a state-owned enterprise with the aim of generating profit. The days of absolute government control were waning. In time, Chinese managers would discover that more subtle and elusive methods kept the Communist Party’s authority intact, but in the early days of reform it seemed to some as if opportunity was limitless.

 

自从毛泽东社会主义的窒息之手扼杀了中国传统上充满活力的商业生活以来，国家采取了试探性措施，首次允许私营企业运营。

价格控制被放宽，一个小的服务部门在这片已经忘记了服务和便利是什么的土地上出现了。

 

The state took tentative steps to allow private businesses to operate for the first time since the suffocating hand of Maoist socialism had stifled China’s traditionally vibrant commercial life. Price controls were eased and a small service sector emerged in a land that had forgotten what service and convenience were like.

 

像家庭责任制这样的短语并没有像毛泽东的激动人心的口号那样引起共鸣，只要有大学宿舍和学生在墙上贴海报，这些口号就会持续下去。

但邓小平的话也是为了以同样的方式改变人们的思维方式。

在这一点上，邓小平不是新的，而是非常老的。

在毛泽东、邓小平和中国共产党之前两千五百年，教师孔子曾写道，如果他被授予一个地区的政府，他的首要任务是 "正名"。

对大多数西方人来说，这是一个谜（尽管正如《孔子》的现代译者Simon Leys所指出的。

'奥威尔会立即理解并赞同'），但在中国文化中，这是非常清楚的。

 

Phrases like the household responsibility system did not resonate like the stirring slogans of Mao, which will endure as long as there are college dormitories and students to put up posters on their walls. But Deng’s words were intended to change people’s way of thinking in just the same way. In that, Deng was not new but very old. Two thousand five hundred years before Mao, Deng and the Chinese Communist Party, the teacher Confucius had written that if he was ever entrusted with the government of a territory his first task would be to ‘rectify the names’. To most Westerners this is an enigma (although as Simon Leys, the modern translator of Confucius, pointed out: ‘Orwell would have immediately understood and approved’), but in Chinese culture it was perfectly clear.

 

孔子说：'如果名称不正确，如果它们与现实不相符，语言就没有对象了。

如果语言没有对象，行动就变得不可能--因此，所有的人类事务都会瓦解，其管理变得毫无意义和不可能。

因此，一个政治家的首要任务是纠正名称。

‘If the names are not correct, if they do not match realities, language has no object,’ Confucius said. ‘If language is without an object, action becomes impossible – and therefore all human affairs disintegrate and their management becomes pointless and impossible. Hence, the very first task of a statesman is to rectify the names.’

 

毛泽东在意识形态问题上一次又一次地使用同一个动词 "整顿"。

整顿成为党的标准竞选工具。

这是一个足以欺骗人的平淡的词，也是一个足以恐吓人的不祥的词。

这种方法非常适合邓小平。

仅仅通过文字，毛泽东的政治就被抽走了激情，并转化为一种独裁的管理主义。

 

Mao had used the same verb ‘to rectify’ time after time in ideological matters. Rectification became a standard party campaign tool. It was a word bland enough to deceive and sufficiently ominous to intimidate. The method suited Deng perfectly. By words alone, Maoist politics were drained of passion and converted into a kind of authoritarian managerialism.

 

这是在接下来的几十年里发生的事情的一个模板，而且在中国之外的其他地方的政权也会及时复制。

1978年，这是邓小平为使改革生存和持久而需要的语言创新。

这一时期标志着中国与世界其他地区的互动方式发生了巨大变化。

对香港来说，这个机会是天赐的。

 

It was a template for what happened in the decades to follow and one which would in time be copied by regimes in other places beyond China. In 1978 it was the linguistic innovation Deng needed for reform to survive and endure. The period marked a sea change in the way China interacted with the rest of the world. For Hong Kong, the opportunity was heaven sent.

 

中国艺术中经常有政治信息。

古往今来，帝王们通过复杂的正式绘画来纪念他们的事迹，祭奠他们的祖先或提升他们的儿子。

2018年，北京的国家艺术博物馆举办了纪念改革开放四十周年的展览。

展品之一是一幅名为《早春》的画。

There is often a political message in Chinese art. Down the ages, emperors commemorated their deeds, hallowed their ancestors or promoted their sons by way of intricate formal paintings. In 2018, the national art museum in Beijing staged an exhibition to mark the fortieth anniversary of reform and opening up. One of the exhibits was a painting called Early Spring.

 

这个主题在艺术上是没有前途的。

它描绘了一次中央工作会议，会上共产党领导人提议建立与香港接壤的经济特区。

在画的中央，并非巧合地站着习仲勋，他是2018年统治中国的人的已故父亲，习仲勋。

习仲勋一手拿着一份文件，另一只手抓着一支红笔，指向一张显示深圳的地图。

他被党内的名人包围着，就像文艺复兴时期欧洲作品中被弟子包围的救世主一样，对中国观众来说都很容易识别。

当然，还有邓小平，副总理谷牧，以及胡耀邦和老将杨尚昆，后来的总理。

 

The subject matter was artistically unpromising. It depicted a central work conference at which Communist Party leaders proposed the establishment of the Special Economic Zone bordering Hong Kong. In the centre of the painting, not coincidentally, stands Xi Zhongxun, the late father of the man who ruled China in 2018, Xi Jinping. Xi Zhongxun holds a document in one hand while in the other he grasps a red pen pointing at a map showing Shenzhen. He is surrounded by party luminaries, like the saviour encircled by his disciples in a Renaissance European work, all readily identifiable to the Chinese viewer. There was Deng Xiaoping, of course, and the vice premier Gu Mu, as well as, among others, Hu Yaobang and the veteran Yang Shangkun, later president.

 

这张照片奠定了党内传记的最后一块拼图。

因为习仲勋在患老年痴呆症多年后于2002年去世。

他的讣告几乎占据了《人民日报》的整个版面。

它称赞他是 "杰出的无产阶级革命家"。

政治局全体常委都参加了他的葬礼。

 

The picture laid the final piece in a jigsaw of party hagiography. For Xi Zhongxun had died in 2002 after years suffering from dementia. His obituary occupied almost an entire page of the People’s Daily. It praised him as ‘an outstanding proletarian revolutionary’. The entire standing committee of the Politburo turned out for his funeral.

 

毛泽东提名的继任者华国锋没有出席。

他的批准对深圳实验的成功至关重要，但他于2008年在默默无闻中去世。

在新中国，他已经从历史中消失了。

 

Absent from the frame was Hua Guofeng, Mao’s nominated successor. His approval had been crucial to the success of the Shenzhen experiment but he died in obscurity in 2008. In new China, he had simply vanished from history.

 

3.漫长的告别

3.A Long Farewell

 

 

英国人离开香港是不可避免的，就像现代中国的许多事情一样，毛泽东是二十世纪亚洲最伟大的人物。

毛泽东写道："一个世纪以来，妖魔鬼怪都在跳舞。

他在他的继任者所遵循的政策中为殖民地的回归奠定了道路。

目标始终是第一位的，方法是次要的。

在统一中国的过程中，第二代中国领导人将谈判和妥协视为必要的策略，这使他们成为毛泽东的合法继承人。

 

The British departure from Hong Kong was made inevitable, like so much in modern China, by Mao Zedong, the mightiest figure in twentieth-century Asia. ‘For a century, demons and monsters danced,’ wrote Mao. He laid down the path for the return of the colony in policies followed by his successors. The goal was always first, the methods secondary. In reuniting China, the second generation of Chinese leaders saw negotiation and compromise as necessary tactics which made them legitimate heirs to Mao.

 

对其回归，毛泽东是坚决的。

他首先提到了1860年被毁的北京颐和园，并在1956年说："帝国主义列强的军队烧毁了我们的圆明园，夺取了我们的香港和台湾。

香港是属于中国的。

为什么它被抢走了？关于如何做到这一点，他是一个现实主义者。

毛泽东和周恩来很早就同意，在1949年他们胜利的'早晨大雨'中，中国将根据香港对革命的作用来对待它。

总的来说，毛泽东主义者遵守了这一点。

 

On its return Mao was resolute. Referring first to the Summer Palace in Beijing destroyed in 1860, he said in 1956, ‘The forces of the imperialist powers burned down our Yuanming Yuan, and seized our Hong Kong and Taiwan. Hong Kong belongs to China. Why was it snatched away?’ On how it would be done he was a realist. Mao and Zhou Enlai agreed early on, during the ‘morning deluge’ of their victory in 1949, that China would treat Hong Kong according to how useful it was to the revolution. By and large the Maoists kept to that.

 

毛泽东的真实感受是毋庸置疑的。

西方世界被认为什么都好，而我们黄种人、黑种人和棕色人种被认为什么都不好，"他曾对一群非洲游客说。

这并不妨碍他在晚年以对西方政治家的必要礼节来处理中国的事务。

 

There was no doubt of how Mao really felt. ‘The Western world is considered good for everything, whereas we yellow people, black people and brown people are considered good for nothing,’ he once told a group of African visitors. This did not prevent him from conducting the affairs of China well into his old age with the necessary courtliness towards Western politicians.

 

当他接待英国前首相爱德华-希思时，毛泽东正在迅速衰老。

当他的客人进来时，他站了起来，略带驼背，穿着一件灰色的外套，挂在他的框架上。

他伸出手臂与希斯握手，希斯当时担任英国保守党反对派的领导人。

在中国国家通讯社发表的照片中，主席脸上挂着红宝石般的笑容。

然而，在为英国集团之一拍摄的快照中，他的下巴松弛，脸颊苍白。

 

By the time he received Edward Heath, the former British prime minister, Mao was ageing fast. When his guest came in he rose, slightly hunched, wearing a grey jacket that hung off his frame. He extended his arm to shake hands with Heath, who was serving as leader of Britain’s Conservative opposition. In the photos published by the Chinese state news agency, the chairman was wreathed in a rubicund smile. In a snapshot taken for one of the British group, however, his jaw was slack and his cheeks were pallid.

 

那是1974年5月25日。

希思在大选中输给了工党，正在寻找世界舞台。

毛泽东不需要它。

但他总是对保守派感兴趣，更喜欢不同意见的明确性，而不是同路人的虚假团结。

在他生命的这个阶段，主席对他的时间进行限制是有道理的。

 

It was 25 May 1974. Heath had lost a general election to the Labour Party and was in search of the world stage. Mao had no need of it. But he was always intrigued by Conservatives, preferring the clarity of disagreement to the fake solidarity of fellow-travellers. By this stage of his life the chairman rationed his time for good reason.

 

我们现在从毛泽东的医生李志绥那里知道，毛泽东的身体被多种疾病所摧残。

在他的回忆录中，医生写道，毛泽东患有充血性心力衰竭和慢性肺病，这是毛泽东圈子里的人对他的宫廷生活的唯一独立描述。

他一生的烟瘾已经破坏了他的肺部内壁。

他与肺炎、肺气肿和支气管炎作斗争。

他的生存依赖于亨利-基辛格寄给中国的一台美国制造的呼吸器。

与毛泽东的一切一样，他的生命意志是巨大的。

还有更多。

当健康状况良好、满头银发、西装革履、口袋里装着整齐的白手帕的希斯向主席问好时，毛泽东的目光似乎在游移。

医生指出，他的视力如此之差，他几乎看不到脸前的一根手指。

他只能分辨明暗。

他的语言能力很差，甚至连他的长期合作者都很难听出来。

一种奇怪的肌肉萎缩削弱了他的右侧。

 

We now know from Li Zhisui, Mao’s doctor, that Mao’s body was ravaged by a multitude of diseases. In his memoir, the only independent account of life at Mao’s court by a member of his circle, the doctor wrote that Mao had congestive heart failure and chronic lung disease. His lifelong addiction to cigarettes had destroyed the lining of his lungs. He fought off bouts of pneumonia, emphysema and bronchitis. His survival had depended on an American-made respirator sent to China by Henry Kissinger. Like everything about Mao, his will to live was titanic. There was more. As Heath, in the pink of health, silver-haired and besuited with a neat white handkerchief in his pocket, greeted the chairman, Mao’s gaze seemed to wander. The doctor had noted that, so bad was his eyesight, he could barely see a finger in front of his face. He could just tell light from dark. His speech was so poor that even his longtime collaborators struggled to make it out. A strange muscular atrophy weakened his right side.

 

房间里没有人知道，但毛泽东的症状使他的医生相信，这位主席是注定要失败的。

在与希斯会面的两个月后，李医生和一群中国专家将得出一个非常可怕的诊断，以至于他们最初不敢告诉政治局。

主席患有一种极为罕见的肌萎缩性脊髓侧索硬化症，在西方被称为卢伽雷氏症或运动神经元病。

随着病情的发展，病人的关键神经细胞会死亡，导致瘫痪、无法吞咽和呼吸衰竭。

这个靠语言力量征服了中国的人将永远沉默。

他甚至可能被噎死。

Nobody in the room knew it, but Mao’s symptoms had led his doctor to believe that the chairman was doomed. Two months after the meeting with Heath, Dr Li and a group of Chinese specialists would reach a diagnosis so terrifying that initially they feared to tell the Politburo. The chairman was suffering from an extremely rare form of amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, known in the West as Lou Gehrig’s disease or motor neurone disease. As it progressed, the patient’s critical nerve cells would die, resulting in paralysis, inability to swallow and respiratory failure. The man who had conquered China by force of his words would be silenced forever. He might even choke to death.

 

当英国代表团打来电话时，毛泽东宫廷里的气氛就是这样的暮气沉沉。

主席凝聚了他的精神和体力，因为他做任何事情都是没有目的的。

两位政治家互相调侃。

毛泽东想知道为什么希思没有得到一个仪仗队。

他的总理周恩来解释说，这可能会得罪英国现任首相、工党的哈罗德-卫奕信。

毛泽东的一个女随从，王海荣，他的一个大家族成员，问他是否不怕得罪卫奕信。

'不，'毛泽东说，转向希思。

'我把票投给了你！'他开玩笑说。

 

Such was the twilight atmosphere at Mao’s court when the British delegation called. The chairman rallied his mental and physical energies, for he did nothing without purpose. The two statesmen exchanged banter. Mao wondered why Heath had not received a guard of honour. His premier, Zhou Enlai, explained that it might offend the current British prime minister, Harold Wilson of the Labour Party. One of Mao’s female retinue, Wang Hairong, a member of his extended clan, asked if he was not afraid of offending Wilson. ‘No,’ said Mao, turning to Heath. ‘I cast my vote for you!’ he joked.

 

他们谈话记录的其余部分主要是提醒人们，强大的人可以是平庸的。

毛泽东是宏大而模糊的。

 希思没有辜负关于他的陈词滥调，在对主席的媚俗认同和对自己的智慧的喋喋不休之间交替出现。

当毛泽东询问希思是否不能帮助理查德-尼克松渡过水门事件的难关时，希思回答说："如果他当时问我的意见，我就会建议他在18个月前彻底粉碎这个问题。

但他当时并没有问我'。

 

The remainder of the transcript of their conversation serves chiefly as a reminder that the mighty can be banal. Mao was grandiose and vague. Heath lived up to the clichés about him, alternating between fawning agreement with the chairman and harping references to his own wisdom. When Mao enquired whether Heath could not help Richard Nixon weather the Watergate scandal, Heath replied: ‘If he had asked me for my opinion at that time, I would have advised him to thoroughly crush that matter eighteen months ago. But he didn’t ask me at that time.’

 

闲聊结束后，毛泽东和希思继续讨论大战略，范围从日本到欧洲、苏联和美国。

他们的大部分意见在今天看来毫无价值，只有主席不经意的一句话，不管是不是巧合，都是他的作品集《论外交》（中文版于1994年出版）最后一页的最后一段话："这一切现在都成了历史。

只剩下香港问题了。

我们现在不讨论这个问题。

我们将在适当的时候一起协商我们要做什么。

这将是年轻一代的事情。

在这种情况下，主席作为一个残疾人继续生活，直到1976年9月9日一系列的心脏病发作结束了他的生命。

 

The small talk done, Mao and Heath went on to grand strategy, ranging from Japan to Europe, the Soviet Union and the United States. Most of their observations are worthless today except for the chairman’s unprompted remarks which, by coincidence or not, are the last paragraph on the last page of his collected works On Diplomacy, the Chinese version of which was published in 1994: ‘All this is now history. Only the question of Hong Kong remains. We won’t discuss it at present. We shall consult together at the proper time about what we are going to do. This will be the business of the younger generation.’ In the event, the chairman lived on as an invalid until a series of heart attacks ended his life on 9 September 1976.

 

人们普遍认为，毛泽东所说的 "年轻一代 "是指邓小平。

然而，在毛泽东去世后，香港的命运并不是邓小平优先考虑的问题，因为中国正经历着巨大的困难。

邓小平必须与四人帮打交道，排挤激进分子，安抚长者，集结力量，并承担巨大的政治-官僚改革任务。

毛泽东在1974年的讲话让我们看到了希望。

希斯回到伦敦，向英国政府通报，中国将不可避免地寻求解决其地位问题。

 

It was generally agreed that by the ‘younger generation’ Mao meant Deng Xiaoping. The fate of Hong Kong was not high among Deng’s priorities after Mao’s death, however, because China was going through great travails. Deng had to deal with the Gang of Four, marginalise the radicals, placate the elders, rally his forces and undertake the huge political-bureaucratic task of reform. The die was none the less cast by Mao’s words in 1974. Heath returned to London to brief the British government that China would inevitably seek a resolution of its status.

 

希斯和中国共产党之间的相互尊重是长期存在的。

这位前总理在与毛泽东的第一次会面后，继续访问中国25次，他被邓小平信任，将重要的政策决定传递给后来的英国首相。

在他2005年去世时，国家媒体的讣告称他是中国的 "老朋友"，而在2014年，中国驻英国大使刘晓明访问了希思在英格兰南部索尔兹伯里大教堂附近的家，检查了他的三角钢琴、手绘的中国墙纸和显示希思与毛泽东、邓小平和其他政党领导人的照片集。

大使向希斯在大教堂的墓碑敬献了花圈，并提醒他的随行人员注意中国的一句古话："饮水思源，勿忘挖井人"。

 

The mutual esteem between Heath and the Chinese Communist Party was long-enduring. The former premier went on to visit China twenty-five times after his first meeting with Mao and he was trusted by Deng to pass on important policy decisions to later British prime ministers. On his death in 2005, obituaries in the state media hailed him as ‘an old friend’ of China, while in 2014 the Chinese ambassador to Britain, Liu Xiaoming, paid a visit to Heath’s home in the Cathedral Close at Salisbury in southern England to examine his grand piano, his hand-painted Chinese wallpaper and a collection of photographs showing Heath with Mao, Deng and other party leaders. The ambassador laid a wreath in tribute upon Heath’s tombstone in the cathedral and reminded his retinue of an old Chinese saying: ‘when drinking the water you should not forget those who dug the well.’

 

 

这位主席给所有在他之后的人留下了长长的阴影。

他通过他的著作和诗歌，他的话语、旁白、笑话、讽刺、毒舌和闪光的洞察力，几十年来一直在回荡。

即使在他的陵墓里，他也让他的继任者看起来像中国风景中的微型人物。

 

The chairman cast a long shadow over all who came after him. He reverberated down the decades through his writings and poetry, his utterances, asides, jokes, barbs, venomous rhetoric and flashes of insight. Even from his mausoleum, he made his successors seem like miniature figures in a Chinese landscape.

 

1949年，毛泽东制定了与外国帝国主义打交道的原则，这些原则决定了此后所有中国政府的行为方式。

它听起来很激进。

事实上，它的措辞很谨慎，也很务实。

用一位湖南农民的话说，这位共产党领导人说，中国必须 "另起炉灶"，"在邀请客人之前把房子打扫干净"。

 

In 1949 Mao had laid out principles for dealing with the foreign imperialists that governed how all Chinese governments have behaved ever since. It sounded radical. In fact it was carefully phrased and pragmatic. In the plain words of a Hunan peasant, the Communist leader said China had to ‘set up another kitchen’ and ‘clean up the house before inviting the guests’.

 

第一个原则意味着新中国拒绝承认'国民党承认的外交人员和记者'的法律地位。

共产党人将新闻局或'帝国主义宣传机构'等同于外国使馆，这种假设一直延续到今天。

人民政府将拒绝承认 "国民党时期的叛国条约"（然而，这些条约不包括19世纪确立香港地位的三个条约）。

他们将立即控制对外贸易。

 

The first principle meant that New China refused to acknowledge the legal status of ‘diplomatic personnel and journalists recognised by the Kuomintang’. The Communists equated news bureaux or ‘imperialist propaganda agencies’ with foreign embassies, an assumption that prevails to the present day. The people’s government would refuse to recognise ‘treasonable treaties of the Kuomintang period’ (these did not, however, include the three nineteenth-century treaties establishing the status of Hong Kong). They would take immediate control of foreign trade.

 

第二条 "清理门户 "的原则听起来无伤大雅，但随着时间的推移，将导致外国影响从中国被清除。

毛泽东说，在政权处理完外交官和记者之后，它将转向 "剩余的帝国主义经济和文化机构"。

他判断："可以允许它们暂时存在，但要接受我们的监督和控制。

在适当的时候，外国公司、学术机构、教堂、宗教团体和小企业家将离开人民共和国，他们的涌入将改变香港。

20世纪40年代末，随着社会主义世界的大使馆和机构开始在中国建立自己的机构，卫队发生了变化。

然而，就群众而言，毛泽东结束了外国人的特权，实现了自清朝末年以来一波又一波的革命者无法实现的宣传誓言。

不过，即使在胜利的时候，毛泽东的话也允许对解放后的商业有一个务实的看法："至于与外国人做生意，那是没有问题的；哪里有生意可做，我们就去做，我们已经开始了；几个资本主义国家的商人已经在争夺这种生意。

 

The second principle of ‘cleaning the house’ sounded innocuous, but would lead in time to the purging of foreign influence from China. After the regime had dealt with diplomats and journalists, it would turn to ‘the remaining imperialist economic and cultural establishments’, said Mao. ‘They can be allowed to exist for the time being, subject to our supervision and control,’ he judged. In due course foreign companies, academic bodies, churches, religious orders and small entrepreneurs would leave the People’s Republic and their influx would transform Hong Kong. At the end of the 1940s there was a changing of the guard as embassies and institutions of the socialist world began to establish themselves in China. So far as the masses were concerned, however, Mao had ended privileges for foreigners, fulfilling a propaganda vow that had eluded waves of revolutionaries since the waning years of the Qing dynasty. Even in victory, though, the words of Mao allowed for a pragmatic view of commerce after liberation: ‘As for doing business with foreigners there is no question; wherever there is business to do, we shall do it and we have already started; the businessmen of several capitalist countries are already competing for such business.’

 

毛泽东和他的同志们看着战败的国民党人向南流过珠江三角洲并进入香港，满足于看着他们的敌人退出战场。

这的确是 "早晨的大洪水"，这是作家韩素音在其同情的历史标题中诗意地选择的短语。

然而，现代中国历史学家重建了毛泽东和周恩来同意的一个更精明和不那么动荡的政策。

它既符合革命理论，也符合实践，认为香港是东方和西方之间竞争的一颗棋子。

大英帝国正在衰落，美国正在成为它的对手，中国可以利用这个殖民地来 "利用它们之间的矛盾"。

 

Mao and his comrades watched the defeated Nationalists streaming south across the Pearl River Delta and into Hong Kong, content to watch their foes quit the battlefield. It was indeed the ‘morning deluge’, in the phrase poetically chosen by the author Han Suyin for the title of her sympathetic history of the time. Modern Chinese historians, however, have reconstructed a shrewder and less tempestuous policy which Mao and Zhou Enlai agreed. It conformed both to revolutionary theory and practice, holding that Hong Kong was a chess piece in the contest between East and West. The British Empire was in decline, America was emerging as its rival and China could use the colony to ‘exploit the contradictions’ between them.

 

作家徐冰在1997年回归前一年出版的官方批准的历史中问道："为什么中国人民解放军在攻击和占领广州后没有进入香港？'这是留给爱德华-希斯来解开历史之谜的。

毛泽东和周恩来已经制定了我们长期使用香港的战略。

‘Why did the People’s Liberation Army not enter Hong Kong after it attacked and occupied Canton?’ the writer Xu Bing asked in an officially approved history published one year before the handover in 1997. ‘It was left to Edward Heath to solve the mystery of history: Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai had already worked out the strategy of our long term use of Hong Kong.’

 

许家屯写道，1949年，英国内阁在工党首相克莱门特-艾德礼（Clement Attlee）的领导下召开会议，决定向英军驻军派遣增援部队，因为担心殖民地的丧失会影响到整个东南亚地区，并会增加英国在那里的国防负担。

'香港能在风雨中保持稳定的船吗？In 1949, Xu wrote, the British cabinet had met under Clement Attlee, the Labour prime minister, and decided to send reinforcements to the British army garrison, fearing that the loss of the colony would be felt throughout southeast Asia and would add to Britain’s defence burdens there: ‘Could Hong Kong remain a stable boat in the wind and rain?’

 

共产党在香港的喉舌，1938年在上海创办的作为共产党宣传机关的《文汇报》日报，已经通过其专栏向总督葛量洪爵士发出信号，警告说："香港不积极对中国采取友好姿态将是一个历史性错误。

通过秘密渠道，周恩来向葛量洪发出信息，概述了三条 "红线"，几十年来证明是一致的。

首先，香港不得被用作反对中华人民共和国的军事基地。

第二，香港政府不得做任何事情来 "破坏 "与中国的信任。

第三，在香港的中华人民共和国人员必须得到保护。

许家屯写道，殖民地政府秘密同意了这些条件，意识到中国内战失败者的报复和仇杀会给殖民地带来剧烈的混乱，并可能引发入侵。

1951年，周恩来在香港接见了新华社的负责人黄作梅，解释党的前景。

他解释说，中国对香港的政策是其在东西方斗争中的总体战略的一部分，并补充说，"它不能用狭隘的领土主权原则来衡量或决定。

 

The Communist Party mouthpiece in Hong Kong, the daily newspaper Wen Wei Po, founded in Shanghai in 1938 as an organ of Communist propaganda, had already sent a signal through its columns to the governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, warning that ‘it would be a historic mistake for Hong Kong not to actively adopt a friendly posture towards China.’ Through secret channels, Zhou Enlai sent a message to Grantham outlining three ‘red lines’ that were to prove consistent over the decades. First, Hong Kong must not be used as a military base against the People’s Republic of China. Second, its government must do nothing to ‘destroy trust’ with China. Third, personnel from the People’s Republic in Hong Kong must be protected. The colonial government, Xu writes, acceded secretly to these conditions, aware that vengeance and vendetta by the losers in the Chinese civil war could bring violent chaos to the colony and might precipitate an invasion. In 1951, Zhou received the head of the Xinhua news agency in Hong Kong, Huang Zuomei, to explain the party’s outlook. China’s policy towards Hong Kong was part of its overall strategy in the struggle between East and West, he explained, adding that ‘it could not be measured or determined by the narrow principle of territorial sovereignty.’

 

周恩来说，中国在解放前就已经决定不会收回香港。

但这既不是一条软线，也不是一个让步。

相反，它将是 "积极的攻击和斗争"，旨在适应长期的全球革命观点。

他说，英国迅速承认了中国的新政府，因为艾德礼想维护大英帝国的利益："香港是大英帝国在远东的政治和经济力量的象征，在这个框架中，美国和英国之间存在着巨大的矛盾。

美国想蚕食英国在远东的权力，而英国想保留它。

 

China had decided before Liberation that it would not take Hong Kong back, Zhou said. But this was neither a soft line nor a concession. It was instead to be ‘an active attack and struggle’ designed to fit into a long-term revolutionary global view. Britain, he said, had been swift to recognise the new government of China because Attlee wanted to preserve the interests of the British Empire: ‘Hong Kong is a symbol of the political and economic power of the British Empire in the Far East, and in this framework there are big contradictions between the United States and Britain. The United States wants to eat away at British power in the Far East and Britain wants to preserve it.’

 

在周恩来讲话时，中国正在与美国、英国及其在朝鲜的盟友作战。

数十万中国 "志愿者 "越过鸭绿江，加入了从1950年到1953年的朝鲜战争。

他们损失惨重，包括毛泽东的儿子毛岸英，他在一次空袭中丧生。

作为回应，美国实施了全面的贸易禁令，而联合国--战败的国民党坐在代表中国的席位上--也实施了制裁。

因此，周恩来说，把香港留在英国人手中比把它收回来或让它落入美国人手中更好。

这样做，中国就会把英国纠缠在复杂的问题上，扩大英国和美国之间的 "矛盾"。

他认为，英国人不敢一味地跟随美国的政策。

 

At the time Zhou spoke, China was fighting the United States, Britain and their allies in Korea. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese ‘volunteers’ crossed the Yalu River to join the Korean War, which raged from 1950 to 1953. Their losses were heavy, and included Mao’s son, Mao Anying, who was killed in an air raid. In response the US imposed a total ban on trade, while the United Nations – where the defeated Nationalists sat in the seat representing China – had imposed sanctions. Therefore, said Zhou, it was better to keep Hong Kong in the hands of the British than to take it back or let it fall into the hands of the Americans. By doing so, China entangled Britain in complications and widened the ‘contradiction’ between Britain and the United States. The British, he argued, dared not follow American policy slavishly.

 

香港对我们有很大的好处，'周说。

在这种情况下，香港是我们通往东南亚、非洲和西方世界的门户。

它将是我们的观察站和我们的桥头堡。

它将是我们突破以美国人为首的西方列强对我们的封锁的前线。

新华社的负责人被送走了，他对中国的战略毫不怀疑，而这一战略被小心翼翼地掩盖在群众面前。

宣传机构不时地抨击英国殖民主义的种族主义、暴力和剥削。

神奇的是，这些言辞都没有转化为军事行动。

1967年，当文化大革命激发的反英暴动震撼了殖民地时，周恩来亲自干预，禁止解放军驻广东的指挥官黄永胜领导入侵行动。

‘Hong Kong is of great benefit to us,’ Zhou said. ‘In this case Hong Kong is our gateway to the world of southeast Asia, Africa and the west. It will be our observatory and our bridgehead. It will be the front line for us to break through the blockade imposed on us by the phalanx of western powers led by the Americans.’ The Xinhua chief was sent away in no doubt of Chinese strategy, which was carefully obscured from the masses. From time to time, the organs of propaganda would tear into British colonialism for its racism, its violence and its exploitation. Mysteriously, none of the rhetoric translated into military operations. In 1967, when anti-British riots inspired by the Cultural Revolution shook the colony, Zhou personally intervened to forbid the PLA commander in Guangdong, Huang Yongsheng, from leading an invasion.

 

即使在文化大革命的深处，当各部委在政治动荡中挣扎的时候，周恩来仍然着眼于长期的发展。

1972年，他命令中国驻联合国大使黄华向联合国提交一份备忘录，将香港和澳门从被承认为殖民地的名单中删除。

1972年11月，大会正式批准了该决议，该决议实际上接受了中国的主权，避免了外国再次干涉中国事务的可能性，并使英国和葡萄牙有朝一日不得不进行谈判。

 

Even in the depths of the Cultural Revolution, while ministries seethed in political turmoil, Zhou kept an eye on the long term. In 1972 he ordered the Chinese ambassador to the United Nations, Huang Hua, to submit a memorandum to the UN removing Hong Kong and Macau from a list of territories recognised as colonies. Duly approved by the general assembly in November 1972, the resolution in effect accepted Chinese sovereignty, avoiding the possibility that foreign countries could once again interfere in Chinese affairs and making it inevitable that Britain and Portugal would have to negotiate one day.

 

到20世纪70年代末，中国领导层的重点是经济发展，而不是世界革命，而香港的重要性变得更加重要。

毛泽东和周恩来制定的指导方针是持久的。

中国在21世纪的 "红线 "与周恩来在1949年向总督提出的三点要求以及1972年的联合国决议不会有根本的不同。

中国的政治是坚定不移的，确认香港将回到祖国的怀抱，并拒绝其作为殖民地的地位。

宣传是火热的、愤慨的、断断续续的和有选择的。

每一个决定都包含着战术计算。

 

By the late 1970s the Chinese leadership was focusing on economic development, not world revolution, and the importance of Hong Kong became even greater. The guidance laid down by Mao and Zhou was enduring. China’s ‘red lines’ in the twenty-first century would not be radically different from the three points laid out by Zhou to the governor in 1949 and by the UN resolution of 1972. Chinese politics were steadfast, affirming that Hong Kong would come back to the motherland and rejecting its status as a colony. The propaganda was fiery, embittered, intermittent and selective. Tactical calculation was embedded in every decision.

 

从毛泽东时代结束后，中国政府一直坚持这些原则，并具有相当程度的连续性。

他们将香港事务委托给一批官员，这些官员在意识形态、爱国主义和灵活计算之间取得了平衡，在中国经济和社会发生巨大变化的这些年里，他们有足够的能力使政策走上正轨。

这些人中的一些人自1930年代以来就一直沉浸在殖民地的政治和社会中。

他们中的一些人来自同一个家庭，保证了政权拥有可靠的政治血统。

所有这些人都是训练有素的谈判者和文件起草者。

总的来说，可以说中国政府派出了最优秀的团队，为领导层认为具有高度国家意义的事业服务。

对历史学家来说，幸运的是，少数共产党精英被证明是腐败的，反复无常的，狡猾的，缺乏技巧的，在判断上有惊人的缺陷，在向北京汇报时不真实。

这场戏正是取决于这些。

 

From the end of the Mao era, Chinese governments kept to these principles with a remarkable degree of continuity. They would entrust Hong Kong affairs to a corps of officials who balanced ideology, patriotism and flexible calculation with sufficient skill to keep the policy on track throughout years of dramatic economic and social change in China. Some of these men had been steeped in the politics and society of the colony since the 1930s. A few of them came from the same families, guaranteeing to the regime a reliable political pedigree. All of them were highly trained as negotiators and drafters of documents. In general, it is fair to say that the Chinese government fielded its top team in the service of a cause which the leadership deemed to be of high national importance. Fortunately for historians, a handful of the Communist elite turned out to be corrupt, erratic, devious, lacking in finesse, amazingly flawed in their judgements and untruthful in their reporting to Beijing. It is on these that the drama depends.

 

对许多英国人来说，来自北京的信息，即香港肯定会回到中国的统治之下，一定是像南海上空晴朗的日子里出现的一朵小云。

在20世纪70年代末，殖民管理的高大上和苍白的状态似乎没有受到干扰。

总督以正式的专制方式，用轻巧的手法进行统治。

香港拥有财富、悲剧和重生的历史，在第二次世界大战后继续稳步繁荣，而英国则进入了一个通货膨胀、经济衰退和政治冲突的循环。

 

To many of the British, the message from Beijing that Hong Kong would assuredly return to Chinese rule must have seemed like a small cloud appearing on a clear day above the South China Sea. The high and palmy state of colonial administration appeared unruffled in the late 1970s. The governor ruled with formal autocracy using a light touch. Hong Kong, with its history of riches, tragedy and rebirth, continued to prosper steadily after the Second World War while the United Kingdom entered a cycle of inflation, economic decline and political conflict.

 

年轻的英国外交官道格拉斯-赫德（Douglas Hurd）在1954年乘坐远洋轮船抵达北京任职时写道："香港让人着迷，它几乎垂直地横跨水面，"他认为这是一个 "传统英国秩序和中国能量的成功结合"。

对许多人来说，王室殖民地是一种活生生的怀旧活动。

赫德被安排住在港景酒店，这让他想起了伯恩茅斯。

饭菜是 "严厉的英国式"，英国家庭在沉默中食用，盘子上装饰着爱丁堡城堡和荷里路德宫的图片。

‘Entranced by Hong Kong, rising almost vertically across the water,’ wrote a young British diplomat, Douglas Hurd, on his arrival by ocean liner in 1954 en route to a posting in Beijing; it was, he thought, a ‘successful mix of traditional British order and Chinese energy’. For many, the Crown Colony was an exercise in living nostalgia. Hurd was lodged at the Harbour View Hotel, which reminded him of Bournemouth. The cooking was ‘sternly British’ and was consumed in silence by British families off plates decorated with pictures of Edinburgh Castle and Holyrood House.

 

1984年退休的香港民政事务司司长丹尼斯-布雷（Denis Bray）这样回忆他战后早期的气氛。

 

Denis Bray, who retired in 1984 as Hong Kong’s secretary for home affairs, recalled the atmosphere of his early post-war days thus:

 

在这个地方，赤脚在中环很常见，只有最聪明的办公室和没有一个家庭有空调，几乎没有青少年和老人，小学教育是一种特权，肺结核是最大的杀手，麻风病人必须被隔离，大部分人口生活在脆弱的木制棚屋里，这些棚屋被烧毁，导致成千上万的人无家可归，夜班女工清洗大部分厕所......这就是我在20世纪下半叶初来这里工作时发现的香港。

a place where bare feet are common in Central, where only the smartest offices and none of the homes have air conditioning, where there are practically no teenagers or old people, where primary schooling is a privilege, where tuberculosis is the biggest killer and lepers have to be isolated, where a large part of the population lives in flimsy wooden shacks that burn down leaving thousands homeless, where night soil ladies clean most of the lavatories … this was Hong Kong as I found it when I came to work here at the beginning of the second half of the twentieth century.

 

奥斯汀-科茨（Austin Coates）是一名年轻的公务员，他发现自己在20世纪50年代初被任命为特别裁判官（或称里人府），在新界农村地区执行司法工作，但没有通过法律考试。

他也不会说一句广东话。

科茨了解到，新界从中国租借时通过的一项法令允许按照普通法或中国法律和习俗审理案件。

后者似乎是一个不可逾越的障碍，因为只有一本已知的教科书，由一名耶稣会士在18世纪写的。

他讲述了这本巨著的三个缺点："这本书只有一本，由香港大学拥有。

它不能被借走，而且是法文版的。

对于大卫-福特（David Ford）来说，他是最后一位在1986年至1993年期间担任行政事务首席秘书的英国人，在那些早期，香港华人的世界是一个比（他暗示）在西方花园里扎根的社会福利国家更强大、更勇敢的地方。

他回忆说："在新蒲岗或深水埗的街道上漫步，意味着要躲避货车、打包车、手推车和那些打闹的、精神抖擞的工人，他们知道 "劳动 "这个词代表什么，而且不害怕。

 

Austin Coates, a young civil servant, found himself appointed as a special magistrate, or li man fu, administering justice in the rural New Territories in the early 1950s without having passed a law examination. Nor did he speak a word of Cantonese. Coates learned that an ordinance passed when the New Territories were leased from China permitted cases to be heard according either to common law or to Chinese law and custom. The latter seemed an insuperable barrier, since there was only one known textbook, written by a Jesuit in the eighteenth century. There were, he recounted, three disadvantages to this tome: ‘Only one copy of this book was known to exist, owned by the University of Hong Kong. It could not be borrowed, and it was in French.’ For David Ford, the last Briton to head the civil service as chief secretary for administration from 1986 to 1993, the world of the Hong Kong Chinese in those early days was a more robust and bracing place than (he implied) the social welfare states taking root in the gardens of the West. ‘A stroll through the streets of San Po Kong or Sham Shui Po meant dodging the lorries, the baling trucks, the handcarts and the jostling, high-spirited labourers who knew what the word “labour” stood for and were not afraid of it,’ he recalled.

 

一直到20世纪90年代，我们还可以从富裕的外籍人士那里听到类似的陈词滥调，这些陈词滥调是在港口高处的阳台上，由身着风衣的女仆端着鸡尾酒，或者在公司游艇的抛光后甲板上端着酒盘发出的。

一位大金融公司的负责人向西方郊区的听众讲述了一位满脸皱纹的中国老妪如何每天早上出现在他办公室外面的垃圾桶里，将锡或铝、纸和卡分类，然后打包重新出售。

对他来说，这既是一个完美的经济秩序的缩影，也是当时正在流行的商品回收的一种自然的私有化方式。

 

Well into the 1990s, it was possible to hear similar stereotypes from well-heeled expatriates, dispensed over cocktails served by pinafored maids on balconies high above the harbour or over a tray of drinks on the polished afterdeck of the corporate yacht. One head of a great finance house held an audience of Western suburbanites enthralled by his account of how an old, wrinkled Chinese crone appeared every morning to sift through the rubbish bin outside his office, sorting out tin or aluminium, paper and card, all to be baled and re-sold. This was, to him, the epitome both of a perfectly operating economic order and a natural way to privatise the recycling of goods, which was then coming into fashion.

 

在我们的社会中，昨天的小贩可以成为今天的百万富翁，'福特写道。

他判断，这是一个 "仁慈地避免了阶级和种姓的分裂的社会，这种分裂使许多其他社会为实现类似于目标一致的努力受到了困扰"。

‘In our society yesterday’s hawker can be today’s millionaire,’ Ford wrote. It was, he judged, ‘a society mercifully spared the divisions of class and caste that have bedevilled the efforts of so many other societies to achieve anything like the same unanimity of purpose.’

 

他的观点仍然是那些遥远而崇高的少数人、外籍人士和中国人的观点，他们对香港社会的认识将被证明是非常不成熟的。

公平地说，福特承认 "旧式的家长式管理在这个期望觉醒的新时代是不合适的"。

但是，由精英和为精英服务的政府是即将离开的英国人和取而代之的本地大人物的共同概念。

 

His views were still those of a remote and exalted few, expatriates and Chinese, whose perception of Hong Kong society would prove to be woefully under-sophisticated. To be fair, Ford conceded that ‘old style paternalistic administration would be out of place in this new age of awakening expectations’. But government by the elite and for the elite was a concept shared by the departing British and the local grandees who took their place.

 

英国对香港的管理也是一个多姿多彩的东西。

尽管它是二十世纪末仍在运作的最深奥的宪法机制之一，但它一直完美无缺地运作到了最后。

对于研究它的中国专家来说，香港的殖民政府就像一个博物馆的展品。

它类似于几代官吏所服务的制度。

当然，出于宣传的目的，它是英国虚伪的一个例证。

许多中国官员暗自钦佩它。

 

The British administration of Hong Kong was none the less a many-splendoured thing. It worked flawlessly right up to the end, even though it was one of the most esoteric constitutional mechanisms still functioning in the late twentieth century. To the Chinese experts studying it, the colonial government of Hong Kong was like a museum piece. It resembled the system which generations of mandarins had served. For propaganda purposes, of course, it was an illustration of British hypocrisy. Many Chinese officials secretly admired it.

 

在某种程度上，这种钦佩可能是俏皮的。

1949年后的中国政府是革命的、无产阶级的、政治上动荡的。

它受制于奇思妙想、口号、清洗和令人困惑的政策方向变化。

相比之下，香港的公务员制度唤起了人们对一个平静而崇高的帝国政府的记忆。

学者Simon Leys这样说。

两千多年来，帝国是由知识精英统治的；要想获得政治权力，就必须在公务员考试中成功竞争，而公务员考试是向所有人开放的。

直到现代，这无疑是历史上已知的最开放、最灵活、最公平和最复杂的政府系统。

总督坐在殖民地的顶层，与世隔绝，十分壮观。

他由女王任命，悬挂着香港的旗帜，这是一面蓝色的旗帜，左上角是英国国旗。

除了这个帝国主义外国势力的标志外，旗帜上还有一个纹章，显示了狮子和龙、皇冠、堡垒和两艘航行在宁静海面上的商船。

它是宁静而自豪的。

 

To some extent this admiration may have been wistful. Government in China after 1949 was revolutionary, proletarian and politically volatile. It was subject to whims, slogans, purges and bewildering changes of policy direction. By contrast the civil service in Hong Kong evoked memories of a calm and lofty imperial administration. The scholar Simon Leys put it like this: ‘For more than two thousand years, the empire was ruled by the intellectual elite; to gain access to political power one had to compete successfully in the civil service examinations, which were open to all. Until modern times, this was certainly the most open, flexible, fair, and sophisticated system of government known in history.’ The governor sat in magnificent isolation at the summit of the colony. Appointed by the Queen, he flew the flag of Hong Kong, a blue ensign with the Union Jack in its upper left quarter. Apart from this emblem of an imperialist foreign power, it was adorned by a coat of arms which showed a lion and a dragon, a crown, a fortress and two trading junks in sail on a tranquil sea. Serene and proud it was.

 

1954年，道格拉斯-赫德应亚历山大-格兰瑟姆爵士的邀请在政府大楼就餐，他发现这是个比他在伦敦、伊顿或剑桥参加的任何场合都要辉煌的场合。

我们在烛光下吃着烤牛肉和约克郡布丁，由穿着猩红马甲的男仆人端着，桌子两边摆放着剑兰和栀子花。

赫德坐在韩国总领事的妻子旁边。

在餐后的威士忌中，亚历山大爵士讨论了法国大革命的教训，以及被打败的蒋介石政府的混乱和腐败。

赫德聪明而博学，知道英国在香港历史上的黑暗面、鸦片战争和不平等条约。

但他也知道，住在山坡上的棚屋里的中国人 "并不是渴望自由的臣民"。

他们是在过去五年内逃离中国的动乱和迫害而逃到那里的，"寻求亚历山大爵士管理的秩序和法制"。

在他的餐桌上，向女王敬酒不仅仅是一种空洞的形式。

 

Invited to dine at Government House by Sir Alexander Grantham in 1954, Douglas Hurd found it a more splendid occasion than any he had attended in London, Eton or Cambridge. ‘We ate roast beef and Yorkshire pudding by candlelight, served by footmen in scarlet waistcoats, at tables flanked by banks of gladioli and gardenia.’ Hurd sat next to the wife of the Korean consul-general. Over post-prandial whisky, Sir Alexander discoursed on the lessons of the French Revolution and upon the chaos and corruption of the defeated government of Chiang Kai-shek. Intelligent and well-read, Hurd knew the dark side of Britain’s history with Hong Kong, the Opium Wars and the unequal treaties. But he also knew that the Chinese who lived in the shacks on those hillsides ‘were not a subject race yearning to be free’. They had fled there within the last five years, escaping from upheaval and persecution in China, ‘seeking order and the rule of law as administered by Sir Alexander’. The toast to the Queen at his table was more than an empty formality.

 

政府非常重视纹章和仪式，其中大部分是最近发明的。

奥斯汀-科茨在1949年收到他的任命书时，惊奇地发现他被要求带着一把仪式用的剑、一套金黄色的白色制服和一顶钢盔到达香港。

 

The administration placed great store on heraldry and ritual, much of it recently invented. On receiving his letter of appointment in 1949, Austin Coates was aghast to discover that he was required to arrive in Hong Kong with a ceremonial sword, a gold-braided white uniform and a pith helmet.

 

总督的权力来自于盖有英国大印的《英皇制诰》。

英皇制誥》和《皇室訓令》構成了香港的憲法。

它们赋予了一个人极大的责任，原则上他可以当场做出重大决定。

然而，按照惯例，总督很少充分行使其权力。

他必须服从女王或外交和联邦事务大臣的指示。

在这些范围内，他的行动有一定程度的自由，这取决于伦敦和他在现场的人之间的信任。

这是对传统的褒奖，因为在大多数时候这似乎是有效的。

 

The governor’s authority derived from the Letters Patent issued under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom. The Letters Patent and the Royal Instructions formed the constitution of Hong Kong. They granted great responsibility to one man, who could in principle take grave decisions on the spot. By convention, however, the governor rarely exercised the full extent of his powers. He was bound to obey instructions from the Queen or from the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. Within those confines he operated with a degree of freedom which depended on an element of trust between London and its man on the spot. It is a tribute to tradition that most of the time this seemed to work.

 

总督通过行政委员会（通常被称为 "Exco"）进行统治。

其中一些成员是当然的，如首席秘书、英国军队司令、财政秘书和总检察长。

此外，总督还任命其他成员，通常是来自商业、金融和法律界的知名人士。

行政会议的作用类似于内阁，主要通过协商一致来运作，每周召开一次秘密会议。

它可能是高效的，但并不民主。

 

The governor ruled through an Executive Council, usually known as ‘Exco’. Some of its members were ex-officio, such as the chief secretary, the Commander of British Forces, the financial secretary and the attorney-general. In addition the governor appointed others, usually worthies drawn from the ranks of commerce, finance and the law. The Executive Council played a role similar to a cabinet, operated mainly by consensus and met once a week in camera. Efficient it may have been, democratic it was not.

 

法律由立法会，即 "Legco "通过。

它具有议会的职能和外衣。

在理论上，它有支出权。

在殖民时期后期，有57名成员，每周举行一次会议。

立法要经过三读和一个委员会阶段。

立法会通过的法案被送交总督批准，然后成为 "法令 "或法律。

有一个财政委员会负责监督开支，该委员会通常都很节俭。

政府账目委员会负责审查政府开支并进行审计。

 

Laws were passed by the Legislative Council, or ‘Legco’. It had the functions and trappings of a parliament. In theory it had spending powers. In the late colonial period there were fifty-seven members who met once a week. Legislation went through three readings and a committee stage. Bills passed by Legco were sent for the governor’s assent, after which they became ‘ordinances’ or laws. There was a Finance Committee to oversee spending, conventionally of an austere disposition. A Public Accounts Committee scrutinised government expenditure and conducted audits.

 

从1844年成立到1985年，所有立法会成员均由英国人任命。

直到1985年10月，首批24名成员才由地方议会的小团体选民和专业人士间接选出。

直到1991年，在卫奕信爵士的领导下，立法局才有了第一批18名直选议员。

直到1972年，议会的议事程序中才使用中文。

 

From its foundation in 1844 until 1985 all Legislative Council members were appointed by the British. Only in October 1985 were the first twenty-four members elected indirectly by small group electorates in local councils and the professions. It was not until 1991, under the governorship of Sir David Wilson, that the council had its first eighteen directly elected members. The Chinese language was not used in council proceedings until 1972.

 

在这个宁静的外表下，有一个巨大的经济权力杠杆。

香港的所有土地都由官方拥有。

唯一的例外是圣公会大教堂矗立在维多利亚港上的那块土地。

自1841年以来，土地被以租约形式出售，最终将归政府所有。

这是英国人在急于使香港的治理现代化的过程中从未改变的一件事。

这只是一个强大的工具，不能放弃。

除了掌握低税率和平衡预算的神奇钥匙之外，它还赋予了官员们令人眼花缭乱的影响力--当然是在最廉洁的情况下--审议每年将有多少土地拍卖给饥渴的房地产开发商。

许多人抱怨说，操纵土地供应导致了香港天价房地产的根源，穷人被排除在房屋所有权之外，不平等现象长期存在，以及2014年后在街头爆发的社会愤怒的最终激增。

英国官员只会摇摇头，直截了当地坚持认为，有竞争的土地拍卖只是资本主义自由市场运作的一个例子。

 

Behind this tranquil façade lay one enormous lever of economic power. All land in Hong Kong was owned by the Crown. The only exception was the plot on which St John’s Anglican cathedral stood above Victoria Harbour. Since 1841, land had been sold on leases and would ultimately revert to the government. This was one thing the British never changed in their haste to modernise the governance of Hong Kong. It was simply too powerful a tool to surrender. Apart from holding the magic key to low taxes and balanced budgets, it conferred dizzying influence on the officials who – in circumstances of the utmost probity, of course – deliberated on how much land would be auctioned to the hungry property developers every year. Many complained that rigging the land supply led to the roots of Hong Kong’s astronomical property prices, the exclusion of the poor from home ownership, the perpetuation of inequality and the eventual upsurge in social outrage which exploded on the streets after 2014. British officials would simply have shaken their heads and maintained, straight-faced, that land auctions with competitive bids were merely an example of the capitalist free market in action.

 

自由主义者和左翼人士怀疑，真正的决定来自于香港俱乐部的午餐和周末的航海或乡村度假。

讽刺的是，殖民地的公务员们自己也不例外。

 有一份记录显示，1973年，一群来访的中国官员 "在一场公开演出的轻歌剧《天皇》中，成为好奇和欣赏的观众"，该剧富含政治讽刺意味。

 

Liberals and left-wingers suspected that real decisions emerged from lunches at the Hong Kong Club and weekends sailing or on country retreats. The ironies were not lost on the colonial civil servants themselves. One recorded that in 1973 a group of visiting Chinese officials ‘were intrigued and appreciative members of the audience at a public performance of a light opera which is rich in political satire, The Mikado’.

 

一个具有讽刺意味的观察家很可能将香港的舒适安排与吉尔伯特和沙利文的剧本中的政府进行比较，但至少讽刺是允许的。

 

An iconoclastic observer might well have compared the cosy arrangements in Hong Kong to government by a Gilbert and Sullivan libretto, but at least satire was permitted.

 

一位资深的英国官员回忆起在麦理浩爵士整顿殖民政府之前的日子，他说："我们有一个关于自己的神话。

英属香港是腐败的。

警察是绝对腐败的。

尽管我们虚伪地宣扬正派和价值观，但还是存在贿赂。

有些政府秘书带着大包小包的现金回到英国。

 

Less light-hearted, a veteran British official recalled the days before Sir Murray MacLehose cleaned up the colonial government: ‘We had a myth about ourselves. British Hong Kong was corrupt. The police were absolutely corrupt. There was bribery, even though we preached hypocritically about decency and values. There were government secretaries who went home to Britain with bags of cash.’

 

英国人建立了一个地方政府系统，将一些权力扩展到中国人身上。

当时有19个区议会。

市政委员会管理市政事务。

一个区域委员会负责管理新界，这是一个复杂的宗族和农村权力中心的组合。

尽管如此，这仍然是一个中央集权的政府形式。

被称为 "公共服务 "的行政部门控制着警察、消防队和公务员队伍。

与许多小国的内政部长相比，首席秘书享有更广泛的支配权和更大的干预权。

 

The British evolved a system of local government which extended some powers to the Chinese population. There were nineteen district boards. Urban councils ran municipal affairs. A regional council ran the New Territories, which was a complex mosaic of clan and rural power centres. None the less, this remained a centralised form of government. The administration, which was known as Public Service, controlled the police, the fire brigade and the civil service. The chief secretary enjoyed wider sway and greater powers of intervention than did the interior minister in many small countries.

 

如果说香港的行政结构与英国政府维多利亚时代后的秩序相呼应，那么它的法律制度则代表了从西方移植到世界另一端的社会，在回归前夕，香港有630万人口，95%是中国人。

根据官方指南，香港的法律 "普遍遵循英格兰和威尔士的法律"。

对于有抱负的律师来说，其中的一些做法肯定需要进行文化上的大变革。

1966年的《英国法律适用条例》要求他们熟悉1361年的《太平绅士法》（在中国，是蒙元王朝的衰落期）和1689年的《租借窘迫法》（对中国来说，是满清皇帝的早期）等法规。

与这一切相比，戴假发、穿礼服、背拉丁语短语似乎非常正常。

 

If the structure of Hong Kong’s administration echoed the post-Victorian order of British government, its legal system represented a transplant from the West into a society on the other side of the world which on the eve of the handover numbered 6.3 million and was 95 per cent ethnically Chinese. The law of Hong Kong ‘generally followed that of England and Wales’ according to the official guide. Some of its practices must have required a cultural sea change for aspiring lawyers. The Application of English Law Ordinance of 1966 required them to be familiar with such statutes as the Justices of the Peace Act of 1361 (in China, the waning years of the Mongol Yuan dynasty) and the Distress for Rent Act of 1689 (for Chinese, the early period of the Manchu Qing emperors). Compared to all that, dressing up in wigs and gowns and memorising Latin phrases must have seemed positively normal.

 

但也有例外。

在1898年《北京第二公约》管辖的新界农村地区，诉讼当事人可以选择--正如奥斯汀-科茨所发现的那样--是让裁判官根据普通法还是根据中国法律和习俗审理他们的诉讼案。

科茨对随之而来的文化混乱进行了有趣的描述，他对当地的传统和中国的合法性概念充满了感情和尊重。

但是，对奶牛、小妾或稻田纠纷的裁决与对涉及巨额资金或生死攸关的案件的裁决是不同的。

对于这些案件，英国法律的威严是不可避免的。

 

There were exceptions. In the rural New Territories, which were governed under the Second Convention of Peking of 1898, litigants could choose – as Austin Coates discovered – whether they would have a magistrate hear their suits according to the common law or according to Chinese law and custom. The cultural confusion which ensued was amusingly described by Coates, who had affection and respect for local traditions and the Chinese concept of legality. But adjudicating disputes over cows, concubines or paddyfields was not the same as judging cases involving huge sums of money or matters of life and death. For these the majesty of English law was inescapable.

 

法典《香港法律》长达三十二卷。

香港法院适用与英国法院类似的法理，"官方手册宣称。

上诉法院受其以前的裁决约束。

对上诉法院的最终上诉是向伦敦的枢密院提出的。

尽管法律制度有很多漏洞，但它成为了香港的基石。

在这种情况下，英国的管理是广泛的仁慈的，而且，矛盾的是，对于一个殖民地来说，它使香港处于亚洲社会的进步先锋地位。

1844年，立法会通过的第一部法律是禁止奴役的《奴隶制条例》，这充分说明了维多利亚时代开明政府的理想，这一法律的必要性说明了当时殖民地社会的状况。

 

The legal code, The Laws of Hong Kong, ran to thirty-two volumes. ‘Hong Kong courts apply a doctrine similar to that of English courts,’ the official handbook declared. The Court of Appeal was bound by its own previous decisions. Final appeal from the Court of Appeal was to the Privy Council in London. For all its flummery, the legal system became a bedrock for Hong Kong. In this case British administration was broadly benevolent and, paradoxically for a colony, it placed Hong Kong in the progressive vanguard of societies in Asia. It spoke volumes to the Victorian ideal of enlightened government that the first law passed by the Legislative Council in 1844 was the Slavery Ordinance forbidding human bondage, a legal necessity which illustrated the state of colonial society at the time.

 

1966年11月16日，香港最后一次执行死刑是在赤柱监狱，26岁的黄启基被绞死。

此后，总督根据皇室的仁慈特权，将所有死刑判决正式减为终身监禁。

在英国废除死刑后，这一做法于1993年被正式废除。

在英国统治的最后几年里，犯罪率继续稳步下降，在移交时，不存在回到过去的问题。

 

The last execution in Hong Kong took place in Stanley Prison on 16 November 1966, when Wong Kai-Kei, twenty-six years old, was hanged. Thereafter the governor formally commuted all death sentences to life imprisonment under the royal prerogative of mercy. Following the abolition of capital punishment in Britain, the practice was formally abolished in 1993. Crime rates continued a steady decline through the final years of British rule and at the handover there was no question of going back to the old days.

 

相比之下，中国在20世纪末和21世纪一直是世界上最大的死刑执行国；这部分是由于其人口规模，但其公民因包括白领金融犯罪和腐败在内的各种罪行而面临被处决的高风险。

即使在日本和台湾这样的民主国家，等待死刑犯的也是绞索和行刑队。

印度尼西亚、泰国、马来西亚和新加坡继续处决毒贩，并得到了公众的广泛赞同。

与此同时，香港继续走其孤独的自由主义道路。

在外交部的鼓励下，历届政府都悄悄地引入了加强香港人民权利的法律。

1976年，《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》和《经济、社会和文化权利国际公约》被延伸至香港。

1997年后，这些公约的持续应用被写进了英国和中国的1984年联合声明，并为2014年以来笼罩该城市的权利运动奠定了基础。

1990年7月，香港自己的《人权法案》在卫奕信爵士的领导下出台，当时北京发生的屠杀抗议者事件使当地人意识到他们两个系统之间的明显差异，仅仅过了一年。

 

In contrast, China remained the world’s top executioner through the late twentieth century and into the twenty-first; this was in part due to the size of its population, but its citizens ran a high risk of execution for a swathe of offences including white-collar financial crimes and corruption. Even in democracies like Japan and Taiwan, the noose and the firing squad awaited the condemned. Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore continued to execute drug dealers, to the widespread approval of the public. Hong Kong, meanwhile, continued on its lonely liberal path. Successive governors, encouraged by the Foreign Office, quietly introduced laws which strengthened people’s rights in Hong Kong. In 1976 the International Conventions on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights were extended to Hong Kong. Their continuous application after 1997 was written into the Joint Declaration of 1984 by Britain and China and provided a foundation for the rights movements which gripped the city from 2014. Hong Kong’s own Bill of Rights was introduced under Sir David Wilson in July 1990, just over a year after the slaughter of protesters in Beijing had awakened local people to the stark differences between their two systems.

 

然而，在公众舆论的眼中，所有的原因都是不平等的。

伦敦议会于1967年将同性恋非刑罪化，但立法会（当时是部分民选）直到1991年才将香港法律与英国接轨。

在1970年代末，面对同性恋法律改革的问题，总督麦理浩担心会冒犯社会，选择了不作为。

 

All causes were not equal in the eyes of public opinion, however. Parliament in London decriminalised homosexuality in 1967 but it took the Legislative Council (by then partly elected) until 1991 to bring Hong Kong law into line with the United Kingdom. Faced with the question of homosexual law reform in the late 1970s the governor, Murray MacLehose, feared that it would offend the community and opted to do nothing.

 

此外，英国殖民地的公务员还为他们致力于提高殖民地的教育水平而感到自豪，也许这是有道理的。

虽然在第二次世界大战之后，随着一个又一个地方的独立，仁慈的干预机会消失了，但香港的行政人员继续执行这项任务。

香港大学（HKU）是香港的第一所大学，于1911年按照英国大学的模式成立。

香港中文大学于1963年成立，香港理工学院于1972年成立，香港科技大学于1991年开始在清水湾上的一个现代化校园里招收学生。

 

British colonial civil servants were moreover proud, perhaps justly so, of their commitment to raise the level of education in the colonies, and while the opportunity for benevolent intervention vanished with independence for one place after another in the aftermath of the Second World War, administrators in Hong Kong went on with the task. Hong Kong University (HKU), the city’s first, was established in 1911 along the lines of a British university. The Chinese University of Hong Kong was set up in 1963, the Hong Kong Polytechnic came into being in 1972 and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology began taking students at a modern campus above Clear Water Bay in 1991.

 

马克思主义者、反殖民主义者和共产党的分析家们对这些机构持否定态度。

在 "爱国者 "看来，这些机构是将外来的思维方式植入他们的年轻学生中的一种方式，这些学生大多是广东人。

激进的左派人士将建立一支受过高等教育的劳动力解释为支持资本家需求的一种方式，而不是提高整个无产阶级的基本标准。

然而，对于普通的香港家庭来说，高等教育提供了一个晋升的阶梯，这是中国人的传统愿望。

当红卫兵捣毁中国的大学，殴打或杀害其教授时，儒家对知识分子，或至少是文人的崇敬传统在香港仍然保持不变。

这意味着共产党的宣传对香港公众的影响很小，他们非常清楚隔壁发生了什么。

 

Marxists, anti-colonialists and Communist Party analysts took a sour view of such institutions. They were seen by ‘patriots’ as a way to embed alien ways of thinking in their young students, who were mostly Cantonese. Radical leftists interpreted the creation of a highly educated workforce as a way to support the needs of capitalists instead of raising the basic standards of the entire proletariat. To the average Hong Kong family, however, higher education offered a staircase to advancement that was the traditional aspiration of Chinese people. The Confucian heritage of reverence for the intelligentsia, or at least the literati, remained intact in Hong Kong while Red Guards trashed the colleges of China and beat or killed their professors. This meant that Communist propaganda had little impact on the Hong Kong public, who knew very well what was going on next door.

 

在这样的背景下，企业蓬勃发展：一个有效的，即使是不民主的行政部门，一个坚实的法治，以及越来越多受过良好教育和适应性强的人口。

税收很低，劳动力很愿意，工资不高，老板们不会被太多关于雇用和解雇的规则和条例所困扰。

如果说这是对左派和不断增长的声势浩大的工会运动的蔑视，那么对大班和他们的股东来说，这就是天堂。

英国企业和大型贸易公司仍然占主导地位，但国际公司开始进入香港，因为中国的经济改革带来了利润的承诺，并需要一个有效的本地基地来开展业务。

所有这些都使中国政府相信，香港就像一个珍贵的瓷瓶，中国和英国都不想打碎它，这句话是有道理的。

 

Businesses flourished against this backdrop of an effective, if undemocratic administration, a solid rule of law and an increasingly well-educated and adaptable population. Taxation was low, the workforce was willing, pay was modest and bosses were not bothered by too many rules and regulations on hiring and firing. If it was anathema to the left and to a growing and vocal trade union movement, it was a paradise for the tai-pans and their shareholders. British businesses and the great trading houses still predominated, but international companies began to move into Hong Kong as economic reforms in China held out the promise of profit and demanded an efficient local base from which to do business. All of this convinced the Chinese government of the truth inherent in the saying that Hong Kong was like a precious porcelain vase which neither China nor Britain wished to shatter.

 

邓小平曾经说过，中国不实行个人外交，但在1978年，他挑选了一个完全可以胜任收复香港工作的人。

廖承志是中国共产党有史以来最特别的人物之一。

他在西方鲜为人知，但因其在欧洲和亚洲的秘密服务记录而被党内所推崇。

在日本，他被认为是两个战时敌人之间恢复关系的设计师。

 

Deng Xiaoping once said that China did not practise personal diplomacy, but in 1978 he picked a man who was perfectly cast for the job of regaining Hong Kong. Liao Chengzhi was one of the most unusual figures that the Chinese Communist Party ever produced. Little known in the West, he was lionised by the party for his record of covert service in Europe and Asia. In Japan he is recognised as an architect of restored relations between the two wartime enemies.

 

廖承志是在一个阴谋和忠诚如水的时期长大的，他一生的大部分时间都在地下或监狱中度过。

他一直到死都是神秘的。

甚至他的出生地也不确定。

根据官方讣告，他于1908年9月25日出生在日本东京的一个郊区；外交部网站和其他消息来源称，他的出生地是广东省的惠阳县，与香港毗邻。

他的父亲廖仲恺是一位知名的国民党领袖和金融家。

他的祖父有五个妻子和二十四个孩子，曾在旧金山代表香港上海银行。

 

Liao came of age in a period of conspiracies and loyalties that flowed like water and spent much of his life underground or in jail. He remained enigmatic until the day of his death. Even the place of his birth is uncertain. According to official obituaries, he was born in a suburb of Tokyo, Japan, on 25 September 1908; the foreign ministry website and other sources state that his birthplace was Huiyang County, in Guangdong province, adjoining Hong Kong. His father, Liao Zhongkai, was a well-known Kuomintang leader and financier. His grandfather, who had five wives and twenty-four children, had represented the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank in San Francisco.

 

将外国资本主义和国民党结合起来的背景对一个革命者来说并不吉利。

它将困扰着廖承志，但这不过是二十世纪中国复杂而又纷繁的历史的一个反映。

他的父亲曾在香港的皇后学院就读，这是殖民政府创办的第一所公立中学。

1903年，他来到日本，加入了许多理想主义的中国年轻人的行列，他们蜂拥而至，想看看这个古老的国家是如何迅速实现现代化的。

当时，日本在明治后期大胆地进行 "改革和开放"，创建工业、机构和现代陆军和海军。

中国流亡者发现，明治日本是一个激进主义的孵化器。

他们第一次有机会学习《资本论》和其他马克思主义著作的日文译本，当时还没有中文版本。

 

A background combining foreign capitalism and the Kuomintang was not auspicious for a revolutionary. It would haunt Liao Chengzhi, but it was no more than a reflection of China’s complex and swirling history in the twentieth century. His father had attended Queen’s College in Hong Kong, the first public secondary school founded by the colonial government. In 1903 he moved to Japan, joining many idealistic young Chinese who flocked to see how an ancient nation was rapidly modernising itself. It was a time when Japan was engaged in ‘reform and opening up’ on a daring scale in the late Meiji period, creating industries, institutions and a modern army and navy. The Chinese exiles found that Meiji Japan was an incubator of radicalism. They had their first opportunity to study Das Kapital and other Marxist works in Japanese translation at a time when no Chinese language versions were available.

 

廖承志的母亲何香凝是一位早期的女权主义者和革命者。

她曾被留在香港，但这对夫妇最终团聚并在东京附近定居，当时东京已经是世界上发展最快的大都市之一。

散居在日本的中国精英们生活在一个紧密的社会群体中，他们以共同的语言和宗族关系为纽带。

 

Liao的父母认识了国民党的第一位领导人孙中山，他也来自广东省。

他们混迹于那些谈论新中国从清帝国的灰烬中崛起的令人振奋的圈子里。

 

Liao的父亲加入了孙中山运动。

当孙中山在广州成立国民政府时，他成为财政部长。

他被视为政府中最左翼的成员，赞成与新兴的共产党通融，并被委托按照马克思列宁主义路线改组国民党。

 

Liao’s mother, He Xiangning, was an early feminist and revolutionary. She had been left behind in Hong Kong but the couple eventually reunited and settled down near Tokyo, which was already one of the fastest growing metropolises in the world. The elite Chinese diaspora in Japan lived in a tight social group united by a common language and by clan ties. Liao’s parents got to know Sun Yat-sen, the first leader of the Kuomintang, who also hailed from Guangdong province. They mixed in circles where there was heady talk of a new China emerging from the ashes of the Qing empire. Liao’s father joined the Sun Yat-sen movement. When it formed a national government in Canton, he became finance chief. He was seen as the most left-wing member of the government, favoured accommodation with the emerging Communist Party and was entrusted with reorganising the Kuomintang along Marxist-Leninist lines.

 

1925年8月20日，当他走下汽车去参加中央委员会会议时，枪手在广州刺杀了他，这些努力就此中断。

凶手与国民党内的极端保守派有关。

随后进行了调查和处决。

在中国，有谣言说英国人对他的暗杀负责，但没有证据表明这一说法，一位前香港总督称这一想法 "完全不可能"。

今天的官方判决书将他奉为 "致力于中国人民解放事业 "的烈士，他敦促与共产党合作。

 

These efforts were cut short when gunmen assassinated him in Guangzhou on 20 August 1925, as he stepped out of his car to go to a central committee meeting. The killers were linked to the ultra-conservative faction in the Kuomintang. Inquiries and executions followed. Rumours swirled in China that the British were responsible for his assassination, but no evidence for the claim has come to light and a former governor of Hong Kong called the idea ‘totally unlikely’. Today’s official verdict hallows him as a martyr ‘devoted to the cause of the liberation of the Chinese people’ who urged co-operation with the Communist Party.

 

廖承志的母亲将他带回了日本的安全地带。

他也加入了国民党，但在1927年蒋介石发动了对共产党人的大屠杀后，他与国民党决裂。

他因政治煽动被日本警察逮捕了两次，然后因 "持续参与爱国活动 "而被开除。

官方说法是他于1928年在上海加入共产党。

 

Liao Chengzhi’s mother took him back to safety in Japan. He too joined the Kuomintang but broke with it in 1927 after Chiang Kai-shek unleashed a massacre of Communists. Arrested twice by the Japanese police for political agitation, he was then expelled for ‘continuous participation in patriotic activities’. The official account says he joined the Communist Party in Shanghai in 1928.

 

Liao成为一个真正的国际无产阶级革命家。

1929年，党派他前往欧洲，在德国、比利时和荷兰组织中国海员。

他加入了一个名为中国反帝联盟的 "进步 "组织。

荷兰和德国警察分别逮捕和驱逐了他。

根据授权版本，廖承志在四个国家至少被关押了七次，在东京赤坂拘留所被日本警察毒打。

廖承志的冒险经历继续回到中国，他两次被国民党拘留，被他的母亲救出，然后在长征途中与他的同志们会合，但在一次派系斗争中被戴上了手铐。

在周恩来的帮助下，他被释放，并被安排负责新华社的广播部门。

 

Liao became a genuine international proletarian revolutionary. The party sent him to Europe in 1929 to organise Chinese seamen in Germany, Belgium and the Netherlands. He joined a ‘progressive’ organisation called the China Anti-Imperialist League. The Dutch and German police arrested and expelled him on separate occasions. In all, according to the authorised version, Liao was jailed at least seven times in four countries and was severely beaten by the Japanese police while in detention at the Akasaka detention centre in Tokyo. Liao’s adventures continued back in China, where he was detained twice by the Kuomintang, was rescued by his mother, then rejoined his comrades on the Long March, only to be put in irons in a factional dispute. He was released thanks to Zhou Enlai and put in charge of the broadcasting section of the Xinhua news agency.

 

廖承志的传记有多少是歪曲或捏造的，目前还不清楚。

尽管如此，新华社是作为一个前线组织成立的，从其成立之初就雇用了兼任情报人员的记者。

廖承志是少数能说流利日语的高级共产党员之一。

他被信任负责敏感的政治任务。

1937年上海落入日本皇军之手后，该党将廖承志派往香港。

他的工作是为共产党部队组织来自英国殖民地的物资。

起初，殖民地当局对此视而不见。

他们允许中国大陆的活动家以裕华公司为掩护，在皇后大道中18号设立了一个联络处，名义上是一个茶叶批发商。

警方的特别部门一直在悄悄监视。

在英国皇室的庇护下，廖承志和他的同志们为抗日游击队组织资金、电影、印刷、传单、宣传和抵抗工作。

但在1939年，出现了一个晴天霹雳。

在日本的强大压力下，警察突袭了裕华公司并洗劫了其办公室。

廖承志转入地下。

 

How much of Liao Chengzhi’s biography is distorted or fabricated remains unclear. None the less, Xinhua was established as a front organisation and from its foundation employed correspondents who doubled as intelligence officers. Liao was one of the few senior Communists to speak Japanese fluently. And he was trusted with sensitive political tasks. The party sent Liao to Hong Kong after Shanghai fell to the Imperial Japanese Army in 1937. His job was to organise supplies from the British colony for the Communist forces. At first the colonial authorities turned a blind eye. They allowed the mainland Chinese activists to set up a liaison office under cover as the Yue Hwa Company, notionally a wholesale tea merchant, at 18 Queens Road Central. The police Special Branch kept a quiet watch. Safe under the British Crown, Liao and his comrades organised funds, films, printing, leaflets, propaganda and resistance work for bands of guerrillas fighting the Japanese. But in 1939 there came a bolt from the blue. Under intense Japanese pressure, the police raided the Yue Hwa Company and ransacked its offices. Liao Chengzhi went underground.

 

1939年至1941年期间，对殖民地的威望来说是不光彩的。

英国驻东京大使罗伯特-克雷吉爵士劝说白厅，如果让步可以避免战争，那么安抚日本军国主义者是值得的。

英国人在天津，也就是现代的天津，做出了类似的安抚姿态，希望和平是值得维护的。

这些论点是基于道德和现实的理由提出的。

英国武官知道，日本拥有压倒性的力量。

然而，对于抗日的中国人来说，这是一个西方人公然背信弃义的案例，给许多后来与英国谈判的人留下了不信任的遗产。

无论如何，这都是无用的。

 

The period between 1939 and 1941 was inglorious for colonial prestige. The British ambassador in Tokyo, Sir Robert Craigie, had persuaded Whitehall that it was worth placating the Japanese militarists if concessions might avert a war. The British made similar gestures of appeasement in Tientsin, modern Tianjin, in the forlorn hope that peace was worth preserving. The arguments were made on moral and realistic grounds: British military attachés knew that Japan possessed overwhelming force. To the Chinese resisting Japan, however, it was a blatant case of Western perfidy which left a legacy of distrust in many of those who negotiated in later years with Britain. It was, in any case, useless.

 

1941年6月，Liao逃出了香港。

据说他在1942年1月冒着极大的风险回到香港，帮助一批知名人士逃跑。

然后他在中国境内加入了毛泽东和红军。

第二次世界大战结束后，他成为党的统战部的关键人物之一，该部负责处理与其他党派的关系和对外代表。

领导层信任他，让他率先恢复人民共和国和日本之间的关系。

廖承志在化解与台湾的紧张关系方面发挥了突出作用；他甚至可能通过向台湾领导人蒋经国保证中国不会入侵台湾，为该岛的民主崛起铺平了道路。

 

Liao escaped from Hong Kong in June 1941. He is said to have returned at great risk to help a group of prominent people escape in January 1942. Then he made his way to join Mao Zedong and the Red Army inside China. As the Second World War ended he became one of the party’s key figures in its United Front Work Department, which handled relations with other parties and its foreign representation. The leadership trusted him to pioneer the restoration of relations between the People’s Republic and Japan. Liao played a prominent role in defusing tensions with Taiwan; he may even have paved the way for the emergence of democracy on the island by reassuring its leader, Chiang Ching-kuo, that China was not about to invade it.

 

在这样的冒险生活中，像廖承志这样的中国革命者与当时的西方同行几乎没有什么区别，后者在第二次世界大战期间曾在中国南部与游击队一起从事危险的工作，如麥理浩Murray MacLehose。

这个时代产生了非凡的成就者，他们在其职业生涯中是士兵、游击队、间谍、政治家、行政人员和外交官。

廖承志就是其中之一。

他的生平事迹倾向于支持海外媒体的猜测，即他是一名长期服务的情报人员。

一位专门研究间谍活动的作者给他贴上了共产国际特工的标签，并认为他可能于1952年在日本冲绳招募了中国最好的间谍之一金無怠，尽管在廖承志公布的履历中没有任何内容表明他当时在那里。

 

In a life of such adventures there was little to separate Chinese revolutionaries like Liao from their Western counterparts of the time, men like Murray MacLehose, who had carried out dangerous work alongside guerrillas in southern China during the Second World War. The era produced extraordinary achievers who in the course of their careers were soldiers, guerrillas, spies, politicians, administrators and diplomats. Liao Chengzhi was one of them. His life story tends to support speculation in the overseas media that he was a long-serving intelligence operative. One author specialising in espionage labelled him a Comintern agent and suggested that he may have recruited one of China’s best spies inside the CIA, Larry Wu-Tai Chin, in Okinawa, Japan, in 1952, although there is nothing in Liao’s published curriculum vitae to place him there at the time.

 

与许多守旧派一样，廖承志在文化大革命期间被清洗，但在毛泽东去世前得到平反，并被提升为党中央委员。

他被任命为 "领导小组 "成员，负责研究中国对香港的政策选择，这符合党的惯例，将敏感的决策保留在一个小圈子里。

当邓小平在寻找一位可靠的、世界性的和狡猾的老将来负责香港的档案时，廖承志是他的选择。

 

Like many of the old guard, Liao was purged during the Cultural Revolution but was rehabilitated before Mao’s death and promoted to the party Central Committee. He was named to a ‘leading small group’ created to examine Chinese policy options on Hong Kong in keeping with party practice to retain sensitive decision-making within a tight circle. When Deng Xiaoping was looking for a reliable, cosmopolitan and wily veteran to take charge of the Hong Kong dossier, Liao was his choice.

 

英国对任何影响或接触中国官员的机会都很警觉，而中国官员被训练得难以捉摸，不善言辞。

在白厅和政府大楼，对信息的需求是持续的。

随着中国政治风向的改变，英国官员寻找任何有关未来的线索。

因此，当香港的一名警觉的情报人员发现廖承志从美国接受治疗回来后在启德机场通过了移民局，并在岛上的某个地方停留时，这一消息被迅速转达给政府大楼。

 

Britain was alert to any opportunity for influence or contact with Chinese officials, who were trained to be elusive and noncommittal. The demand for information was constant in Whitehall and in Government House. As the political wind changed in China, British officials sought any clues about what was coming. So, when an alert intelligence officer in Hong Kong spotted that Liao Chengzhi had passed through immigration at Kai Tak airport on his return from medical treatment in the United States and was staying somewhere on the island, the news was relayed promptly to Government House.

 

总督麦理浩与他的政治顾问、外交部的汉学家卫奕信博士进行了商讨。

像往常一样，麦理浩的直觉是要采取行动。

两人很快确定，廖承志被带到山顶的一栋房子里，这栋房子属于华润集团，该集团是一家国有企业，负责北京政府在殖民地的商业运作。

卫奕信联系了新华社的办公室，该机构发挥着类似的政治和外交作用。

一个尘封已久的公式化的回答回来了，大意是：承志同志认为他访问英国总督的住所不太合适。

不过看来廖承志准备在其他地方与他见面。

麦理浩召集了一辆没有标记的汽车，与卫奕信一起出发到山顶，当他们俩从警察和路人身边经过时，他们很享受这种隐秘的气氛。

卫奕信回忆说，他们发现廖承志 "对香港的情况非常了解"，他证实了新中国领导人发出的政治信号。

 

Governor MacLehose conferred with his political adviser, Dr David Wilson, a Sinologist from the Foreign Office. MacLehose’s instinct was, as usual, to act. The two men quickly established that Liao had been spirited to a house on the Peak owned by China Resources, a state-owned conglomerate that handled the Beijing government’s commercial operations in the colony. Wilson contacted the offices of the New China News Agency, which fulfilled a similar political and diplomatic role. A dusty formulaic answer came back to the effect that Comrade Chengzhi did not think it would be very appropriate for him to visit the residence of the British governor. However it seemed Liao would be ready to meet him somewhere else. MacLehose summoned an unmarked car and set off up the Peak with Wilson, relishing the cloak-and-dagger atmosphere as the pair swept past policemen and passers-by. They found that Liao was ‘extremely well informed about Hong Kong’, Wilson recalled, and he confirmed the political signals from the new Chinese leadership.

 

英国人并不清楚这一点，但他们找对了人。

廖承志彻底改变了中国人对香港的看法。

他看到了极端激进的政策，比如那些导致1967年暴乱的政策，产生了灾难性的结果。

中国和香港之间的贸易下降了近五分之一，并在三年后才恢复。

该党自己的内部数据显示，亲北京的工会成员急剧减少。

五份被认为是 "爱国 "的报纸的发行量下降：几乎没有10%的中文报纸读者愿意去拿这些报纸。

 

The British did not know it precisely, but they had got the right man. Liao had revolutionised Chinese thinking about Hong Kong. He saw that ultra-radical policies, such as those which led to riots in 1967, had disastrous results. Trade between China and Hong Kong had fallen by almost one-fifth and took three years to recover. The party’s own internal figures showed a sharp fall in membership of the pro-Beijing trade unions. Circulation of five newspapers deemed to be ‘patriotic’ had slumped: barely 10 per cent of Chinese language newspaper readers bothered to pick them up.

 

由于相信党的方法，廖承志从宣传入手。

1977年12月，他指示媒体干部 "清除你们心中的四人帮，处理香港和澳门的实际情况"。

1978年1月31日，他在一个关于香港电影业的论坛上说，"制作可以更广泛......任何有利于爱国统一战线的东西都可以拍。

总的来说，他的任务是埋葬使党处于纯粹孤立状态的极左翼政策，并在香港政治、文化和社会生活的各个领域扩大中国的政治影响--这种 "统一战线 "策略在共产党控制大陆的过程中发挥了很大作用。

也许，向资本主义商人伸出援手还为时过早，因为当时共产党几乎没有什么激励或威胁。

 

Trusting in the party’s methodology, Liao started with propaganda. In December 1977 he instructed media cadres to ‘cleanse your minds of the Gang of Four and deal with the actual situation in Hong Kong and Macau’. On 31 January 1978 he told a forum on the Hong Kong film industry that ‘production can be more extensive … anything conducive to the patriotic united front can be shot.’ Broadly, his mandate was to bury extreme left-wing policies, which left the party in purist isolation, and to expand Chinese political influence across a spectrum of Hong Kong’s political, cultural and social life – the ‘united front’ tactic which had served the Communists well in taking control of the mainland. It was, perhaps, too early to reach out to capitalist businessmen, as the Communists had few incentives or threats to brandish at the time.

 

在整个1978年，廖承志的影响越来越大，而中国对香港的政策也逐渐变得务实而有效。

1月，一次特别会议废除了将 "反英活动 "放在第一位、"收复香港 "放在第二位的口号。

1978年5月，当党在国务院下秘密成立港澳事务办公室时，廖承志被任命为该办公室第一任主任。

他的早期行动之一是召开了一次会议，在会上他告诉他的官员，"我们的所有工作都必须从当地的实际情况出发，而不是照搬大陆的做法。

他说，政府'必须清除极左路线对香港和澳门的干扰和破坏'。

 

Throughout 1978 Liao’s influence grew, while China evolved a pragmatic and more effective policy towards Hong Kong. In January, a special conference abolished the slogan that put ‘anti-British activity’ first and ‘recovery of Hong Kong’ second. In May 1978, when the party secretly established the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office under the State Council, Liao was appointed its first director. One of his early acts was to convene a meeting at which he told his officials that ‘all our work must proceed from the real local situation, not copying the practices on the mainland.’ The government, he said, ‘had to clear up the interference and damage caused by the far-left route to Hong Kong and Macau’.

 

7月20日，新华社香港办事处任命了一位新主任。

新华社的工作人员由外交部官员、情报人员和一些记者组成。

他们的任务包括例行的通讯社报道，出版报纸、杂志和书籍，以及发回关于香港的秘密（往往是误导性的）报告，这些报告被称为 "内部文件"，仅限于党的领导人。

共产党本身仍然是一个地下组织，没有公开存在。

 被任命为新华社记者的人是王匡，他是广东省委的老干部，自50年代以来一直从事港澳工作，"专门从事文化宣传"。

北京首次悄悄地将两名专门从事经济分析的官员调到该办公室。

 

On 20 July, a new director was named to the Hong Kong office of Xinhua, the New China News Agency. The NCNA was staffed by officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, intelligence officers and a few journalists. Their tasks included routine news agency reporting, the publication of newspapers, magazines and books, and sending back secret (and often misleading) reports on Hong Kong, which were known as neibu wenjian or internal documents, restricted to party leaders. The Communist Party itself remained an underground organisation and had no public presence. The man named to the NCNA job was Wang Kuang, a veteran of the Guangdong party committee who had been engaged in its work on Hong Kong and Macau since the 1950s and ‘specialised in cultural propaganda’. For the first time, Beijing quietly transferred two officials specialising in economic analysis to the office.

 

新华社开始从其意识形态的堡垒中走出来。

8月3日，它派出两名工作人员李菊生和罗克明参加一个金融业活动。

9月底，總督被邀请参加其为中国国庆举行的年度招待会。

作为回报，麦理浩邀请新华社主任王匡参加了一个宴会。

正是这种社会交流为李强对政府大楼的历史性访问铺平了道路。

 

The NCNA began to emerge from its ideological fortress. On 3 August it sent two staff, Li Jusheng and Luo Keming, to a financial industry event. At the end of September, the governor was invited to its annual reception for China’s National Day. In return MacLehose invited Wang Kuang, the NCNA director, to a banquet. It was this social exchange which paved the way for Li Qiang’s history-making visit to Government House.

 

当时中国自我封闭，来自香港的旅行者必须走过一座连接边境小镇罗湖和深圳村的桥梁，这使得所有目睹这一变化的人都感到十分震惊。

人们回想一下，在那之前，香港和中国大陆之间没有任何实际的联系，这是多么令人吃惊的事情，然后你就会看到第一架载着上海螃蟹的飞机飞来，"卫奕信说，他指的是飞来的季节性美食，以取悦香港的高消费食客。

然后，你有了第一列[从香港到广州]的直通车，然后你有了直接沿河到广州的渡船。

而在那之前，你必须步行过桥。

这是一个巨大的变化。

构造板块开始变化。

如果它们没有发生变化，我们就不可能参与到关于未来的谈判中。

 

The self-imposed isolation of China at the time, when travellers from Hong Kong had to walk across a bridge connecting the border town of Lo Wu to the village of Shenzhen, made the change momentous to all who witnessed it. ‘One thinks back to how astonishing it was that there was no physical connection between Hong Kong and mainland China until roughly that time and then you get the first aircraft coming in with Shanghai crabs,’ said Wilson, referring to the seasonal delicacy flown in to please well-heeled diners in Hong Kong. ‘Then you get the first through train [from Hong Kong to Guangzhou] and then you get the ferry boats going directly up the river to Guangzhou. And up to that point you had to walk across the bridge. It was a huge change. The tectonic plates were beginning to change. Had they not been changing we could never have got involved in the negotiations on the future.’

 

一旦中国外贸部长来了又走，留下邀请总督访问北京的邀请函，事情就定了。

1979年3月29日，麦理浩和卫奕信飞往首都，在英国大使馆与大使珀西-柯利達爵士进行商谈。

他们的任务因一些没有困扰中国方面的事情而变得复杂：大选。

就在麦理浩抵达的前夕，詹姆斯-卡拉汉的工党少数派政府在下议院的信任投票中失利，首相要求在5月3日举行选举。

 

Once the Chinese foreign trade minister had come and gone, leaving his invitation for the governor to visit Beijing, the die was cast. On 29 March 1979 MacLehose and Wilson flew to the capital, where they conferred at the British embassy with the ambassador, Percy Cradock. Their mission was complicated by something that did not trouble the Chinese side: a general election. On the very eve of MacLehose’s arrival, the minority Labour government of James Callaghan had lost a vote of confidence in the House of Commons and the prime minister had called an election for 3 May.

 

当麦克莱霍斯和卫奕信坐下来吃早餐时，柯利達爵士加入了他们。

他带来的消息是，卡拉汉雄心勃勃、精力充沛的外交部长戴维-欧文博士由于国内发生的事件而无法飞往中国与他们会合。

柯利達爵士以严肃的语气说："不会有医疗检查。

当其他人疑惑不解时，他说：'欧文博士不会来。

对麦克莱霍斯来说，他以怀疑的态度看待欧文博士对中国外交取得突破的热情，这是个值得欢迎的消息。

但这也构成了一个直接的挑战。

 

As MacLehose and Wilson sat down to breakfast they were joined by Cradock. He brought the news that Callaghan’s ambitious and energetic foreign secretary, Dr David Owen, could not fly to China to join them because of the events at home. ‘There will be no medical inspection,’ said Cradock in a solemn tone. When the others looked puzzled, he said: ‘Dr Owen is not coming.’ To MacLehose, who regarded Dr Owen’s enthusiasm for a breakthrough in Chinese diplomacy with suspicion, this was welcome news. But it posed an immediate challenge.

 

外交部长的缺席是一个重要的战术因素。

香港总督将不得不在没有政治权威的情况下与中国领导人谈判，所以不能当场达成协议。

另一方面，如果双方需要更多的时间，这也提供了一个逃避条款。

由于香港550万人的未来掌握在他们手中，一小群未经选举的英国官员不得不做出可能影响到未来几代人的战术决定。

 

The absence of the foreign secretary was an important tactical factor. The governor of Hong Kong would have to go in to negotiate with the leader of China without political authority for anything he might have to say, and so no deal could be agreed on the spot. On the other hand, that provided an escape clause if the two sides needed more time. With the future of 5.5 million people in Hong Kong in their hands, a small group of unelected British officials had to make tactical decisions that might affect generations to come.

 

他们挤在大使馆里，在距离与邓小平会面的时间越来越短的情况下争论着各种选择。

这是自1949年以来香港总督的第一次正式访问，麦理浩和卫奕信都知道，不能保证能再次见到中国的最高领导人。

柯利達爵士在北京的大部分时间都在骚扰中国人的约会，他也同意。

他们的主要问题是是否要提出香港的未来。

事后看来，这种两难境地似乎很荒谬。

如果英国总督要会见邓小平而不提出香港的未来，那么他为什么要去那里？外交官们争论的是，象征性地提及条约是否可以作为渐进、深思熟虑的谈判的前奏。

 

They huddled at the embassy, debating the options as the clock ticked down to their appointment with Deng Xiaoping. It was the first official visit by a governor of Hong Kong since 1949 and both MacLehose and Wilson knew that there was no guarantee of another audience with China’s supreme leader. Cradock, who spent much of his time in Beijing harrying the Chinese for appointments, agreed. Their main question was whether to raise the future of Hong Kong at all. In hindsight the dilemma appears absurd. If the British governor was to meet Deng and not raise the future of Hong Kong, then why was he there? The diplomats debated whether a token mention of the treaties would do as a prelude to a gradual, considered negotiation.

 

政治顾问卫奕信认为，困难在于战术上。

他回忆说："在中国，处理一个大问题的正常方式是把它带到指挥部，并对你要做的事情发出警告，因为它随后会上升到最高领导层。

从中国的角度来看，正常的策略是在较低的级别开始谈判，然后在高级别会议上进行最后的批准。

然而，在这种情况下，中国选择了颠覆其正常的外交惯例，邀请麦克莱霍斯先去见邓小平，这是一个罕见的自上而下的谈判实例。

 

Wilson, the political adviser, thought the difficulty was tactical. ‘The normal way of dealing with a big issue in China was to take it up the line of command and give a warning of what you are going to do because it then goes up to the top leadership,’ he recalled. From the Chinese perspective, normal tactics were to start negotiating at lower levels, with a final seal of approval given in a high-level meeting. However in this case China had chosen to reverse its normal diplomatic practice by inviting MacLehose to meet Deng first, a rare instance of top-down negotiation.

 

卫奕信认为，他们别无选择，只能把香港的未来放在桌面上。

要么是现在，要么是永远。

这是一个关键问题，你被要求去见邓小平。

你怎么能不提这个问题呢？所以，这是一个困难的决定，但在更大的计划中，我不认为这有什么不同。

 

Wilson felt that they had no choice but to put the future of Hong Kong on the table. It was now or, maybe, never. ‘It was the key issue and you were being asked to see Deng Xiaoping. How could you not raise it? So, a difficult decision but in the greater scheme of things I don’t see that it made a difference.’

 

三人前往人民大会堂，麦理浩将他高大、有棱有角的身躯安排在邓小平身边的仪式扶手椅上。

这位中国领导人用左手抓着香烟抽了起来，并不时向两人之间地板上的一个白色陶瓷痰盂吐痰。

通常情况下，邓小平会在总督开始阐述观点时选择放纵这一习惯，而习惯了中国风俗的卫奕信则认为 "即使是像默里这样的人，也会觉得有点不爽"。

邓小平，一个精力充沛的七十四岁的人，精力充沛地说话，并对麦克莱霍斯打手势，而三个翻译和记录员则在一旁涂鸦。

珀西-柯利達爵士坐在那里，像狮身人面像一样，观察着他们。

 

The trio headed off to the Great Hall of the People, where MacLehose arranged his tall, angular frame in a ceremonial armchair next to Deng. The Chinese leader chainsmoked, grasping his cigarette in his left hand, and spat at intervals into a white ceramic spittoon set on the floor between the two. Usually Deng chose to indulge this habit just as the governor was starting to make a point, which Wilson, who was well used to Chinese customs, found ‘slightly sort of off-putting, even for somebody like Murray’. Deng, a vigorous seventy-four, spoke energetically and gesticulated at MacLehose while three translators and note-takers scribbled away. Percy Cradock sat, sphinx-like, observing them.

 

中国领导人一开始就采取了主动，并在很早的时候说，香港的主权属于中华人民共和国。

毫无疑问，它将回归祖国，但香港可以 "长期 "实行资本主义，直到下个世纪，而国家的其他地区则继续实行社会主义。

这些话预示了他的'一国两制'理论，但邓小平当时并没有这样称呼。

'邓小平所规定的是，无论1997年发生什么，这些事情都会随之发生。

香港将保持不同，香港将是一个自由港，请告诉香港人 "fang xin"--把你们的心放下来，"卫奕信回忆道。

 

The Chinese leader opened by taking the initiative and at an early point said that sovereignty over Hong Kong belonged to the People’s Republic of China. It would undoubtedly return to the motherland, but Hong Kong could practise capitalism ‘for a long time’ into the next century while the rest of the country continued to practise socialism. These words foreshadowed his theory of ‘one country, two systems’, but Deng did not call it that at the time. ‘What Deng Xiaoping laid out was that whatever happens in 1997, these things will follow: Hong Kong will remain different, Hong Kong will be a free port, and please tell the people of Hong Kong “fang xin” – put your hearts at ease,’ Wilson recalled.

 

事后看来，在卫奕信看来，中国人显然还没有决定如何处理香港问题。

他的印象是，邓小平说的是 "1997年发生的任何事情"，但不清楚这可能是什么。

后来，一些中国人对这次会议的描述是，邓小平严厉地表示，中国将控制香港。

看来这些说法很可能是党内批准的对历史的抹杀。

卫奕信再次说："我的印象是，......中国当时还没有决定要做什么，直到第二年年初，中国内部才决定恢复主权，恢复控制。

但在穆雷访问的时候没有。

 

In hindsight, it was obvious to Wilson that the Chinese had not yet decided what to do about Hong Kong. His impression was that Deng spoke in terms of ‘whatever happens in 1997’, but it was unclear what that might be. Later, some Chinese accounts of the meeting painted Deng as sternly resolute that China would take control of Hong Kong. It seems likely that these accounts are a party-approved smoothing out of history. Wilson again: ‘My impression, for what it’s worth, is that … China had not made its mind up at that time about what to do and it is not until early the next year that China internally comes to decisions that they will resume sovereignty and they will resume control. But not at the time of Murray’s visit.’

 

麦理浩后来被批评为尝试了一个建议，即中国将恢复正式的主权，而英国对香港的管理在一个商定的时期内继续。

欧文（David Owen）曾考虑过这个想法，他在回忆录中回忆说，如果有一个具有法律约束力的框架，让英国经验丰富的行政人员继续控制香港，英国甚至可以在1997年之前交还主权。

这个解决方案在商人和官员中非常流行，他们认为中国不知道如何管理香港，可能会把香港搞得一团糟，更愿意根据管理合同将其外包给经验丰富的英国人。

从未经选举产生的殖民地公务员和香港商界人士俱乐部的角度来看，这无疑是一个理想的建议。

卫奕信自己也觉得这可能很天真。

 

MacLehose was later criticised for trying out a suggestion that China would resume formal sovereignty while British administration of Hong Kong continued for an agreed period. The idea had been considered by David Owen, who recalled in his memoirs the concept that Britain might even give back sovereignty before 1997 if there was a legally binding framework in place for continued control by its seasoned administrators. The solution was much in vogue among businessmen and officials who felt that China did not know how to run Hong Kong, was likely to make a mess of it and would prefer to outsource it under a management contract to the experienced British. From the point of view of unelected colonial civil servants and the clubby circle of business people in Hong Kong this was, no doubt, an ideal proposal. Wilson himself felt it was probably naïve.

 

英国可能继续管理这个城市的想法并不像其批评者认为的那样值得嘲笑。

虽然英国人当时并不知道，但中国领导层对这一方案进行了认真讨论。

1980年成为总理的改革派人士赵紫阳告诉他的政治秘书鲍彤，只要中国收回主权，他不反对英国人继续担任管理人的想法。

此外，赵紫阳甚至认为，如果达成协议，中国没有必要在香港驻军。

在外交部内部，法律专家和西欧部门主张保持原有的安排。

外贸部也是如此，它喜欢保持事情的可预测性。

甚至在作为宣传机构的新华社内部，一些官员也认为最好是保持现状。

然而，这些都是中国高层的内部讨论，英国人在1979年初只能猜测。

直到两年后邓小平本人作出坚定的决定，这些问题才会得到解决。

 

The idea that Britain might continue administering the city was not as deserving of scorn as its critics thought. Although the British did not know it at the time, the option was discussed seriously among the Chinese leadership. Zhao Ziyang, the reformist who became premier in 1980, told his political secretary, Bao Tong, that he had no objection to the idea of the British staying on as administrators so long as China took back sovereignty. In addition, Zhao did not even think it necessary for China to station troops in Hong Kong if an agreement was arrived at. Inside the foreign ministry, legal experts and the Western European department argued for keeping arrangements as they were. So did the Foreign Trade Ministry, which liked to keep things predictable. Even within the Xinhua news agency, a propaganda organ, some officials felt it would be best to keep the status quo. These were, however, internal discussions among the upper echelons in China which the British could only guess at in early 1979. They would not be settled until Deng Xiaoping himself made a firm decision two years later.

 

对麦理浩来说，眼前的问题是一个实际问题。

由于英国政府不能在1997年6月30日之后授予使用权，新界的租约正在减少，这意味着企业不敢投资，银行也不愿意授予抵押贷款，而抵押贷款的期限通常为15年。

这种不确定性是对经济增长的拖累。

它对香港的房地产和股票市场的信心产生了更广泛的心理影响。

这些是当时殖民地繁荣的引擎，因为中国还没有开放，中国市场的利润很小。

 

For MacLehose the immediate issue was a practical one. Leases in the New Territories were running down because the Crown could not grant tenure beyond 30 June 1997, meaning that businesses feared to invest and banks would be unwilling to grant mortgages, which were usually for a duration of fifteen years. The uncertainty was a drag on economic growth. It had broader psychological effects on confidence in Hong Kong’s real estate and its stock market. These were the colony’s engines of prosperity at the time because China had not yet opened up and the profits from its markets were small.

 

因此，在经历了一个多世纪涉及两个大国威望和权力的戏剧性事件之后，事情变成了这样：中国领导人和香港总督在律师办公室里为一捆捆用丝带捆绑的文件争吵不休，这些土地上有农场、村庄和郊区的地块。

 

So, after more than a century of dramatic events involving the prestige and power of two great nations, it had come down to this: the leader of China and the governor of Hong Kong sparring over bundles of documents tied with ribbon in lawyers’ offices setting out titles to parcels of land on which stood farms, villages and suburban plots.

 

随后出现了一段喜剧性的插曲。

当麦克莱霍斯提到需要处理租约，即新界租户持有的个别租约时，中国翻译犯了一个错误，认为他指的是英国对整个领土持有的主要租约。

邓小平听到这句话时，脸上的表情一定是在研究。

卫奕信违反了礼节，出面纠正了他的错误。

我做了你不应该做的事情，用中文说，"这不是正确的翻译，"卫奕信回忆说，"这可能是一个可怕的错误。

 

There followed an interlude of comedy. As MacLehose mentioned the need to deal with the leases, meaning the individual leases held by tenants in the New Territories, the Chinese interpreter made a mistake, suggesting that he was referring to the main lease held by Britain over the whole territory. The expression on Deng’s face must have been a study as he heard this. Breaching protocol, Wilson intervened to put him right. ‘I did the thing you’re not meant to do and said in Chinese, “that’s not the correct translation,”’ Wilson recalled, ‘it could have been an awful mistake.’

 

错误被避免了，面子也保住了--差不多。

邓小平没有详细回应麦理浩关于租约的观点，但强调香港的投资者应该放心。

会议友好地结束了。

 

Mistakes were avoided and face was saved – just about. Deng did not respond in detail to MacLehose’s point about the leases but emphasised that investors in Hong Kong should rest at ease. The meeting ended cordially.

 

当天晚上，總督和卫奕信前往北京某地与廖承志进行了另一次未公开的会面。

这一次并不顺利。

中国人很生气，因为麦理浩与邓小平详细讨论了香港的未来，提出了复杂的租约问题和英国继续管理的想法。

廖承志说："你看，你不应该向邓小平提出这个问题，因为如果我们都被警告了，那就更好了。

"这当然是事实，"卫奕信承认。

'反过来说，如果你要见邓小平，非常重要的是，如果可能的话，你应该得到邓小平的点头，说："是的，我们会研究怎么做。

" 我们并没有得到完全的否定。

我们只是在后来得到了完全的否定。

 

That night, the governor and Wilson headed off for another unpublicised rendezvous with Liao Chengzhi somewhere in Beijing. This time it did not go well. The Chinese were angry because MacLehose had discussed the future of Hong Kong with Deng in detail by raising the complex question of the leases and the idea of continued British administration. ‘Liao Chengzhi said “Look, you shouldn’t have raised this with Deng Xiaoping because it would have been better if we’d all been warned,” which was of course true,’ Wilson conceded. ‘The counter was that if you were going to see Deng Xiaoping it was terribly important that if possible you should get a nod from Deng Xiaoping to say “Yes, we’ll look into what to do.” And we didn’t get a complete negative. We only got the complete negative later.’

 

英国人将以一种悠闲的进展方式回到香港，这并不表明有什么紧急的事情发生。

在古都西安呆了几天后，麦理浩和卫奕信来到了广州。

我们见到了习近平的父亲习仲勋。

我觉得他很出色。

麦理浩问他在文化大革命期间被软禁了那么久，生活是什么样子的，习仲勋说："嗯，这让我有机会读很多东西。

我读了温斯顿-丘吉尔的所有战争史。

我读了亚当-斯密，我读了所有这些东西"--他拿出一整张他读过的书单，用中文写的。

 

The British would make their way back to Hong Kong in a leisurely progress that did not suggest there was anything urgent afoot. After a few days in the ancient capital of Xi’an, MacLehose and Wilson arrived in Guangzhou. ‘We saw Xi Zhongxun, Xi Jinping’s father. I thought he was splendid. Murray was asking him about what life had been like while he was under house arrest for so long during the Cultural Revolution and Xi Zhongxun said “Well, it gave me an opportunity to read a lot of stuff. I read all of Winston Churchill’s histories of the war. I read Adam Smith, I read all these things” – he produced a whole list of the books he’d read, in Chinese.’

 

总督一行乘坐从广州到九龙车站的第一班火车返回香港。

在香港，一个着迷的听众对他在公开场合说的每一句话都很关注。

麦理浩对他告诉他们的内容进行了高度的选择。

他对邓小平 "让你们放心 "这句话的使用，成为每一个头条新闻。

卫奕信是他老板的忠实崇拜者，他承认："这在香港产生了一种人为的兴奋，也许没有充分认识到这不是故事的结局。

这并不意味着英国的管理将继续下去，完全不是这样。

 

The governor and his party returned to Hong Kong on the first train from Guangzhou to the station at Kowloon. In Hong Kong, an enthralled audience was hanging on every word said in public. MacLehose was highly selective in what he told them. His use of Deng’s phrase ‘put your hearts at ease’ made every headline. Wilson, who was a great admirer of his boss, admitted: ‘That produced a sort of artificial euphoria in Hong Kong without perhaps sufficient realisation that this was not the end of the story. It didn’t mean that British administration was going to go on, not at all, nothing like that.’

 

由于不了解会谈的全部内容，也没有意识到会谈结果的模糊性，香港的投资者们开始了狂欢。

在接下来的一年里，房地产和股票价格飙升。

与此同时，中国人开始琢磨他们要做什么。

在英国，选民们选举玛格丽特-撒切尔领导新的保守党政府，获得了43个席位的多数。

英国人已经有了最好的机会，只能在保守党找到自己的位置时等待。

 

Denied full knowledge of the talks, and unaware of the ambiguity of their outcome, Hong Kong investors went on a spree. Real estate and stock prices soared over the next year. Meanwhile the Chinese began to work out what they meant to do. Back in Britain, the voters had elected Margaret Thatcher to head a new Conservative government with a majority of forty-three seats. The British, having had their best shot, could do little but wait while the Conservatives found their feet.

 

中国的政治官僚机器开始以其惯用的方式工作，以确定一条路线并确保一致性。

这是其方法的一个教科书式的例子。

 

The Chinese political-bureaucratic machine began to work in its practised way to fix a line and to ensure conformity. This was a textbook example of its methods.

 

首先，像任何西方政府一样，它制定了自己的谈话要点。

然后，它不厌其烦地重复这些话。

例如，1979年5月，曾任中国首任驻伦敦大使的外交部部长助理宋志光告诉法国代表团，"香港是中国的领土，它的未来将由北京和伦敦来解决。

10月7日，仍然担任党主席和总理的华国锋在一次新闻发布会上说，中国'将考虑香港投资者的利益'。

中国的第二个举措是阻止英国在1997年后做任何可能干涉中国主权的事情。

这表明了一条强硬路线的演变。

 

First, like any Western government, it worked out its talking points. Then it repeated them ad nauseam. For example, in May 1979 the assistant foreign minister, Song Zhiguang, who had been the first Chinese ambassador to London, told a French delegation that ‘Hong Kong is Chinese territory and its future will be resolved between Beijing and London.’ On 7 October, Hua Guofeng, who was still chairman of the party and premier, told a press conference that China ‘will consider the interests of Hong Kong investors’. The second Chinese move was to stop Britain doing anything that might interfere with Chinese sovereignty after 1997. It indicated the evolution of a hard line.

 

麦理浩曾建议，为了解决1997年的问题，香港政府可以在新界发放没有到期的租约。

他想在秋季施政报告中宣布这一计划。

在北京，柯利達爵士将这一建议提交给外交部部長助理宋。

拖延了很久之后，回了一个答复。

中国认为这个想法不合适，也没有必要，敦促英国停止这样做，并警告说如果继续这样做会有不良后果。

柯利達爵士对这种直截了当的答复感到不安，敦促伦敦对拒绝的消息保密。

 

MacLehose had suggested that in order to get around the 1997 problem, the Hong Kong government could issue leases in the New Territories with no expiration date. He wanted to announce the plan in his autumn policy address. In Beijing, Cradock took the proposal to assistant foreign minister Song. After a long delay, a reply came back. China found the idea inappropriate and unnecessary, urged Britain to desist from it and warned of adverse consequences if it went ahead. Cradock, disconcerted by the blunt response, urged London to keep the rejection secret.

 

1979年11月，华国锋前往伦敦，在唐宁街10号会见了撒切尔夫人。

英国对他们会谈的记录显示，撒切尔政府热衷于向中国出售武器和技术，包括鹞式跳伞机和劳斯莱斯航空发动机。

双方都为苏联所困扰。

他们在世界事务中寻求共同点。

直到下午晚些时候，撒切尔夫人和华侨才转而讨论香港的未来。

她邀请她的外交秘书卡林顿勋爵发言。

他的态度很温和。

总督提出了一些中国政府认为无法接受的租赁建议；很好，英国政府 "不会追究这些建议"，但如果华总理能够考虑一下如何维持对香港的信心，将 "非常感激"。

撒切尔夫人插话说，当然，她'并不期望当场得到答复'。

 

In November 1979, Hua went to London and met Mrs Thatcher at 10 Downing Street. The British record of their talks shows that the Thatcher government was keen to sell arms and technology to China, including Harrier jump jets and Rolls-Royce aero engines. Both sides were preoccupied by the Soviet Union. They sought common ground in world affairs. It was only late in the afternoon that Mrs Thatcher and Hua turned to the future of Hong Kong. She invited her foreign secretary, Lord Carrington, to speak. He could hardly have been more emollient. The governor had made proposals about leases which the Chinese government found unacceptable; very well, the British government ‘would not pursue these’ but would be ‘very grateful’ if Premier Hua could give some thought as to how confidence in Hong Kong could be maintained. Mrs Thatcher interjected that, of course, she ‘did not expect an answer on the spot’.

 

华国锋说，他的政府已经认真考虑了这个问题，但 "他们必须非常谨慎地对待有关中国领土的言论"。

至于他们是怎么想的，总理说得很模糊。

幸运的是，党的路线为他提供了一个简单的答案。

他说，他们将与英国政府保持联系，同时，"将考虑到投资者的焦虑"。

 

Hua said his government had given the matter serious thought but ‘they had to be very careful what was said about Chinese territory’. As to what they had thought, the premier was vague. Fortunately for him, the party line provided an easy answer. He said that they would keep in touch with the British government and, meanwhile, ‘would take account of the anxieties of investors’.

 

1980年，华国锋和邓小平接见了前工党总理詹姆斯-卡拉汉，他发现他们不急不躁，但准备重复投资者在香港没有什么可担心的口头禅。

1981年，卡林顿勋爵在访问中国时会见了邓小平，邓小平告诉他，中国的保证 "是可以信赖的"，但没有详细说明他的想法是什么。

 

In 1980, Hua and Deng Xiaoping received the former Labour prime minister, James Callaghan, who found them unhurried but ready to repeat the mantra that investors in Hong Kong had nothing to worry about. When Lord Carrington met Deng on a visit to China in 1981, Deng told him that the Chinese reassurances ‘can be trusted’ but gave no details of what was in his mind.

 

在幕后，邓小平命令廖承志制定一项政策。

1981年2月17日，他授权廖承志在他认为合适的时候召集各部委和机构开会。

这时出现了两个选择。

一个是让香港继续下去，就像中国允许葡萄牙继续管理澳门一样，"等待时机成熟"。

另一个是 "尊重历史和现实"，将香港收回。

毫无疑问，邓小平的个人观点是，第二条路线是唯一能在历史、意识形态和爱国主义方面得到证明的。

有鉴于此，英国政府不可能继续存在。

这个想法已经死了，被埋葬了。

 

Behind the scenes, Deng ordered Liao Chengzhi to develop a policy. On 17 February 1981 he gave Liao authority to convene ministries and agencies as he saw fit. Two choices presented themselves. One was to let Hong Kong go on in the same way that China had allowed Portugal to continue governing Macau and to ‘wait until the time is ripe.’ The other was ‘to respect history and reality’ and take Hong Kong back. There was no doubt of Deng’s personal view that the second course was the only one which could be justified by history, ideology and patriotism. In the light of that, there was no way that British administration could continue. The idea was dead and buried.

 

廖承志提出了一个简单而醒目的建议。

中国应该借用它已经为台湾制定的政策，如果该岛与大陆和平统一的话。

这就是 "一国两制"--一个中国，在大陆实行社会主义，在台湾实行资本主义。

一国两制不仅是解决台湾问题的正确政策，也是解决香港问题的唯一正确政策，"他的报告说。

 

Liao came up with a simple, striking recommendation. China should borrow the policy it had already worked out for Taiwan in the event of the island’s peaceful reunification with the mainland. It was ‘one country, two systems’ – one China, practising socialism on the mainland and capitalism in Taiwan. ‘One country, two systems is not just the correct policy for solving the Taiwan question but also the only correct policy for solving the Hong Kong question,’ said his report.

 

一国两制 "理论中没有提到民主，原因很简单：1981年，台湾仍然是国民党统治下的一党军事独裁国家，直到1987年的政治改革之前都是如此。

中国共产党在发展 "两制 "概念时根本就没有考虑到民主。

这一基本事实常常让观察家们摸不着头脑，而且从最初的谈判到现在，它一直困扰着中国与香港的关系。

事实是，我们最初的 "一国两制 "构想是为了解决台湾问题，但香港问题首先出现了，"中国的主要谈判代表周南回忆说。

 

There was no mention of democracy in the ‘one country, two systems’ theory, for the simple reason that there was no need for it: in 1981 Taiwan was still a one-party military dictatorship under the Kuomintang and would remain so until political reforms in 1987. The Chinese Communist Party did not evolve the ‘two systems’ concept with democracy in mind at all. This basic fact has often eluded observers, and it has bedevilled China’s relationship with Hong Kong from the first negotiations until the present day. ‘The fact is that our original idea of “one country two systems” was intended to solve the Taiwan question but the Hong Kong question came up first,’ recalled Zhou Nan, the leading Chinese negotiator.

 

党的中央委员会在4月和12月召开了两次会议，审议廖承志的建议。

到12月，廖承志已经准备好了一份文件。

该文件以毛泽东的开国元帅之一叶剑英年初制定的统一台湾的 "九条 "为基础，建立了自己的意识形态资格；其中包括 "高度自治 "的承诺，并建议台湾的 "社会经济 "体系可以保持不变。

投票、选举和自由并没有出现在他的清单上。

 

The party’s central committee met twice, in April and December, to consider Liao’s proposals. By December Liao had readied a document. It established its ideological credentials by basing its thesis on ‘nine articles’ for reunification with Taiwan laid down earlier in the year by Marshal Ye Jianying, one of Mao’s founding marshals of the PLA; these included the promise of ‘a high degree of autonomy’ and proposed that Taiwan’s ‘socio-economic’ system could stay unchanged. Votes, elections and liberty did not appear on his list.

 

廖承志很聪明，知道这对香港来说是不行的。

他将条款数量增加到12条，并扩大了关于言论、宗教和集会自由的规定，体现了香港将由当地人治理的概念，其领导人可以由中央政府选择，通过协商任命或在当地选举。

1981年12月的中央委员会会议批准了大致的纲要，并转达了邓小平的最后期限：领导人希望在三个月内拿出最终方案。

在1982年1月6日结束的一次会议上，统战工作会议听取了基本纲要。

廖承志修改了他的文件，并把它放了进去。

3月21日，邓小平原则上同意了这个计划。

用一位中国历史学家的话说："中国已经准备好与英国正面交锋了"。

 

Liao was wise enough to know that this would not do for Hong Kong. He increased the number of articles to twelve and expanded the provisions for freedom of speech, religion and assembly, enshrining the concept that Hong Kong would be governed by local people and that its leaders might be chosen by the central government, appointed through consultations or elected locally. The December 1981 meeting of the central committee approved the broad outlines and relayed a deadline from Deng: the leader wanted a final package within three months. A United Front Work Conference heard the basic outlines at a meeting which concluded on 6 January 1982. Liao revised his paper and put it in. On 21 March, Deng agreed in principle to the plan. In the words of a Chinese historian: ‘China was ready to go head to head with Britain.’

 

 

4.铁娘子与钢厂的较量

4.The Iron Lady versus the Steel Factory

 

1982年初，中国政府已做好准备。

它已经决定了一项收回香港的政策，在接下来的四十年里，它将不会偏离这一政策。

它的实施方式将成为中国下一代领导人和官僚的典范。

它是有系统的，令人印象深刻的，时机得当的，而且是无情的。

 

At the start of 1982, the Chinese government was ready. It had decided on a policy to take back Hong Kong from which it would not deviate over the next four decades. The way it was carried out was to serve as a model for China’s next generation of leaders and bureaucrats. It was systematic, impressively well-timed and implacable.

 

第一个正式听到这个消息的英国官员是一位正在访问北京的外交部初级部长汉弗莱-阿特金斯。

接待他的是接替华国锋担任总理的赵紫阳。

他们在1月6日党的会议正式结束对香港问题的审议的同一天会面。

赵紫阳告诉阿特金斯，中国准备在香港保留其不同地位的基础上进行谈判，作为一个资本主义金融和商业中心，拥有一个自由港。

双方商定，撒切尔夫人将在今年晚些时候访问中国。

 

The first British official to hear of it formally was a junior foreign office minister, Humphrey Atkins, who was visiting Beijing. He was received by Zhao Ziyang, who had replaced Hua Guofeng as premier. They met on the same day, 6 January, that the party conference formally wrapped up its deliberations on Hong Kong. Zhao told Atkins that China was ready to negotiate on the basis that Hong Kong would retain its different status, operating as a capitalist financial and commercial centre with a free port. It was agreed that Mrs Thatcher would visit China later in the year.

 

中国人很快意识到，阿特金斯在伦敦和香港都不被视为一个重量级人物，尽管他准确地转达了他们的立场，但必须加强这一信息。

4月，一向细心的爱德华-希思再次来到这里，拜访邓小平。

在他们的会谈中，邓小平提出了 "一国两制 "的令人放心的概念，承诺中国将进行谈判，并明确表示他希望将这一信息传递给撒切尔夫人。

邓小平的警告也是如此："如果中国不收回香港，我们任何人都无法向人民解释。

 

The Chinese soon realised that Atkins was not viewed in London or Hong Kong as a heavyweight and that although he had accurately relayed their position, the message must be reinforced. In April, the ever-attentive Edward Heath arrived once again to pay a visit to Deng. At their meeting Deng laid out the reassuring concept of ‘one country, two systems’, committed China to negotiate and made it clear he wished this information to be passed on to Mrs Thatcher. So, too, was a warning from Deng: ‘If China does not take back Hong Kong, none of us will be able to explain it to the people.’

 

邓小平在月底会见朝鲜独裁者金日成时，说得更准确。

他说，现在，中国的政策是在1997年前收回香港岛、九龙半岛和整个新界。

金日成由衷地赞同。

 

Deng was more precise when he met the North Korean dictator, Kim Il-Sung, at the end of the month. Now, he said, China’s policy was to reclaim Hong Kong island, the Kowloon Peninsula and the whole of the New Territories by 1997. Kim heartily approved.

 

在北京、伦敦和香港，官员和外交官们翻阅着一沓沓早已被遗忘的电报，翻阅着他们的祖先起草的条约条款。

对英国来说，1982年上半年带来了巨大的困扰。

4月2日，阿根廷入侵福克兰群岛，这是英国在南大西洋的一块附属领土。

撒切尔夫人为夺回这些岛屿而参战，于6月取得了胜利。

在世界的另一边，亚洲出现了一段不安的、欺骗性的平静期。

 

In Beijing, London and Hong Kong, officials and diplomats rustled through sheaves of long-forgotten telegrams and pored over the clauses of treaties drawn up by their ancestors. For Britain, the first half of 1982 brought a great distraction. On 2 April, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands, a British dependent territory in the South Atlantic. Mrs Thatcher went to war to win them back, achieving victory in June. On the other side of the world in Asia there was an uneasy, deceptive interlude of calm.

 

中国的官僚机构在其政治主子决定怎么做之前，已经就香港问题排练了多年的剧本。

在玛格丽特-撒切尔身上，他们遇到了一个细节的女主人，她的工作能力决定了她的政府风格。

1982年夏天，在击败阿根廷之后，她将注意力转向了香港，她对自己的政治实力有着前所未有的自信，她因愿意使用武力而闻名于世，并坚信独裁政权是可憎的、脆弱的，而且最终是注定要失败的。

由于她在南大西洋的胜利，她不喜欢投降的想法。

 

The Chinese bureaucracy had rehearsed its script on Hong Kong for years before its political masters decided what to do. In Margaret Thatcher they encountered a mistress of detail whose capacity for work defined the style of her government. In the summer of 1982, after defeating Argentina, she turned her attention to Hong Kong, confident as never before of her political strength, renowned around the world for her willingness to use force and firm in her belief that dictatorships were detestable, brittle and, ultimately, doomed. Fortified by her victory in the South Atlantic, she did not like the idea of surrender.

 

中国人对总理的看法来自于周南，这位讲流利英语的干部对莎士比亚的喜爱掩盖了他激烈的谈判风格、对外国人的深深怀疑和强大的意识形态信念，这使得一位未来的中国统治下的香港领导人称他为 "染了毛的马克思主义者"。

这个所谓的铁娘子刚刚赢得了福克兰群岛战争，从阿根廷手中夺取了马尔维纳斯（即福克兰群岛），"周南在他的口头回忆录中回忆道。

'她一开始并不想把香港还给我们。

她考虑过国际共同所有权，全民投票，第二个新加坡，甚至与中国进行军事对抗。

 

A Chinese perspective on the prime minister came from Zhou Nan, the fluent English-speaking cadre whose fondness for Shakespeare belied a fierce negotiating style, a deep suspicion of foreigners and a strength of ideological conviction which led one future leader of Hong Kong under Chinese rule to call him ‘a dyed in the wool Marxist’. ‘This so-called iron lady had just won the Falklands War and taken the Malvinas [i.e. the Falkland Islands] from Argentina,’ Zhou recalled in his oral memoir. ‘She didn’t want to return Hong Kong to us at first. She considered international co-ownership, a referendum, a second Singapore, even a military confrontation with China.’

 

没有证据表明撒切尔夫人对这些想法进行了长时间的考虑。

但中国也决心在必要时准备战斗。

在与政治局委员的一次会议上，邓小平曾说，如果其他一切都失败了，将派人民解放军来接管香港。

后来领导中国谈判人员的鲁平在退休后证实，邓小平 "准备采取武力征用的办法"。

在他的回忆录中，周南也提到中国准备考虑 "非和平手段"。

 

There is no evidence that Mrs Thatcher gave prolonged consideration to any of these ideas. But China had also resolved that it was prepared to fight if necessary. In a meeting with members of the Politburo, Deng Xiaoping had said that if all else failed, the People’s Liberation Army would be sent in to take possession of Hong Kong. Lu Ping, who later headed the Chinese negotiators, confirmed in his retirement that Deng was ‘ready to resort to requisition by force’. In his memoir, Zhou Nan also related how China was prepared to consider ‘non-peaceful means’.

 

就撒切尔夫人而言，她知道这不是阿根廷和福克兰群岛，在那里迅速的军事行动扭转了侵略并恢复了现状。

这是不可能的。

首相以典型的彻底性，向她的参谋长们征求专业意见。

士兵们告诉她，面对解放军，香港不可能被保卫很长时间。

 

For her part Mrs Thatcher knew that this was not Argentina and the Falklands, where swift military action had reversed aggression and restored the status quo. There was no prospect of that. With typical thoroughness, the prime minister asked her chiefs of staff for their professional opinion. The soldiers told her that Hong Kong could not be defended for very long against the PLA.

 

中国军事干预的风险直到1997年7月1日晚都没有减弱，但撒切尔夫人对三件事的想法很坚定。

首先，她认为英国根据三个有效的国际条约拥有香港、九龙和新界。

第二，作为一名律师，以及一名在20世纪30年代长大的政治家，她认为条约是神圣不可侵犯的：正如大卫-卫奕信所说，条约必须遵守的法律原则。

第三，她认为英国可以坚守香港岛和九龙一角，因为这两个地方是永久割让的，即使它不得不在1997年交还新界。

 

The risk of Chinese military intervention was never to abate until the evening of 1 July 1997, yet Mrs Thatcher was firm in her own mind about three things. First, she believed that Britain held Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories under three valid international treaties. Second, as a lawyer, and as a politician brought up in the 1930s, she felt that treaties were sacrosanct: as David Wilson put it, the legal principle of pacta sunt servanda – agreements must be kept. Third, she thought that Britain could hold on to Hong Kong island and the tip of Kowloon because both had been ceded in perpetuity, even if it had to hand back the New Territories in 1997.

 

中国不接受任何这些前提。

每一条都与邓小平在1997年收回整个香港的承诺相矛盾。

这种危险远远超出了中英争端的范围。

当时正值冷战时期，西方盟国和苏联都信任一系列国际协议--从分裂的柏林到分裂的朝鲜--以减少核战争的机会。

如果条约被随意破坏和扔到一边，丛林法则就会回来，就像撒切尔夫人在第二次世界大战前的童年一样。

在那次冲突中，中国本身就是无法无天的军国主义的主要受害者。

因此，赌注比香港的命运还要大。

它们是无限的。

当时，只有少数人能够看到这一点。

幸运的是，其中一个人是女王陛下最近被授予爵位的驻中国大使珀西-柯利達爵士爵士，他是一个专业的幻觉消除者。

 

China did not accept any of these premises. Each of them contradicted Deng’s commitment to take back all of Hong Kong in 1997. The dangers went far beyond the scope of the Anglo-Chinese dispute. It was the height of the Cold War, when both the Western allies and the Soviet Union put their trust in a skein of international agreements – from a divided Berlin to a divided Korea – to reduce the chance of a nuclear war. If treaties were casually broken and tossed aside, the law of the jungle would return as it had in Mrs Thatcher’s childhood before the Second World War. China herself had been a principal victim of lawless militarism in that conflict. The stakes, therefore, were higher than the fate of Hong Kong. They were limitless. Only a few people could see this at the time. Fortunately, one of them was Her Majesty’s recently knighted ambassador to China, Sir Percy Cradock, a professional dispeller of illusions.

 

撒切尔夫人总是要求从政府和非官方来源获得大量的情况介绍。

其中一些是准确的。

她从在香港有利益的商人谢泼德Shepherd勋爵那里得到了一个有先见之明的警告，他报告说 "中国朋友 "发现邓和赵在最近的会议上态度顽固。

他写道："因此，没有可能延长租约；根据以前的条约，香港岛是割让的领土，将不能免于主权的回归"。

撒切尔夫人在自己的笔下划了一个'不'字。

和你一样，我怀疑他们让香港实际情况不变的目标和他们的方案是否一致。

这将是一次非常困难的访问，"她回信给他。

 

Mrs Thatcher always demanded a stream of briefings from both government and unofficial sources. Some of them were accurate. She received a prescient warning from Lord Shepherd, a businessman with interests in Hong Kong, who reported that ‘Chinese friends’ had found Deng and Zhao intransigent at recent meetings. ‘There is therefore no possibility for the lease to be extended; and Hong Kong island, which is ceded territory, according to the former treaty will not be exempt from the sovereignty reversion,’ he wrote. Mrs Thatcher underlined ‘not’ in her own hand. ‘Like you, I doubt whether their objective to leave Hong Kong in practice as it is and their formula are compatible. It is going to be a very difficult visit,’ she wrote back to him.

 

前保守党财政大臣或财政部长安东尼-巴伯（Anthony Barber）的观点比较乐观，他是香港第二大英国银行--渣打银行的主席。

巴伯和他的集团总经理彼得-格雷厄姆告诉撒切尔夫人的私人秘书伊恩-高，"他们认为，如果我们交出对该岛的主权，以换取继续管理......这将是完全可以接受的。

银行家们并不完全感到乐观。

他们警告说，如果没有协议，英国的行政管理可能不得不撤回到九龙半岛界限街以内的地区。

格雷厄姆还传达了商界人士广泛持有的观点。

民主并没有开始。

他认为最理想的结果是，总督或首席行政官的角色 "也应该继续由英国人掌握，而且不应该是选举产生的"。

 

A sunnier view came from the former Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer, or finance minister, Anthony Barber, who chaired the Standard Chartered Bank, the second most influential British bank in Hong Kong. Barber and his group managing director, Peter Graham, told Mrs Thatcher’s private secretary Ian Gow that ‘they took the view that if we were to surrender sovereignty over the island in return for continuing administration … that would be entirely acceptable.’ The bankers were not entirely sanguine. They warned that if there was no agreement, British administration might have to be withdrawn to the area within Boundary Street on the Kowloon peninsula. Graham also delivered a widely held view among business people. Democracy was not on. In his view the optimum outcome would be that the role of governor or chief administrator ‘should also continue to be in British hands and should not be elective’.

 

撒切尔夫人的政治导师阿尔弗雷德-谢尔曼爵士（Sir Alfred Sherman）交给她的一份私人研究小组的报告中，包含了一些香港殖民地精英的重要成员的坦率评价。

和Barber一样，他们丝毫没有意识到从中国方面所看到的现实情况。

汇丰银行的负责人迈克尔-桑德伯格（Michael Sandberg）告诉作者，"英国的主权必须得到维护"，任何割让只能是 "纯粹的象征性"。

该报告还援引桑德伯格的话说："中国人管理香港的想法就像一个灾难场景......是幻想的境界。

香港总商会的负责人詹姆斯-麦格雷戈（James McGregor）强调说，'不需要咨询香港人'。

至于John Bremridge爵士，一位成功的商人，已经成为财政部长，他 "对FO[外交和联邦事务部]的律师没有信心"，并看到香港和中国之间的巨大反差。

香港钱多得很。

它有很多聪明人，没有工会，"他坚持认为，而中国 "就像十五世纪的欧洲，有它的男爵，它的封建主义，以及它的生活方式和标准"。

 

A private research group report passed to Mrs Thatcher by her political guru, Sir Alfred Sherman, contained some remarkably frank appraisals by prominent members of the Hong Kong colonial elite. Like Barber, they betrayed not the slightest awareness of the realities as seen from the Chinese side. The head of HSBC, Michael Sandberg, told its author that ‘British sovereignty must be maintained’ and any cession of it could only be ‘purely symbolic’. The report also quoted Sandberg as saying: ‘the idea of the Chinese administering Hong Kong is like a disaster scenario … the realm of fantasy.’ The head of the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce, James McGregor, was emphatic that ‘the people of Hong Kong need not be consulted’. As for Sir John Bremridge, a successful businessman who had become financial secretary, he had ‘no confidence in the FO [Foreign & Commonwealth Office] lawyers’ and saw a huge contrast between Hong Kong and China. ‘Hong Kong is awash with money. It has lots of clever people and no trade unions,’ he maintained, whereas China ‘is like fifteenth century Europe with its barons, its feudalism as well as its living style and standards’.

 

布雷姆里奇的观点可能会让香港工会联合会感到惊讶，这是一个自1948年以来就存在的亲北京的左派团体，并得到了数十万工人的忠诚。

其受过良好教育的支持者将在1997年后主导地方政府的与中国结盟的政治运动中发挥重要作用。

此外，它是活跃在香港的一系列有组织的劳工团体之一，在1980年代初，香港有很多工会，但在劳工权利方面却不多。

 

Bremridge’s views might have come as a surprise to the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions, a leftist, pro-Beijing group which had existed since 1948 and commanded the allegiance of hundreds of thousands of workers. Its well-educated supporters would go on to play a significant part in the political movements allied with China which dominated local government after 1997. It was, moreover, one of a spectrum of organised labour groups active in Hong Kong, where there were plenty of trade unions in the early 1980s but not much in the way of labour rights.

 

谢尔曼补充了他自己的话，以加强撒切尔夫人的意识形态支柱："在同情现政权的团体中（例如，外交部及其在优质媒体中的回声），人们普遍认为邓小平和他的当权者是 "实用主义"。

值得一问的是，什么叫务实，什么叫权力'。

 

Sherman added his own words to stiffen Mrs Thatcher’s ideological backbone: ‘It is widely argued among groups sympathetic to the present regime (e.g. the FCO and its echoes in the quality press) that Deng and his colleagues in power are “pragmatic”. It is worth asking what is meant by pragmatic and what is meant by power.’

 

外交部有理由感到紧张，这一点丝毫没有阻止撒切尔夫人。

她不信任自己的外交官，觉得他们太容易向外国人妥协了。

在阿根廷入侵福克兰群岛后，卡林顿勋爵辞职，她已经失去了一位外交部长，她正在解雇另一位外交部长，即持怀疑态度的 "湿 "保守派弗朗西斯-皮姆。

撒切尔夫人严厉地驳斥了皮姆的建议，即英国应该认命地把香港和香港人交给共产党。

在这位外交大臣彬彬有礼的措辞中，有一句话非常突出。

我们决不能让我们对 "人民的愿望 "的考虑发展成接受人民的意志至上，那是不现实的。

撒切尔夫人对此不以为然。

她在他的备忘录上用蓝墨水写道："这份文件是可悲的，它是一个出卖的秘诀。

她本人将负责这项政策。

 

The Foreign Office was justly nervous, something that did not deter Mrs Thatcher in the least. She distrusted its diplomats, feeling they were too prone to compromise with foreigners. She had lost one foreign secretary when Lord Carrington resigned after Argentina invaded the Falklands and she was in the process of breaking another, the sceptical ‘wet’ conservative Francis Pym. Mrs Thatcher scathingly dismissed Pym’s suggestion that Britain should resign itself to handing over Hong Kong and its people to the Communists. Among the foreign secretary’s urbane turns of phrase, one stood out: ‘we must not allow our consideration for “the wishes of the people” to develop into acceptance of the paramountcy of the will of the population, that would not be realistic.’ Mrs Thatcher was not impressed. ‘This paper is pathetic and it is a recipe for a sell-out,’ she wrote in blue ink on his memo. She herself would take charge of the policy.

 

外交部负责人的一份机密简报告诉她，没有任何英国首相在任时访问过中国。

因此，这是一次重要的、开创性的访问。

外交官们提醒撒切尔夫人，英国很有分量，因为它是冷战中的一个关键西方大国。

邓小平最大的战略担忧是苏联，他希望英国能够帮助所谓的 "苏联扩张主义"。

No British prime minister had visited China while in office, a confidential briefing note from the head of the Foreign Office informed her. This was therefore a consequential, pioneering trip. The diplomats reminded Mrs Thatcher that Britain carried weight because it was a key Western power in the Cold War. Deng Xiaoping’s big strategic worry was the Soviet Union and he looked to Britain to help what was known as ‘Soviet expansionism’.

 

值得回顾的是，中国领导人对与苏联的战争可能不可避免的信念是多么深刻。

他们的准备和部署意味着与苏联，而不是与西方的核交换。

20世纪60年代中苏分裂后，毛泽东将自己视为斯大林的继承人，中国共产党将自己视为马克思列宁主义的守护者，反对那些被称为 "修正主义 "的人。

中国吹嘘自己是第三世界从帝国主义手中解放出来的灯塔，但在社会主义世界里，它被孤立了。

中国在城市中建造了迷宫般的掩体，将整个重工业迁移到内地深处，并为防御战争做好军事准备，估计是在第一次核打击后的荒凉环境下进行。

 

It is worthwhile to recall how deep was the conviction among Chinese leaders that a war with the Soviet Union might be inevitable. Their preparations and deployments implied a nuclear exchange with the Soviets, not with the West. After the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s, Mao Zedong saw himself as the heir to Stalin and the party talked of itself as the guardian of Marxism-Leninism against those it dubbed ‘revisionists’. China boasted of its role as a beacon of Third World liberation from imperialism but in the socialist world it was isolated. It built labyrinths of bunkers in its cities, relocated entire heavy industries deep in its interior and prepared its military for a war of defence, presumably to be waged in the desolate aftermath of a first nuclear strike.

 

在战略上，中国感到被包围了。

在北面，它面临着苏联师团沿着有争议的边界包围的领土，中国人认为这些领土是沙皇从大清帝国窃取的，这种窃取通过更多的不平等条约正式化了。

在西部，中国征服了西藏，并将中国突厥斯坦的沙漠纳入其中，即今天的新疆，确保了中亚和汉族中心地带之间的屏障。

但在1979年，苏联对阿富汗的入侵将克里姆林宫的军队带到了中国的门口。

在西南地区，中国为争夺喜马拉雅山而与印度开战，但这场胜利加强了印度成为核武国家的动力。

 

In strategic terms, China felt encircled. To the north it faced Soviet divisions along a disputed border enclosing territories which the Chinese considered had been stolen from the Qing empire by the Tsars, a theft formalised by yet more unequal treaties. In the west, China had subdued Tibet and incorporated the deserts of Chinese Turkestan, known today as Xinjiang, securing a barrier between central Asia and the Han heartland. But in 1979 the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan had brought the Kremlin’s troops to China’s doorstep. In the southwest China had gone to war with India to dominate the Himalayas, but that victory had strengthened India’s drive to become a nuclear-armed state.

 

即使是印度支那解放战争的胜利也给中国带来了战略问题，因为苏联的干预使它们变成了代理冲突。

莫斯科支持北越，中国支持柬埔寨红色高棉的极端毛派，双方都在争夺老挝的影响力。

1979年，邓小平对越南发动了一场短暂的战争，解放军带着血腥的鼻子退了出去。

东南亚其他地区被坚定的反共君主国、军政府或资本主义半民主国家所控制。

然后是台湾，这艘不沉的航空母舰；朝鲜半岛，挤满了美国军队；还有古老的敌人日本，在美国的核保护伞下避难。

 

Even the triumphant wars of liberation in Indochina created strategic problems for China because Soviet intervention had turned them into proxy conflicts: Moscow backed North Vietnam, the Chinese propped up the ultra-Maoists of the Cambodian Khmer Rouge, and both sides vied for influence over Laos. In 1979 Deng Xiaoping launched a short war against Vietnam from which the PLA retired with a bloody nose. The rest of southeast Asia was held by staunchly anti-Communist monarchies, military governments or capitalist semi-democracies. Then there was Taiwan, the unsinkable aircraft carrier; the Korean peninsula, packed with American forces; and the ancient enemy, Japan, sheltering under the American nuclear umbrella.

 

中国与美国的关系正处于一个困难的阶段。

两国在1972年的上海公报中商定，"台湾海峡两岸的所有中国人都坚持只有一个中国"，这是一项模棱两可的研究，使双方都声称他们的原则得到了维护。

1979年1月1日，卡特政府签署了第二份公报，承认北京政府，与之建立全面的外交关系，并结束与台湾的正式关系。

这些都是中国的政治收获。

但1980年罗纳德-里根总统的当选带来了一个坚定的反共分子，他的共和党坚决捍卫台湾。

中国和美国就第三个公报进行了谈判，最终于1982年8月签署，很明显，里根将继续向台湾出售武器。

邓小平意识到与该岛实现统一的机会不大。

这使得香港的恢复变得更加重要。

 

China was at a difficult stage in its relations with the United States. The two countries had agreed in the Shanghai communiqué of 1972 that ‘all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan strait maintain there is but one China’, a study in ambiguity that let both sides claim that their principles had been upheld. On 1 January 1979 the Carter administration signed a second communiqué recognising the Beijing government, establishing full diplomatic relations with it and ending formal ties with Taiwan. These were political gains for China. But the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1980 brought to power a staunch anti-Communist whose Republican Party was resolute in defence of Taiwan. China and the United States were locked in negotiations over a third communiqué, which was eventually signed in August 1982, and it was clear that Reagan would continue to sell arms to Taiwan. Deng realised there was little chance of achieving reunification with the island. That made the recovery of Hong Kong all the more significant.

 

由于这些原因，撒切尔夫人的下一任外交部长杰弗里-豪等人经常表达的英国 "没有牌可打 "的传统智慧并不完全正确。

撒切尔夫人本人将打出全球牌，当面警告邓小平，如果中国入侵香港，将产生国际后果。

 

For these reasons, the conventional wisdom that Britain had ‘no cards to play’, often expressed by Mrs Thatcher’s next foreign secretary, Geoffrey Howe, among others, was not completely true. Mrs Thatcher herself would play the global card by warning Deng face to face of the international consequences for China if it invaded Hong Kong.

 

在实际层面上，如果要进行对抗，英国处于弱势地位。

根据永久条约，英国只拥有8%的领土，而且它不能指望得到盟国的支持，因为大多数西方国家都急于追求新兴的新中国。

在私下里，美国为自己开脱，说它在台湾问题上与中国的麻烦意味着它不能发挥有益的外交作用。

西方盟国共享情报，但华盛顿没有兴趣为一个太阳永不落下的帝国留下的只有500万居民的殖民地进行军事摊牌。

英国部长和官员们的印象很明显。

如果到了紧要关头，英国就只能靠自己了。

 

On a practical level, Britain was on weak ground if it came to a confrontation. It held only 8 per cent of the territory by perpetual treaty and it could count on no allied support because most Western countries were eager to court the emerging new China. In private, the United States excused itself by saying its troubles with China over Taiwan meant that it could not play a helpful diplomatic role. The Western allies shared intelligence, but there was no appetite in Washington for a military showdown over a colony of just five million inhabitants left over from the empire on which the sun never set. The impression among British ministers and officials was plain. If it came to the crunch, Britain was on its own.

 

香港的道义问题给撒切尔夫人带来了负担。

她的政府通过了1981年的《英国国籍法》，将香港人降为英国附属领土公民（BTDC），他们享有在香港居住的权利，但不能在英国居住。

它一举消除了香港大规模移民的政治风险，但在危机中却让香港人无处可去。

许多人争先恐后地申请外国护照或绿卡以在美国居住。

虽然撒切尔夫人一直拒绝为大量的人打开大门，但她清楚地意识到，中国自己的法律不承认双重国籍。

在中国的统治下，英国无法保护其在香港的英国属土公民护照持有人，除非为他们提供一个出口。

这将在整个谈判过程中对她产生影响。

 

The moral case for Hong Kong burdened Mrs Thatcher. Her government had passed the British Nationality Act of 1981, which reduced Hong Kong people to British Dependent Territories Citizens (BTDC) who enjoyed the right to live in Hong Kong but not in the United Kingdom. At a stroke it had removed the political risk of mass immigration from Hong Kong but left its people with nowhere to go in a crisis. Many were scrambling for foreign passports or for green cards to reside in the United States. While Mrs Thatcher always rejected opening the gates to a flood of people, she was powerfully aware that China’s own laws did not recognise dual nationality. Britain could not protect its BDTC passport holders in Hong Kong under Chinese rule except by offering them an exit. This would weigh on her throughout the negotiations.

 

此外，还有自身利益的问题。

随着中国经济开始长期扩张，英国需要促进对中国的出口。

马可尼公司、劳斯莱斯公司和英国航空航天公司都热衷于销售军事设备。

有人提醒撒切尔夫人，沃斯帕-桑尼克罗夫特（Vosper Thorneycroft）改装两艘中国驱逐舰的投标将使一个 "在其腹地拥有最多政府控制的边缘席位 "的船厂受益。

 

There was also self-interest. Britain needed to boost exports to China as the country’s economy began a long period of expansion. Marconi, Rolls-Royce and British Aerospace were all keen to sell military equipment. Mrs Thatcher was reminded that a bid by Vosper Thorneycroft to refit two Chinese destroyers would benefit a shipyard ‘with the largest number of government-held marginal seats in its hinterland’.

 

除了研究大战略、政治和贸易之外，撒切尔夫人还不放过她的中国和日本之行的组织者对细节的关注。

首先，她说她 "更愿意先去中国--共产党国家总是最紧张的，我更愿意先做这些国家"。

然而，这是不可能的，所以旅行的开端是对日本的访问，虽然很累，但不那么重要。

在中国，她希望与邓小平进行两轮会谈。

柯利達爵士 "答应保持最大的压力，但我不能假装与邓小平进行第二次会谈的机会特别好"。

结果只进行了一次会谈。

 

Apart from studying grand strategy, politics and trade, Mrs Thatcher did not spare the organisers of her trip to China and Japan her attention to detail. To start with, she said she would ‘prefer to go to China first – Communist countries are always the most stressful and I prefer to do them first’. This was not possible, however, so the trip opened with a tiring but less important visit to Japan. In China, she wanted two rounds of talks with Deng. Cradock ‘promised to keep up maximum pressure but I cannot pretend the chances of a second call on Deng are particularly good’. In the event only one meeting took place.

 

英国驻北京大使发现自己不仅要管理对国家大事的期望，还要与人民大会堂的餐饮商谈判。

按照惯例，中国方面要提供欢迎宴会，而客人也要作出回应。

柯利達爵士努力调和撒切尔夫人众所周知的对经济的坚持和对威望的要求。

每人50元的饭菜中缺少鱼翅和海螺等中国人喜欢的美味佳肴，在这样的场合中没有这些东西会很显眼......我们也不应该在饮料上吝啬，"他沉痛地建议。

 

The British ambassador in Beijing found himself not only managing expectations in high matters of state but negotiating with the caterers at the Great Hall of the People. It was customary for the Chinese side to offer a welcome banquet and for the guest to reciprocate. Cradock struggled to reconcile Mrs Thatcher’s well-known insistence on economy with the requirements of prestige. ‘The 50 yuan per head meal lacks e.g. Sharks Fin and sea slugs, both delicacies to a Chinese palate, which would be conspicuous by their absence on an occasion like this … nor should we attempt to skimp on the drinks,’ he advised mournfully.

 

在菜单上做出了妥协，但酒却让人头疼。

一位官员指出，当地有一种来自天津的 "王朝 "白葡萄酒，"它类似于中度霍克，唯一的缺点是它是中法合资企业的产品"。

这个问题是通过将八箱英国Beaulieu葡萄酒（1979年）和三箱Pommery香槟（1973年），以及银质烛台、花碗、雪茄盒和餐具，装入皇家空军VC10喷气机的机舱来解决的。

 

A compromise was made on the menu, but the wine was a headache. An official noted that there was a local option of ‘Dynasty’ white wine from Tianjin ‘which resembles a medium Hock, its only drawback is that it is the product of a Sino-French joint venture’. The issue was resolved by packing eight cases of English Beaulieu wine (1979) and three cases of Pommery champagne (1973), along with silver candelabras, flower bowls, a cigar box and cutlery, into the hold of the Royal Air Force VC10 jet which was to fly the party to China.

 

在漫长的飞行中，撒切尔夫人批准了一个座位计划，并对皇家空军提出的菜单投以警惕的目光。

她选择了一份合适的早餐，包括橙汁、咖啡、烤面包、果酱和炒蛋或水煮蛋。

一道名为 "史丹利鸡王 "的主菜，估计是以福克兰群岛的首府命名的，得到了首相的青睐，但在鱼子酱罐头旁边，她打了一个 "X"--"不，太贵了！1982年9月22日，VC-10在北京着陆，正如柯利達爵士所回忆的那样，"那是一个灿烂的、静止的、阳光明媚的下午，这是北京[北京]秋天的标志"。

撒切尔夫人在天安门广场检阅了一支仪仗队，同时中国人民解放军的乐队演奏了《上帝保佑女王》。

 

On the long flight itself Mrs Thatcher approved a seating plan and cast a vigilant eye over the menu proposed by the RAF. She selected a proper breakfast of orange juice, coffee, toast, marmalade and scrambled or poached eggs. A main dish named ‘Supreme of Chicken Stanley’, presumably after the capital of the Falklands, received a prime ministerial tick but next to a canape of caviar she put an ‘X’ – ‘no – far too expensive!’ The VC-10 touched down at Beijing on 22 September 1982, ‘one of those glorious still and sunny afternoons which are the mark of the Peking [Beijing] autumn’, as Cradock recalled it. Mrs Thatcher inspected a guard of honour in Tiananmen Square while the band of the People’s Liberation Army played ‘God Save the Queen’.

 

撒切尔夫人的第一次会面是与总理赵紫阳的会面，她的外交官们希望赵紫阳能被称为一个现代化的人。

她的一行人中有柯利達爵士、新任香港总督爱德华-尤德爵士和两位未来的驻中国大使。

她的私人秘书约翰-科尔斯(John Coles)记录了这些谈话。

 

Mrs Thatcher’s first meetings were with the premier, Zhao Ziyang, whom her diplomats had hopefully tagged as a moderniser. Among her party were Cradock, the new governor of Hong Kong, Sir Edward Youde, and two future ambassadors to China. Her private secretary, John Coles, recorded the conversations.

 

自从他在香港问题上私下调侃自由主义思想（只有他的亲密合作者知道）后，服从党的纪律的赵紫阳就陷入了困境。

他说，"中国政府不受英国政府与清朝签订的条约的约束。

中国人民从来没有承认过这些条约。

赵说，到1997年，英国占领新界的法律基础将不复存在。

'香港岛和九龙同样与中国的领土不可分割。

因此，唯一明智和实际的做法是，整个地区......应该归还给中国。

用撒切尔夫人自己的一句口头禅说，"没有其他选择"。

 

Since his private flirtation with liberal ideas on Hong Kong, which was known only to his close collaborators, Zhao, obedient to party discipline, had fallen into line. He said ‘that the Chinese government was not bound by treaties signed between the British government and the Ching [Qing] dynasty. The Chinese people had never recognised those treaties.’ By 1997, Zhao said, the legal basis on which Britain occupied the New Territories would no longer exist. ‘Hong Kong island and Kowloon were similarly inseparable from the territory of China. So the only wise and practical course was that the entire area … should be returned to China.’ There was ‘no alternative’, said Zhao, using one of Mrs Thatcher’s own catchphrases.

 

赵紫阳制定了香港成为一个由 "当地人 "管理的特别行政区的计划，拥有资本主义经济、自由港和自己的货币--港币。

英国公务员可以留在他们的岗位上。

这个城市将是稳定和繁荣的。

但中国必须是管理国。

 

Zhao laid out the plan for Hong Kong to become a special administrative zone administered by ‘local people’, with a capitalist economy, a free port and its own currency, the Hong Kong dollar. British civil servants could remain in their posts. The city would be stable and prosperous. But China must be the governing power.

 

撒切尔夫人争论了这一点。

她说，香港的繁荣是由于英国的管理，"没有英国的管理，就没有信心"。

她警告他，如果英国和中国在这个问题上没有'思想交锋'，会有什么后果。

我不得不说，如果邓小平先生对希斯先生的讲话中所设想的变化......被引入或甚至宣布为贵国政府的决定，对香港的信心将产生灾难性的影响......肯定会有大量资本外逃。

 

Mrs Thatcher argued this point. She said Hong Kong flourished due to British administration ‘and without a British administration there would be no confidence’. She warned him of the consequences if it appeared that Britain and China had no ‘meeting of minds’ on this. ‘I have to say that if the changes envisaged in Mr Deng’s remarks to Mr Heath … were to be introduced or even announced as a decision of your government the effect on confidence in Hong Kong would be disastrous … there would certainly be a wholesale flight of capital.’

 

赵紫阳没有给她留下任何疑问。

如果要在这两者之间做出选择，中国会把主权放在繁荣和稳定之上。

他说，现在是英国政府表现出'合作精神'的时候了--也许，这不是吸引撒切尔夫人的最好方式。

 

Zhao left her in no doubt. ‘If it came to a choice between the two, China would put sovereignty above prosperity and stability.’ It was time, he said, for the British government to show ‘a spirit of co-operation’ – not, perhaps, the best way to appeal to Mrs Thatcher.

 

她回答说，英国政府履行了它的协议，并接受新界的租约将在1997年结束。

同样，作为一个国际法问题，英国对香港和九龙的拥有将继续下去。

她知道中国希望废除19世纪的条约，但它必须认识到，只有英国议会通过一项法律，才能实现这一目标。

仅仅通过废除条约来解决香港的未来，是不可想象的。

它将在香港立即产生恐慌。

这将是英国人的失职，并将被英国政府和议会以及香港人所拒绝。

 

She replied that the British government honoured its agreements and accepted that the lease on the New Territories would end in 1997. By the same token, British possession of Hong Kong and Kowloon would continue as a matter of international law. She knew that China wished to abrogate the nineteenth-century treaties, but it had to recognise that this could only happen if the British Parliament passed a law doing so. ‘To settle the future of Hong Kong by abrogating the treaties alone would be unthinkable. It would produce immediate panic in Hong Kong. It would be a dereliction of British responsibility and would be rejected by the British Government and Parliament and by the people of Hong Kong.’

 

撒切尔夫人说，她意识到其中一些观点可能是不受欢迎的。

 

Mrs Thatcher said she realised that some of these points might be unwelcome:

 

但我必须坦诚相待。

but I must be candid.

 

问题是......如果中国政府废除了一项在国际法上有效的协议，那么有什么理由保证他们会遵守任何其他协议呢？The point was … if the Chinese government abrogated one agreement valid at international law, what assurance could there be that they would keep any other agreement?

 

撒切尔夫人说，双方有可能达成协议。

她表示，如果双方就香港的行政管理和控制问题达成协议，并且如果她认为这些协议能够 "赢得信任"，并为香港人和伦敦的议会所接受，那么就会出现一个新的局面，她可能会考虑主权问题。

她知道中国有一个关于主权的原则，但英国政府也有一个原则，"这个原则贯穿了英国人的性格，即对那些140年来把他们的信仰、他们的未来和他们在香港的投资置于英国管理之下的人的责任"。

 

Mrs Thatcher said it was possible that the two sides could agree. Holding out the prospect of concession, she said that if the two sides reached agreements about administration and control of Hong Kong and if she was satisfied these would ‘command confidence’ and be acceptable to people in Hong Kong and to Parliament in London, then a new situation would arise in which she might consider the question of sovereignty. She understood that China had a principle about sovereignty, but the British government also had a principle, ‘which ran strongly through the British character, about duty to those who for 140 years had put their faith, their future and their investments in Hong Kong under British administration’.

 

在这个不和谐的音符下，会议结束了，撒切尔夫人带着她的随从，准备去见邓小平本人。

 

On that discordant note the proceedings ended and Mrs Thatcher, with her retinue, prepared to meet Deng himself.

 

中国官僚机构为邓小平在9月24日星期五上午10点30分与英国人的会面做了充分准备。

为了他的方便，安排了仪式性的环境，毛绒扶手椅、反马桶、绘有古典图案的茶杯摆放在普通的现代桌子上，不可避免的痰盂放在主席的范围内。

这一次，邓小平不会被抓到。

他已经看过撒切尔夫人与赵紫阳的谈话记录。

她现在知道了中国政府的立场。

他想听听她的意见。

 

The Chinese bureaucracy had prepared Deng thoroughly for his meeting with the British at 10.30 on the morning of Friday 24 September. The ritual setting was arranged for his convenience, with plush armchairs, antimacassars, teacups painted in classical designs poised on plain modern tables and the inevitable spittoon placed within range of the chairman. This time Deng would not be caught out. He had read the minutes of Mrs Thatcher’s talk with Zhao Ziyang. She was now aware of the position of the Chinese government. He would like to hear her comments.

 

撒切尔夫人重复了她的说法。

她理解主权原则对中国有多么重要，但主权对她来说也是一个困难的问题。

她必须说服议会，邓小平必须说服中国人民。

如果不能就香港的管理和控制达成协议，她就不能建议移交香港。

 

Mrs Thatcher repeated her line. She understood how important the principle of sovereignty was to China but sovereignty was also a difficult issue for her. She would have to convince Parliament and Deng had to convince the Chinese people. Without an agreement on administration and control of Hong Kong, she could not recommend its handover.

 

邓小平插话问 "总理说的控制是什么意思"。

她谈到香港在一个不同的政治秩序下存在，有一个 "可靠的法律制度 "和独立的货币。

邓小平心无旁骛。

他坚持认为，以他的辩证法训练，"控制 "是什么意思？它是由一个国家控制吗？Deng interjected to ask ‘what the prime minister meant by control’. She talked about Hong Kong existing under a different political order, with an ‘assured legal system’ and an independent currency. Deng was having no distractions. What, he persisted, with his training in dialectic, did ‘control’ mean? Was it control by a nation?

首相解释说，英国预见到了一个很长的时期，它将继续管理香港。

如果人们不相信这一点，就会破坏信心。

邓小平的计划不会成功。

1982年夏天，由于对未来的不确定性，香港的金融市场急剧下降。

她尖锐地指出，"人们会在中国近代史的背景下做出他们目前的判断。

那些有钱有技术的人将会离开，会出现'经济崩溃'。

 

The prime minister explained that Britain foresaw a long period when it would continue to administer Hong Kong. If people did not believe that, it would damage confidence. Deng’s plan would not work. Financial markets in Hong Kong had fallen sharply over the summer of 1982 amid uncertainty about the future. Pointedly, she said that ‘people would make their present judgements against the background of recent Chinese history.’ Those with money and skill would leave and there would be an ‘economic collapse’.

 

邓小平不为所动。

中国没有任何回旋余地，因为主权'不是一个可以讨论的问题'。

他说，今天要明确的是，中国肯定会在1997年收回香港的主权。

这是谈判的一个 "前提条件"。

在某种程度上，他说，收回香港是他的政府的一个生存问题。

他这样做可能是为了他的高级党员同志们的利益，因为他知道会谈是秘密的，他的话不会向公众广播。

(当会议结束时，摄像机被放进来，邓小平转向他们，只是说他告诉撒切尔夫人，中国在主权问题上立场坚定。

）Deng was unmoved. There was no leeway for China because sovereignty ‘was not a matter which could be discussed’. Let it be clear today, he said, that China would certainly recover sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997. This was a ‘pre-condition’ for talks. In a kind of peroration, he stated that the recovery of Hong Kong was an existential question for his government. He may have done so for the benefit of his senior party comrades, knowing that the talks were secret and that his words would not be broadcast to the public. (When cameras were let in at the end of the meeting, Deng turned to them and merely said he had told Mrs Thatcher that China stood firm on sovereignty.)

邓小平告诉撒切尔夫人，如果中国不在1997年收回香港，其领导人和政府 "将无法向中国人民或世界人民交代"。

这将意味着新中国并不比清朝的中国好。

它的领导人，就像他自己一样，会像李鸿章一样，那个签署了不平等条约的清朝政要，是一个耻辱的人物。

人民共和国为收回香港已经等了33年，1982年，它准备再等15年。

但是，如果到1997年还没有收回香港，"人民就完全有理由不再相信他们的领导人，中国政府就应该主动退出政治舞台"。

这是一个中国共产党领导人对一个外国政府首脑就香港问题发表的非同寻常的声明，它仍然是一个不应该被遗忘的文本，因为它在中国肯定会被记住。

 

Deng told Mrs Thatcher that if China did not take back Hong Kong in 1997 its leaders and its government ‘would not be able to account for it to the Chinese people or the people of the world’. It would mean that the new China was no better than the China of the Qing dynasty. Its leaders, like himself, would be like Li Hongzhang, the Qing dignitary who had signed the unequal treaties and was a figure of shame. The People’s Republic had waited thirty-three years for the recovery of Hong Kong and in 1982 it was ready to wait another fifteen. But if it had not recovered Hong Kong by 1997 ‘the people would have every reason no longer to put their faith in their leaders and the Chinese government ought to retire voluntarily from the political arena.’ This was an extraordinary statement by a Chinese Communist leader to the head of a foreign government about Hong Kong and it remains a text which should not be forgotten, because it is assuredly remembered in China.

 

邓小平和撒切尔夫人在一件事上达成一致。

这一切都不能透露，因为担心香港的恐慌。

中国和英国将不得不秘密交谈，直到解决他们的分歧。

两人接着谈到了这些分歧，强调了他们误解的深度。

邓小平似乎认为，交还香港对英国有利，因为这意味着殖民主义时代的结束。

'这将使英国人受益。

撒切尔夫人对这种前景不感兴趣。

她说，英国已经将其许多前属地推向了独立，但她指出，香港是独一无二的，因为它将回归中国。

英国只是想履行她的道德责任，"她说。

 

Deng and Mrs Thatcher agreed on one thing. None of this could be disclosed for fear of panic in Hong Kong. China and Britain would have to talk in secret until they settled their differences. The two went on to speak about those differences in a way that highlighted the depth of their misunderstanding. Deng appeared to think that handing back Hong Kong would benefit Britain because it meant that the era of colonialism was over: ‘this would redound to British credit.’ Mrs Thatcher was uninterested by that prospect. She said that Britain had ushered many of its former possessions to independence but pointed out that Hong Kong was unique because it was going back to China. ‘Britain simply wanted to carry out her moral duty,’ she said.

 

就撒切尔夫人而言，她决定别无选择，只能把事情说清楚。

她只获得了一次与邓小平会面的机会，就像1979年的麦理浩总督一样，她可能再也没有机会了。

再一次，要么现在，要么永远。

她告诉邓小平，英国并没有要求延长对新界的租约。

但香港岛和九龙是不同的，因为它们是由条约永久持有的。

中国不承认这些条约，但她认为这些条约在国际法上是有效的。

她的目标是，"如果要改变这些条约，应该通过协议来改变，而不是由一方或另一方废除。

她继续详细解释说，'投资的气氛非常糟糕'，因此，英国和中国在达成协议以保持香港稳定和繁荣方面有着共同的利益。

最后，她伤感地表示，"每项调查都表明，香港人希望维持英国的行政管理制度"。

 

For her part, Mrs Thatcher decided she had no choice but to state things clearly. She had been granted only one audience with Deng and, like Governor MacLehose in 1979, she might not get another chance. Once again, it was now or never. She told Deng that Britain was not asking for an extension of the lease over the New Territories. But Hong Kong island and Kowloon were different because they were held by treaties in perpetuity. China did not recognise those treaties but she believed they were valid in international law. Her aim was that ‘if those treaties were to be changed they should be changed by agreement and not abrogated by one side or another.’ She went on at length to explain that ‘the atmosphere for investment was very bad’, and that therefore Britain and China shared an interest in reaching an agreement to keep Hong Kong stable and prosperous. Finally and woundingly, she said, ‘every survey showed that the people of Hong Kong wished the British system of administration to be maintained.’

 

在这一点上，从记录中可以看出，气氛变得暗淡。

邓小平回答说，他非常遗憾，但英国必须明白，中国将在1997年收回整个香港，"这是肯定的"。

没有必要让英国政府来维持繁荣。

香港将继续保持资本主义。

中国政府已经考虑过其决心的后果，它将向英国叫板。

许多人说，如果香港的繁荣不能保持，这将影响中国的现代化进程，"他说，但这是不真实的，因为 "如果现代化计划是基于香港繁荣的维持或下降，那么现代化的决定是不健全的。

 

At this point, it appears from the record that the atmosphere darkened. Deng replied that he was very sorry but Britain must understand that China would recover all of Hong Kong in 1997, ‘that was certain.’ There was no need for British administration to preserve prosperity. Hong Kong would remain capitalist. The Chinese government had thought through the consequences of its resolve and it would call Britain’s bluff. ‘Many people said that if the prosperity of Hong Kong could not be maintained this would affect China’s modernisation drive,’ he said, but this was untrue, for ‘if the modernisation programme was based on the maintenance or decline of prosperity in Hong Kong then the modernisation decision was not a sound one.’

 

邓小平接下来谈到了一个让英国人大吃一惊的问题，但从后来的事件来看，这个问题既是不祥的，也是致命的。

有一点他不想多说，但他想说，"英方记录。

如果在未来15年内发生非常大的严重动乱，中国政府将被迫考虑收回香港主权的时间和方式。

撒切尔夫人对这一威胁印象深刻，当她为自己的回忆录审阅记录时，她用蓝色的字体在上面划了很多线。

 

Deng next turned to a preoccupation which took the British aback but which, in the light of later events, was both ominous and deadly serious. ‘There was one point upon which he did not wish to dwell but which he wished to make,’ the British side recorded. ‘If there were very large and serious disturbances in the next fifteen years, the Chinese government would be forced to consider the time and formula relating to the recovery of its sovereignty of Hong Kong.’ Mrs Thatcher was so struck by this threat that she underlined it heavily in blue when she came to review the record for her memoirs.

 

官方的说法没有充分表达出当时房间里充满的威胁气氛。

事实上，唐宁街的记录在其冷静的语气中可以说是误导性的。

它忽略了撒切尔夫人自己后来在不同场合讲述的一次戏剧性的交流。

两位领导人发生了言语冲突，如果被人知道，确实会动摇对香港的信心。

 

The official account did not adequately convey the air of menace which filled the room. In fact the Downing Street record could be considered misleading in its dispassionate tone. It omitted a dramatic exchange which Mrs Thatcher herself later recounted in various settings. The two leaders had a verbal clash which, had it become known, would indeed have shaken confidence in Hong Kong.

 

邓小平对着痰盂使劲吆喝了几声，转身对她说："你知道吗，我今天下午就可以走进去把所有的东西都拿走。

 

Deng, who had punctuated his remarks by hawking vigorously into the spittoon, turned to her and said: ‘You know, I could walk in and take the whole lot this afternoon.’

 

撒切尔夫人被吓了一跳，但又恢复了镇定。

她回到了她的律师培训和她在下议院的调度室里磨练出来的即兴技巧。

是的，她说，"我没有办法阻止你。

但她继续说，在世界的眼中，中国的真实情况将一目了然。

它将获得香港，但它将失去一切。

做记录的外交官鲍勃-皮尔斯（Bob Peirce）不记得听到过 "与这些话差不多 "的话，但这次交流给撒切尔夫人留下了鲜明的印象，即使她后来的叙述是为了达到效果而进行的戏剧化。

会说中文的皮尔斯认为，邓小平和他的同事们 "知道她不是好惹的"。

 

Mrs Thatcher was shaken but recovered her poise. She fell back on her lawyer’s training and her impromptu skills honed at the dispatch box in the House of Commons. Yes, she said, ‘there is nothing I could do to stop you.’ But in the eyes of the world, she continued, it would be clear what China was really like. It would gain Hong Kong but it would lose everything. The diplomat taking the record, Bob Peirce, did not recall hearing words ‘quite on those lines’, but the exchange left a stark impression on Mrs Thatcher even if her later account of it was dramatised for effect. Peirce, who spoke Chinese, felt that Deng and his colleagues ‘knew she was no pushover’.

 

邓小平坚持对 "动乱 "的担忧。

不清楚他担心的是谁会挑起这些事。

他承诺，中国将进行协商，为香港找到可接受的政策。

邓小平从政治家的高度迅速下降到阴谋论的领域，因为他对他的主题很感兴趣。

他似乎相信企业会参与其中。

以香港上海银行为例，"邓小平说。

'没有人知道它发行了多少钞票。

行长尤德爵士插话说，香港政府知道。

邓小平并不气馁，他警告说，双方'也应防止商人做有损于香港繁荣和稳定的事情'。

 

Deng persisted in his worry about ‘disturbances’. It was not clear who he feared might start them. He promised that China would consult to find acceptable policies for Hong Kong. From the heights of statesmanship Deng descended swiftly into the realms of conspiracy theories as he warmed to his theme. He seemed to believe that businesses would be involved. ‘Take for instance the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank,’ Deng said. ‘No-one knew how many banknotes it had issued.’ The governor, Sir Edward Youde, intervened to say that the Hong Kong government knew. Undeterred, Deng warned that both sides ‘should also prevent businessmen from doing things which were detrimental to the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong’.

 

撒切尔夫人说，邓小平的态度'真的让她担心'。

她不是在考虑动乱，而是在考虑金融崩溃。

私下里，她对邓小平对资本主义经济如何运作的无知感到震惊，并为他的外衣很快就被揭开，露出一个顽固的马克思列宁主义者而感到震动。

 

Mrs Thatcher said Deng’s attitude ‘really worried her’. She was not contemplating disturbances but financial collapse. Privately, she was appalled by Deng’s ignorance of how a capitalist economy worked and shaken by how quickly his veneer dissolved to reveal an implacable Marxist-Leninist.

 

在这个阶段，双方似乎都意识到这是一个挽救香港未来的问题。

他们商定了一份声明，开篇就谎称他们的会谈是在 "友好气氛 "中进行的。

它接着说，他们将继续进行外交谈判。

撒切尔夫人在珀西-柯利達爵士爵士的陪同下，在她的随行人员的跟踪下，走出人民大会堂，并迅速在电视摄像机前摔下台阶。

 

At this stage both sides seemed to grasp that it was a question of salvaging the future of Hong Kong. They agreed a statement which opened with the lie that their talks had been held in a ‘friendly atmosphere’. It went on to say that they would continue diplomatic negotiations. Accompanied by Sir Percy Cradock and trailed by her retinue, Mrs Thatcher stalked out of the Great Hall of the People and promptly fell down the steps in front of the television cameras.

 

25年后，撒切尔夫人被一位香港电视采访者问及这是否是一个预兆。

她说："我穿了很高的高跟鞋，那些台阶比我习惯的台阶更窄，高跟鞋夹在台阶的边缘，我的脚踝就......就是这样，"她说，"只是运气不好而已。

 

Mrs Thatcher was asked twenty-five years later by a Hong Kong television interviewer if it was an omen. ‘I had very high heels on and those steps were rather more narrow than the ones I was used to having and the heel caught on the edge of the step and my ankle went … that’s all it was,’ she said, ‘just bad luck.’

 

中国人确实做了一个手势。

我们对她很有礼貌，"周南回忆说，"她摔下台阶的镜头没有在我们的电视新闻中播放。

然而，全世界的电视都在重播这个镜头。

 

The Chinese did make one gesture. ‘We were polite to her,’ Zhou Nan recalled, ‘the shot of her falling down the steps was not shown on our television news.’ It was however, replayed on television around the world.

 

对周南来说，结果是明显的。

他说，"铁娘子 "无法打败中国的 "钢铁工厂"，他用毛泽东给邓小平起的绰号。

这并不是全部事实。

她的稳重和对邓小平直言不讳的威胁的反击给人留下了深刻的印象。

在后来的日子里，中国官员和外交官在多次谈话中证实，她在邓小平心中埋下了足够的疑虑，说服他中国最好致力于通过谈判解决问题。

 

For Zhou Nan, the result was obvious. ‘The “iron lady” could not defeat the Chinese “steel factory”,’ he said, using the nickname given to Deng by Mao Zedong. This was not the whole truth. She had made a strong impression by her steadiness and by her riposte to Deng’s blunt threats. In later years, Chinese officials and diplomats were to confirm in numerous conversations that she had sowed enough doubt in Deng’s mind to persuade him that China would be best to commit to a negotiated settlement.

 

他知道，就是这个女人，在她的一位指挥官告诉她，如果她不采取行动，英国人民一觉醒来就会发现他们生活在一个不同的国家，一个说话不算数的国家之后，派出一支海军特遣部队前往南大西洋。

中国的领导人无法确定，如果在边界街和香港岛周围进行摊牌，撒切尔夫人会怎么做。

他们不希望香港变成一个像柏林一样的分裂城市。

在这个意义上，撒切尔夫人凭借人格力量、法律训练和辩论技巧获得了成功。

她为香港争取了时间，并使中国政府和共产党领导层认真思考他们的方法。

 

He knew that this was the woman who had sent a naval task force to the South Atlantic after one of her commanders told her that if she did not act, the British people would wake up to find they were living in a different country, one whose word did not count. China’s leaders could not be sure what Mrs Thatcher would do if it came to a showdown along Boundary Street and around Hong Kong island. They did not want Hong Kong to turn into a divided city like Berlin. In that sense Mrs Thatcher succeeded by force of personality, legal training and debating skill. She bought time for Hong Kong and made the Chinese government and Communist Party leadership think hard about their methods.

 

英国驻北京大使馆向伦敦发出的关于会谈的电报表明，撒切尔夫人自己的政党和政府内部的政治是多么敏感。

首相希望这份报告的内容得到非常严格的保护。

因此，它的传播范围应该非常有限，"报告说。

 

The cabled report of the talks to London from the British embassy in Beijing indicated how sensitive were the politics inside Mrs Thatcher’s own party and government. ‘The prime minister wished the content of this report to be very closely guarded. It should therefore be given very restricted circulation,’ it said.

 

下午，邓小平与香港航运巨头、保守党捐助者包玉刚爵士（Sir Y.K. Pao）进行了一次未公开的会面，包玉刚爵士是撒切尔夫人的支持者，事实上，他曾劝说撒切尔夫人在这次访华期间为他的一艘船下水（香槟酒瓶没有碎）。

邓小平利用这位大亨作为后方渠道来传达他的信息，他知道这些信息会被传递给英国人。

他重申，主权和租约是不可谈判的。

但他试图让包玉刚放心，说北京不打算派人统治香港；相反，"中国政府打算任命一名中国香港人担任最高职位。

他们还打算让'低级别的'香港华人进入未来的政府。

在经济、金融和货币方面不会有任何变化。

法律制度的唯一变化是停止对英国的最终上诉。

但这些事情甚至在一两年内都不会被宣布。

 

In the afternoon, Deng had an unpublicised meeting with Sir Yue-Kong Pao (known as Sir Y.K. Pao), a Hong Kong shipping magnate and Conservative Party donor, who cultivated Mrs Thatcher and had, indeed, persuaded her to launch one of his ships during this visit to China (the champagne bottle failed to break). Deng used the tycoon as a back channel to drive home his message, knowing that it would be passed on to the British. He repeated that sovereignty and the lease were non-negotiable. But he sought to reassure Pao by saying it was not Beijing’s intention to send anyone to rule Hong Kong; instead ‘the Chinese Government intended to appoint a Hong Kong Chinese to the top post.’ They also intended to put ‘low level’ Hong Kong Chinese into the future government. There would be no change in the economy, finance and currency. The only change to the legal system would be that final appeal to the United Kingdom would cease. But these things would not even be announced for another one or two years.

 

邓小平否定了撒切尔夫人关于经济灾难的警告。

'中国人已经为可能出现的金融动荡做了准备。

他们会廉价购买投资。

他们相信，离开香港的钱会回来的。

包玉刚将他的这番话转达给了撒切尔夫人，撒切尔夫人仍然认为，没有英国的管理，香港将是 "不可行的"，邓小平是在寻求 "国际耻辱"。

 

Deng dismissed Mrs Thatcher’s warnings of economic disaster. ‘The Chinese had already made their preparations for the possibility of financial turmoil. They would buy up investments cheaply. They believed that the money which left Hong Kong would come back.’ His remarks were duly conveyed by Pao to Mrs Thatcher, who continued to believe that Hong Kong would be ‘unworkable’ without British administration and that Deng was courting ‘international disgrace.’

 

那天晚上，英国人举办了撒切尔夫人和柯利達爵士倾注了大量心血的宴会。

邓小平没有露面。

他宁愿和他的朝鲜盟友金日成碰杯，后者也在城里。

一位中国外交官后来透露，他们 "喝了很多酒"，让撒切尔夫人很不高兴。

撒切尔夫人也没有见到胡耀邦，一个改革者，他作为总书记领导共产党。

他也正忙着在中国各地为金日成打探消息。

出席她的宴会的最高级中国领导人是总理赵紫阳。

她的讲话一反常态地低调。

 

That night the British hosted the banquet to which Mrs Thatcher and Cradock had devoted so much attention. Deng did not show up. He preferred to clink mao tai glasses with his North Korean ally, Kim Il-Sung, who was also in town. A Chinese diplomat later confided that they had ‘drunk many toasts’ to Mrs Thatcher’s discomfiture. Nor did Mrs Thatcher get to meet Hu Yaobang, a reformer, who headed the Communist Party as general secretary. He too was busy squiring Kim around China. The most senior Chinese leader to attend her banquet was Zhao Ziyang, the premier. Her remarks were uncharacteristically subdued.

 

在后来的日子里，撒切尔夫人得出了她自己挑衅的结论。

我......真希望我们的祖先没有签署租约，而是永久地拥有该领土的永久产权，这样的话，香港早就是一个自由和独立的国家了。

如果中国愿意的话，她仍然可以成为一个独立的国家。

 

In later years Mrs Thatcher drew her own defiant conclusion. ‘I … wish to goodness that our forebears had not signed a lease but had held the territory in freehold in perpetuity in which case Hong Kong would have been a free and independent nation long before now. She could be still if China would let her.’

 

 

撒切尔夫人的官员警告她，对香港的访问将与她在中国的会谈一样具有挑战性。

殖民地被挂在北京的每一个字上。

在她与邓小平会晤之后，股市立即下跌了7%以上，在接下来的几周里，股市将损失四分之一的价值。

 

Mrs Thatcher’s officials warned her that the visit to Hong Kong would be just as challenging as her talks in China. The colony was hanging on every word from Beijing. The stock market fell by more than 7 per cent in the immediate aftermath of her meeting with Deng and it would lose a quarter of its value in the next few weeks.

 

首相在抵达殖民地时未能提供保证。

她在新闻发布会上的表现是热情洋溢的，但缺乏细节，因为她说不出什么实质性的东西。

在私下里，同时代的记录显示了她不加掩饰的言论，这些言论显示了她与邓小平--这个顽固的共产党人相遇时的震惊，以及她黯然意识到中国政权有着完全不同的世界观。

 

The prime minister was unable to provide reassurance when she arrived in the colony. Her performance at a press conference was ebullient but short on detail, because she could say nothing of substance. In private, the contemporaneous record reveals her unguarded remarks which showed the shock of her encounter with Deng, the implacable Communist, and her bleak realisation that the Chinese regime had a completely different world view.

 

她与香港知名商人的谈话的一份机密摘要概括了英国现在面临的困境。

撒切尔夫人还会见了立法会和行政会议的 "非官方 "成员，他们由总督任命，作为社会和政府之间的桥梁。

他们几乎都来自企业或社会精英，组成了一个被称为UMELCO的机构，该机构有自己的办公室，充当了对话者和传声筒的角色。

左派和民主人士认为，他们完全代表民意的说法是可笑的。

然而，撒切尔夫人在与邓小平会面三天后，于9月27日星期一向这些人卸下了包袱。

 

A confidential summary of her conversation with prominent Hong Kong businessmen encapsulated the dilemma Britain now faced. Mrs Thatcher also met ‘unofficial’ members of the Legislative Council and Executive Council, appointed by the governor to serve as a bridge between the community and the administration. Almost all drawn from the corporate or social elite, they formed a body known as UMELCO, which had its own office and acted as an interlocutor and a sounding board. Leftists and democrats found the notion that they were at all representative of popular opinion to be laughable. These were, however, the people to whom Mrs Thatcher unburdened herself on Monday 27 September, three days after meeting Deng.

 

首相告诉他们，她发现中国领导人 "对什么是自由社会的理解非常有限。

他们可以从知识上掌握法治等概念，但他们不理解或不接受可能存在不来自国家的基本权利。

他们认为他们可以管理一个资本主义社会，但他们不知道这意味着什么。

她 "多次被告知，邓小平是 "务实的"，但与他的马克思列宁主义相比，他的务实主义算不上什么"。

撒切尔夫人--无疑是盯着她那些关系良好的大人物--说，中国领导人没有从不时被召到北京的当地名流那里听到关于香港的真相。

她已经告诉了领导人真相，所以她对中国人不能接受真相并不感到惊讶。

她解释了对主权、行政管理和条约的不同看法，重申达成协议将非常困难，因为 "中国领导人还没有开始理解自由社会的性质"。

 

The prime minister told them she had found that Chinese leaders ‘had a very limited understanding of what a free society was. They could grasp intellectually such concepts as the rule of law but they did not understand or accept that there could be fundamental rights which did not derive from the state. They thought that they could run a capitalist society but they did not know what it meant.’ She ‘had been told many times that Deng Xiaoping was “pragmatic” but his pragmatism counted for little compared with his Marxist-Leninism’. Mrs Thatcher – no doubt eyeing her well-connected grandees – said that Chinese leaders had not heard the truth about Hong Kong from the local worthies who were summoned up to Beijing from time to time. She had told the leaders the truth, so she was not surprised that the Chinese could not accept it. She explained the different views of sovereignty, administration and the treaties, reiterating that agreement would be very difficult because ‘the Chinese leaders did not begin to understand the nature of a free society.’

 

经营家族贸易企业Li & Fung的两兄弟之一Victor Fung正在中国扩张，他说，'他的个人观点是，理想的解决方案是无限期地继续保持现状。

据冯先生说，商界人士可以利用他们在北京的关系，'传达香港对自由企业制度的依赖程度'。

 

Victor Fung, one of two brothers who ran the family trading business Li & Fung, which was expanding in China, said ‘his personal opinion was that the ideal solution would be the continuation of the status quo indefinitely.’ According to Fung, business people could use their contacts in Beijing ‘to get across the message of how much Hong Kong depended on the free enterprise system’.

 

后来成为威权统治效率拉拉队的大亨胡應湘说，中国领导人可能会说他们希望香港有信心和稳定。

但他们的话有多好？他们的记录很糟糕，'他问道。

他认为英国的管理在1997年后'至关重要'，因为'中国的法律可以在一夜之间改变'。

拥有广受欢迎的连锁百货公司永安的哈佛大学毕业生Philip Kwok问撒切尔夫人，如何让中国人 "了解香港的特点"。

 

Gordon Wu, a tycoon who later became a cheerleader for the efficiencies of authoritarian rule, said Chinese leaders might say they wanted confidence and stability in Hong Kong. ‘But how good was their word? Their track record was terrible,’ he asked. He felt British administration ‘would be essential’ after 1997 because ‘laws could change overnight in China.’ Philip Kwok, the Harvard-educated scion of the dynasty which owned Wing On, a popular chain of department stores, asked Mrs Thatcher how the Chinese ‘could be brought to understand what made Hong Kong tick’.

 

首相对他们没有什么安慰。

由于希望保持信任和需要对会谈进行保密，因此存在着一个基本的两难局面。

 

Lydia Dunn，一位成功的银行家和商业主管，告诉撒切尔夫人，从政治上讲，让人们看到总督Edward Youde在谈判中发挥自己的作用对香港很重要。

当这一切发生时，总督和柯利達爵士不高兴地看着。

 

The prime minister had little comfort for them. There was a fundamental dilemma because of the wish to retain confidence and the need to keep the talks confidential. Lydia Dunn, a successful banker and business executive, told Mrs Thatcher that it was important politically for Hong Kong that the governor, Edward Youde, should be seen to play his part in the negotiations. While all this unfolded, the governor and Cradock looked on unhappily.

 

房地产开发商查尔斯-杨（Charles Yeung）后来毫不犹豫地接受了共产党的路线，并在中国人民政治协商会议中任职，他问中国对国际法和人权有什么重视，他强调，国际法和人权在香港得到广泛支持。

撒切尔夫人说，所有共产党国家都关心它们的国际形象，中国不希望被视为一个破坏其协议和不考虑香港人意愿的国家。

因此，她说，与公认的外交思维相反，"并非所有的牌都在中国这边"。

 

Charles Yeung, a real estate developer, who would later unhesitatingly embrace the Communist Party line and serve on the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, asked what weight China attached to international law and human rights, which – he emphasised – were widely supported in Hong Kong. Mrs Thatcher said all Communist countries were concerned about their international image and China would not want to be seen as a nation that broke its agreements and took no account of the wishes of the people of Hong Kong. Therefore, she said, contradicting the approved diplomatic thinking, ‘not all the cards were on the Chinese side’.

 

她现在委托她的外交官们去证明她的正确性。

柯利達爵士致力于劝说、说服和招揽中国方面开始承诺的会谈。

几个月来，他们一直在推诿。

人事调动、党的会议、节日--任何和所有的借口都被用来拖延。

1982年秋天，柯利達爵士一直在等待一位初级部长的关注。

他认识到这是一个向英国人施压的策略，并告诉了伦敦这一点。

然而，这却是一个成功的策略。

柯利達爵士和尤德警告撒切尔夫人，这意味着中国人坚持要求在主权方面做出让步，然后再进行谈判。

问题是，香港的商业信心和公众士气是建立在英国和中国已经在谈判的信念上的。

12月21日，柯利達爵士在发给伦敦的电报中坦言："我们不能长期告诉香港人，关于他们的未来的谈判正在进行，而事实并非如此。

 

She now entrusted her diplomats with the job of proving her right. Cradock bent himself to the task of cajoling, persuading and wooing the Chinese side to start the promised talks. For months they prevaricated. Personnel moves, party meetings, festivals – any and all excuses were produced for delay. During the autumn of 1982 Cradock languished awaiting the attention of a junior minister. He recognised that this was a tactic to put pressure on the British and told London as much. It was, however, a successful tactic. Cradock and Youde warned Mrs Thatcher that it meant the Chinese were holding out for a concession on sovereignty before they would talk. The problem was that business confidence and public morale in Hong Kong were founded on the belief that Britain and China were already negotiating. On 21 December Cradock confided in a telegram to London: ‘we could not continue for long to tell the Hong Kong people that talks were proceeding about their future when they were not.’

 

中国人巧妙地利用这段时间来泄露自己的立场，以便在他们的反对者和支持者中最大限度地扩大中国坚决要夺回控制权的印象。

在对香港商业代表的一次演讲中，廖承志告诉他们，1997年后，香港人将统治香港，这几乎是在阐述 "一国两制"。

所有这些都打破了邓小平和撒切尔夫人之间的保密协议，使英国官员们捶胸顿足，苦不堪言，他们似乎对中国的无所顾忌感到困惑，对香港人可能发现真相的前景感到恐惧。

同时，在1982年底全国人民代表大会批准建立经济特区后，没有人能够错过南方经济特区的发展，这标志着中国对以自己的方式实现繁荣的未来的愿景。

 

The Chinese used the time skilfully to leak their own position in order to maximise among their opponents and their supporters alike the impression that China was implacably determined to take back control. In a speech to Hong Kong business delegates, Liao Chengzhi came close to spelling out ‘one country, two systems’ by telling them that after 1997 Hong Kong people would rule Hong Kong. All of this broke the agreement between Deng and Mrs Thatcher to keep things confidential, causing breast-beating and anguish among British officials who seemed torn between bewilderment at China’s lack of scruple and horror at the prospect that the people of Hong Kong might discover the truth. Meanwhile nobody could miss the development of Special Economic Zones in the south, signifying China’s vision of a prosperous future on its own terms, after the National People’s Congress approved their creation in late 1982.

 

随着来自中国的缓慢压力产生效果，英国方面的分歧加剧了。

撒切尔夫人与她的外交大臣弗朗西斯-皮姆产生了分歧，后者坚持双重管理的想法，即英国将管理香港岛和九龙，而中国将统治新界。

这个建议在法律上是无懈可击的，但在政治上则是死路一条，从来没有超越白厅的文书工作。

 

Disagreements on the British side intensified as the slow pressure from China worked its effect. Mrs Thatcher was at odds with her foreign secretary, Francis Pym, who clung to the idea of a dual administration by which Britain would govern Hong Kong island and Kowloon while China ruled the New Territories. Legally impeccable, politically dead on arrival, the suggestion never made it beyond Whitehall paperwork.

 

越来越深的心理现实主义，有些人可以说是失败主义，一定刺激了首相。

一个历史学家只能想象，如果政治局成员看到1983年2月16日撒切尔夫人的国防部长迈克尔-赫塞尔廷（Michael Heseltine）提交给她的一份关于军事应急计划的 "仅限英国人看的绝密 "文件，赫塞尔廷在文件中用引号提到 "为 "保卫 "殖民地可能需要的军事努力"，他们会多么高兴。

 

The deepening psychological realism, some might say defeatism, must have irritated the prime minister. A historian can only imagine the delight in the Politburo if its members had seen a ‘Top Secret UK eyes only’ paper on military contingency planning submitted to Mrs Thatcher by her defence secretary, Michael Heseltine, on 16 February 1983, in which Heseltine referred in quotation marks to ‘the military effort which might be required to “defend” the colony’.

 

关键的会议于3月7日在唐宁街10号举行。

香港总督和驻北京大使飞回来，与包括撒切尔夫人、她的外交和国防部长、她的外交政策顾问和她的私人秘书在内的一个小团体坐下来。

现在是作出决定的时候了。

 

The crucial meeting took place at 10 Downing Street on 7 March. The governor of Hong Kong and the ambassador to Beijing flew back to sit down with a small group including Mrs Thatcher, her foreign and defence secretaries, her foreign policy adviser and her private secretary. It was time for a decision.

 

撒切尔夫人的功劳不小，她坚持探索英国为履行其对香港人的责任而开放的每一条途径。

她真正注意到总督对其行政委员会成员的担忧和关切的报告，该委员会是一个秘密举行的精英机构。

她想知道是否应该让所有的人对他们的未来有发言权，也许在五年内。

 

To Mrs Thatcher’s enduring credit, she insisted on exploring every avenue open to Britain to fulfil its responsibilities to Hong Kong’s people. She was genuinely attentive to the governor’s report of worry and concern among the members of his Executive Council, the selected elite body which sat in secret. She wondered whether all of the people should be given a say in their future, perhaps within five years.

 

尤德表达了传统的家长式观点。

他指出，英国确实听取了人民的意见；二十多年来，一位总督没有违背执行委员会的建议行事。

'但如果实行全面民主选举，就会有政党。

如果其中一些政党是反共的，中国人可能会决定扰乱这个制度。

总督主张采用'合议制'的方式来建立代议制政府。

无论如何，这不可能迅速完成，五年时间太短。

 

Youde voiced the traditional paternalistic view. He pointed out that Britain did listen to the people; a governor had not acted against the advice of Exco for more than twenty years. ‘But if full democratic elections were introduced, then there would be political parties. If some of those parties were anti-Communist, the Chinese might decide to disrupt the system.’ The governor advocated a ‘collegiate’ approach to representative government. In any case, this could not be done quickly and five years was too short.

 

对撒切尔夫人来说，这些可能是老掉牙的主题，被提出的时间太晚了。

她质疑 "我们是否可以让香港相当迅速地走上独立的道路，尽管在最后一点上止步不前"。

 

To Mrs Thatcher, these may have seemed old and tired themes, trotted out too late in the day. She questioned whether ‘we could not move Hong Kong fairly rapidly down the path towards independence, though stopping short of that final point’.

 

这肯定让在场的外交官们感到震惊。

其中一位外交官阿兰-唐纳德（Alan Donald）问道，她是否想让香港成为独立国家。

撒切尔夫人回答说，这不是她的意图；她设想的是像百慕大那样的地位，一个自治的海外领土，英国对其保留外交和国防事务的责任。

在她的听众中，可能伴随着这句话的是一种优雅的颤抖和扬起的眉毛，因为在场的其他人很快就催促她继续前进。

 

This must have alarmed the diplomats in the room. One of them, Alan Donald, asked whether she had it in mind that Hong Kong would become independent. This was not her intention, Mrs Thatcher replied; she envisaged a status like Bermuda, a self-governing overseas territory over which Britain retained responsibility for foreign and defence affairs. A genteel shudder and raised eyebrows among her listeners may have accompanied this remark, for the others present soon pressed her to move on.

 

英国政府从秘密渠道获悉，中国正在准备一份将于6月发表的声明，表明它发誓要在1997年收回整个香港的主权，并透露其 "一国两制 "的解决方案。

他们急于避免这种情况，担心在香港的影响和对自己的谈判地位的损害。

 

The British government had learned from secret sources that China was preparing a statement to be released in June stating its vow to recover sovereignty over all of Hong Kong in 1997 and revealing its solution of ‘one country, two systems’. They were anxious to avoid that, fearful of the effect in Hong Kong and the damage to their own negotiating position.

 

国防部长迈克尔-赫塞尔廷（Michael Heseltine）是撒切尔夫人的政治对手，他决定软化她。

他同意英国现在不应放弃主权，但 "事实是，我们最终不得不这样做"。

这是珀西-柯利達爵士爵士提醒撒切尔夫人注意她对邓小平所说的话，即如果做出令人满意的安排，她将'考虑'向议会提出关于主权的建议。

他建议说："我们应该尝试找到解决主权问题的方法。

必须避免对抗。

柯利達爵士建议给赵紫阳总理发一封信，信中的措辞要能让他转达给邓小平本人。

他建议用更明确的措辞写道，如果达成协议，她 "将 "向议会建议英国放弃其主权。

最重要的是让中国开始谈判。

这一让步可能会起到作用。

 

The defence secretary Michael Heseltine, a political rival of Mrs Thatcher’s, decided to soften her up. He agreed that Britain should not concede sovereignty now but ‘the fact was that we were going to have to do so in the end’. This was the cue for Sir Percy Cradock to remind Mrs Thatcher of her words to Deng Xiaoping that if satisfactory arrangements were made she would ‘consider’ making recommendations to Parliament about sovereignty. ‘We should try to find ways of finessing the sovereignty issue,’ he advised. Confrontation must be avoided. Cradock suggested sending a letter to Premier Zhao Ziyang worded in such a way that it would be passed on to Deng himself. He proposed writing in more definite terms to say that if a deal was agreed she ‘would’ recommend to Parliament that Britain give up its sovereignty. The vital thing was to get China to start talks. This concession might do it.

 

在用尽了几乎所有可用的替代方案，并在她的部长和顾问们身上试验了每一个想法之后，撒切尔夫人已经心力交瘁。

会议同意了柯利達爵士的提议。

外交部迅速起草了一封信，准备让她签字。

关键的一句话是，如果达成一项香港、伦敦和北京都能接受的协议，"我准备向议会建议，整个香港的主权应该回归中国。

 

Having exhausted almost every available alternative and tested out every idea on her ministers and advisers, Mrs Thatcher was worn down. The meeting agreed to Cradock’s proposal. A letter was drafted swiftly in the Foreign Office and prepared for her to sign. The key sentence read, in part, that if an agreement acceptable to Hong Kong, London and Beijing was reached, ‘I would be prepared to recommend to Parliament that sovereignty over the whole of Hong Kong should revert to China.’

 

英国政府即使通过其最安全的通讯手段也没有冒险传送该文本。

柯利達爵士带着公文包里的信飞回了北京。

他不得不等了一个多星期才把信交给外交部副部长姚广。

两个人讨论了关键句子的精确中文翻译，以确保中国方面得到了信息。

他们收到了。

 

The British government did not risk transmitting the text even over its most secure communications. Cradock flew back to Beijing with the letter in his briefcase. He had to wait for more than a week before he could hand it over to Vice Foreign Minister Yao Guang. The two men discussed the precise Chinese translation of the key sentence to make sure the Chinese side had got the message. They had.

 

这是一个决定性的决定，也是英国统治一百四十多年后的一个关键性让步。

它使邓小平能够在帝国主义、民族主义或共产主义的爱国中国人失败的地方宣称成功。

共产党在廖承志等经验丰富的专家的帮助下，现在可以有耐心，而且在某种程度上，可以容忍。

 

This was the fateful decision, and it was the crucial concession after more than one hundred and forty years of British rule. It allowed Deng Xiaoping to claim success where patriotic Chinese of imperial, nationalist or Communist stripe had failed. The Communist Party, aided by the counsels of seasoned experts like Liao Chengzhi, could now afford to be patient and, to some extent, forbearing.

 

这并不意味着外交会很容易，中国也并不希望如此。

乔治-沃顿（George Walden）的回忆中可以找到当时的味道，他在香港接受过中文培训，被派往英国驻北京大使馆，担任过两位外交秘书的私人秘书，后来成为保守党国会议员和一名作家。

除了冰冷和辱骂之外，压力的主要形式可能是无聊，"他在谈到与中国官员打交道的岁月时写道，"超现实的乏味的正式声明被宣读出来，通常是用一种阴森的无表情的声音。

 

It did not mean that the diplomacy would be easy, and China did not mean it to be. A flavour of the times can be found in the recollections of George Walden, who trained in the Chinese language in Hong Kong, was posted to the British embassy in Beijing, served as private secretary to two foreign secretaries and later became a Conservative Member of Parliament and a writer. ‘Apart from iciness and abuse the main form of pressure can be boredom,’ he wrote of his years dealing with Chinese officials, ‘formal statements of surreal tedium are read out, normally in an eerily expressionless voice.

 

'因此，事情可以持续一小时又一小时，以无休止地点烟和偶尔在白瓷牙刷上溅出的痰液为点缀。

‘So things can continue hour after hour, punctuated by the endless lighting of cigarettes and the occasional splat of phlegm in a white china cuspidor.’

 

沃顿对外交官可以通过开玩笑或询问他们的家庭等习惯性方法与中国官员接触的想法一笑置之。

这个想法是，在下面，中国共产党人就像你和我一样。

他们不是。

他们是一种外来学说和比我们所经历的任何事情都要严酷的历史环境的令人不快的产物。

瓦尔登反映了那些像柯利達爵士一样，在文化大革命期间曾在中国服务的人的态度。

柯利達爵士本人回忆说，他观察到中国领导人华国锋和他的随行人员在访问英国时没有任何 "人际交往"。

 

Walden laughed off the notion that diplomats could engage with Chinese officials by the customary methods of making a joke or asking about their families. ‘The idea was that, underneath, Chinese communists are just like you and me. They are not. They are the unappetising product of an alien doctrine and of historical circumstances harsher than anything we have remotely experienced.’ Walden reflected the attitudes of those, like Cradock, who had served in China during the Cultural Revolution. Cradock himself recalled observing the absence of any ‘human contact’ between the Chinese leader Hua Guofeng and his entourage on a visit to Britain.

 

尽管英国在1950年正式承认了中华人民共和国，但在与中国政府高层打交道方面缺乏经验。

毛泽东从来没有访问过英国，在撒切尔之前，没有一个英国首相在任时去过中国。

所有的外国外交官都被隔离在他们在北京的大院里，成为他们经常不理解的抽搐的旁观者。

他们与东道国政府的交流仅限于乔治-瓦尔登所说的那种低级别的、仪式化的会议。

与此同时，英国在1967年后从苏伊士运河以东的基地撤军后，其在亚洲的影响力已经减弱。

它与中国没有什么战略往来。

美国才是主导力量。

 

Despite the fact that it had formally recognised the People’s Republic of China in 1950, Britain was short of experience in dealing with the Chinese government at high level. Mao had never visited Britain and, before Thatcher, no British prime minister had gone to China while in office. All foreign diplomats were isolated in their compounds in Beijing, spectators to convulsions they often did not understand. Their exchanges with the host government were confined to low-level, ritualised sessions of the kind evoked by George Walden. Meanwhile, Britain’s influence had waned in Asia after it drew down its forces from bases east of the Suez Canal after 1967. It had little strategic business to conduct with China. The United States was the dominant power.

 

英国的汉学家队伍懊恼地看着美国人革新了自己的外交，直接与毛泽东和周恩来谈判，在北京的最高层建立了联系并积累了丰富的经验。

在与中国进行了几个世纪的外交交往之后，现在是英国降服其骄傲的时候了，并向其最亲密的盟友寻求建议。

美国是英国唯一向其倾诉香港问题的政府。

即使是澳大利亚人，作为在殖民地进行电子窃听和情报收集的重要伙伴，也被排除在信息圈之外，这就是撒切尔夫人对保密的专注。

因此，当在华盛顿的英国官员获得了与中国人谈判的特权，这是 "特殊关系 "的对等回报，这些特权是在美中两国十多年的会谈中收集的，从亨利-基辛格主持的早期和睦关系到理查德-尼克松总统1972年的访问以及后来关于外交关系、台湾和国际安全的协议。

美国人认为，中国官员的成熟度已经提高，从背诵口号到掌握议程。

 

Britain’s corps of Sinologists had watched with chagrin as the Americans revolutionised their own diplomacy, negotiated directly with Mao and with Zhou Enlai, built up access at the highest levels in Beijing and accumulated a wealth of experience. It was time for Britain to subdue its pride after centuries of diplomatic intercourse with China and to call on its closest ally for advice. The United States was the only government that it had confided in about Hong Kong. Even the Australians, vital partners in electronic eavesdropping and intelligence gathering in the colony, were cut out of the information loop, such was Mrs Thatcher’s preoccupation with secrecy. It was therefore a reciprocal payoff for the ‘special relationship’ when British officials in Washington were given a privileged insight into negotiating with the Chinese, gleaned during more than a decade of talks between the US and China, from the early rapprochement conducted by Henry Kissinger to President Richard Nixon’s visit in 1972 and later agreements on diplomatic relations, Taiwan and international security. The Americans felt that Chinese officials had advanced in sophistication and had moved on from the recitation of slogans to mastery of the agenda.

 

美国国务院题为 "中国的谈判风格 "的秘密文件是在英国官员与美国负责亚洲事务的助理国务卿约翰-霍尔德里奇及其继任者保罗-沃尔福威茨的一次会议上交出的。

英国将这份评估报告视为基于事实和高层双边会谈经验的宝贵指南。

它的许多意见今天仍然有效，任何准备与中国谈判的企业高管或外交官都可以学习，无论是在会议室还是在世界贸易组织（WTO）的会议厅，都是有益的。

英国人在阅读这份文件时，很可能已经意识到他们在香港问题上已经被耍得团团转。

 

The secret US State Department document entitled ‘China’s negotiating style’ was handed over at a meeting between British officials and John Holdridge, the US Assistant Secretary of State for Asian affairs, and his successor, Paul Wolfowitz. The assessment was treated by Britain as a valuable guide, based on facts and experience of high-level bilateral talks. Many of its observations remain valid today and could be profitably studied by any business executive or diplomat preparing to negotiate with China, whether in a boardroom or a conference chamber at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The British may well have read it with rueful recognition at how well they had already been played over Hong Kong.

 

该文件承认，与中国的谈判 "可能是一种令人恼火的折磨"，但指出 "坚韧不拔的精神往往能得到回报"。

它说，尽管中国政府最初的立场往往是极端的，但其最终目标很少是不现实的。

对中国人来说，大部分的讨价还价过程不是寻求妥协，而是评估对方的决心和寻找弱点的机会，"它指出。

他们的方法是坚守一个开放性的立场，同时想方设法'引出对方，软化对方，迫使对方做出让步'。

 

The document conceded that negotiating with China ‘can be an exasperating ordeal’ but noted that ‘tenacity often pays off’. It said that although Beijing’s original positions often were extreme, its ultimate objectives were seldom unrealistic. ‘To the Chinese much of the bargaining process is not a search for compromise, but an opportunity to assess the resolve of the opposite side and to search for weak points,’ it noted. Their method was to hold firm to an opening position while finding ways ‘to draw out, soften up and extract concessions from the other side’.

 

中国的谈判代表通常会制定一个'原则性的立场'，而把实施这些'原则'的实际步骤放在次要的位置。

他们的目的是要树立一个毫不妥协的形象，并把打破僵局的责任放在对方身上，让对方做出让步。

然而，根据案例研究，这样的'原则'可能只是最初的讨价还价的立场，不应该被看作是不可谈判的。

文件说，中国人喜欢提醒外国人，他们是有耐心的人，这一特点是为了使他们的立场的坚定性更可信。

文件警告说，有时中国的谈判者会通过 "间歇性的友好和让步的暗示 "来掩饰他们自己的僵硬，并探测对手的灵活性，但这些不应该被视为表面价值。

他们会抓住那些可以被解释为质疑对方诚意的事件或言论，"经常使用辱骂性的语言"，并喜欢冒充受害方，以便让对手做出让步，以此来显示他们的良好意愿。

被派往会议桌前的官员很少有自己的重要权力，而作为'个人'提出的想法则得到高层的授权。

谈判者应该小心讨价还价，因为对中国的任何让步都会被贬低为小事，同时也不能保证中国的口头或书面让步 "不会被部分收回或被以后的新困难所束缚"。

 

Chinese negotiators usually laid down a ‘principled position’ while relegating to secondary importance the practical steps by which these ‘principles’ were to be implemented. ‘Their objective is to project an image of uncompromising resolve and place the onus on the opposite side to come forward with concessions that will break the impasse.’ However, such ‘principles’ might be little more than initial bargaining positions, according to case studies, and should not be seen as non-negotiable. The Chinese liked to remind foreigners that they were patient people, the document said, a characteristic meant to lend credibility to the firmness of their position. It warned that sometimes Chinese negotiators would camouflage their own rigidity and probe their opponent’s flexibility by ‘intermittent cordiality and hints of concession’, but these should not be taken at face value. They would seize on events or remarks that could be interpreted to call into question the good faith of the other side ‘often in abusive language’, and liked to pose as the aggrieved party in order to get their opponents to make concessions as a way to show their good intentions. Officials sent to the conference table seldom had any significant authority of their own, and ideas put forward as ‘personal’ were authorised at high level. Negotiators should beware of bargaining, because any concession to China would be belittled as minor, while there was no guarantee that verbal or written concessions by China ‘will not be partially retracted or encumbered by new difficulties at a later point’.

 

如果这一切听起来并不乐观，那么这份文件确实提供了一些安慰和有用的战术建议。

文件认为，典型的情况是，中方在会谈后期才开始做出重大让步。

中国人认为第11个小时很关键，中国的最终让步往往在这个时候出现......有时在对方预定离开前几个小时才出现。

谈判者可以预期中方会做出最后的努力来争取让步，但实际上，到了最后，中国官员才有政治权力来解决桌上的最佳交易。

痴迷于保密的英国政府也得到了安慰，因为 "中国人也经常表现出愿意接受秘密的侧面协议作为规避分歧的手段"，尽管它警告说这种声明有时只是口头的。

 

If all this sounded unpromising, the document did have some comfort and useful tactical advice to offer. Typically, the Chinese side only began to make significant concessions late in the talks, the document argued. ‘The Chinese view the 11th hour as critical, final Chinese concessions often come at this point … sometimes only hours before the scheduled departure of the other side.’ Negotiators could expect a last-ditch effort by the Chinese side to exact concessions, but in practice it was at the end of the day that Chinese officials had the political authority to settle for the best deal on the table. There was reassurance, too, for the secrecy-obsessed British government, in that ‘the Chinese have also frequently shown a willingness to go along with secret side agreements as a means of circumventing differences’, although it cautioned that such declarations were sometimes only oral.

 

在香港问题上，美国评估中的一段话将被证明是非常有价值的。

如果中国人看到有足够强大的政治需要来达成最终协议......他们往往愿意接受模棱两可的语言，可以用不同的细微差别来解释，如上海公报。

 

In the case of Hong Kong, one paragraph in the US assessment would prove invaluable. ‘If the Chinese see a strong enough political imperative to reach final agreement … they are often willing to accept ambiguous language that can be interpreted with different nuances as in the Shanghai communiqué.’

 

最后，该文件提醒读者，中国的底线是由最高领导人根据他们对中国利益的看法、失败的代价和国内的政治影响来确定。

邓小平在与日本和美国的谈判中，最后一分钟的干预挽救了协议，"它说。

 

Finally, the document reminded its readers that the bottom line for China was set by its supreme leaders in line with their view of China’s interests, the costs of failure and the political effects at home. ‘Last minute interventions by Deng Xiaoping in negotiations with both Japan and the US have salvaged agreements,’ it said.

 

几乎所有这些观点都在中国和英国关于香港的谈判中得到了证实。

在后来中国争取加入世贸组织、与美国进行贸易谈判以及与香港的异议人士进行斗争的过程中，这些意见仍然有效。

 

Almost every one of these observations was to be vindicated in the talks between China and Britain over Hong Kong. They would remain valid in later years during China’s bid to join the WTO, its trade talks with the United States and its battle against dissent in Hong Kong.

 

在哲学层面上，撒切尔夫人征求了亨利-基辛格的意见，他来到唐宁街10号吃晚饭。

他认为，中国人有时会发出一些微妙的信号，这些信号对西方人的粗俗思维来说太过精致。

基辛格认为，在任何一次访问中，任何级别的中国人对他说的每句话都是 "一个复杂的设计的一部分"。

带着这些令人不安的洞察力，英国的外交官们前往北京的谈判厅。

 

On a philosophical level, Mrs Thatcher sought the advice of Henry Kissinger, who came to dinner at 10 Downing Street. He believed that the Chinese sometimes sent subtle signals which were too refined for the crude occidental mind. Kissinger felt that everything said to him by any Chinese of any rank during any visit ‘was part of an intricate design’. Armed with these troubling insights, Britain’s diplomats headed for the negotiating chamber in Beijing.

 

在中国方面，邓小平开始移动他的棋子。

在1983年的春节，他遇到了一个叫许家屯的有前途的官员。

许家屯是上海北部沿海省份江苏的党委书记，他是一个经济自由主义者，推动了市场改革并了解国际贸易。

他成功地将江苏的省国民生产总值提高了一倍。

该省在农业和工业生产方面是一个领导者。

共产党领袖、总书记胡耀邦也对许家屯印象深刻。

中国需要一个聪明的、思想开放的人，能够评估公众舆论并帮助其形成。

他们决定派他去香港。

 

On the Chinese side, Deng began to move his chess pieces. At the spring festival in 1983 he met a promising official named Xu Jiatun. The party chief in Jiangsu, the coastal province north of Shanghai, Xu was an economic liberal who had pushed ahead with market reforms and knew about international trade. He had succeeded in doubling the provincial GNP of Jiangsu. The province was a leader in agricultural and industrial production. The head of the Communist Party, general secretary Hu Yaobang, was also impressed with Xu. China needed somebody smart and open-minded who could assess public opinion and help to shape it. They decided to send him to Hong Kong.

 

就在许家屯开始在北京举行一轮会议为他的新任务做准备时，一个打击降临了。

1983年6月10日凌晨，廖承志因心脏病发作在首都的一家医院去世，终年74岁。

廖承志一生吸烟，喜欢吃油腻的猪肚和充满脂肪的火锅，三年前在美国斯坦福大学医疗中心接受了冠状动脉搭桥手术。

他的死亡恰好发生在他即将成为中国副主席的时候，这个角色将使他处于一个杰出的位置，为香港提供智慧和建议。

 

Just as Xu began a round of meetings in Beijing to prepare for his new assignment, a blow fell. In the early hours of 10 June 1983, Liao Chengzhi died of a heart attack at the age of seventy-four in a hospital in the capital. A lifetime smoker who had enjoyed his share of greasy pork belly and hotpots seething with fat-laden juices, Liao had undergone a coronary bypass three years earlier at Stanford University Medical Centre in the United States. His death came just as he was about to become a vice president of China, a role that would have put him in an eminent position to provide wisdom and counsel on Hong Kong.

 

廖承志的去世仍然是此后几年中国政策中无法量化的问题之一。

虽然他是一个虔诚的共产党人，一个长期的秘密行动者和一个爱国者，但他精通中国南方政治的微妙之处，并在几十年中获得了对香港的百科全书式的知识。

政治顾问和后来的总督卫奕信称他为 "一个令人惊讶的人"。

现在他的经验永远消失了。

 

The loss of Liao Chengzhi remains one of the unquantifiable questions about Chinese policy in the years that followed. While he was a dedicated Communist, a long-time covert operative and a patriot, he was skilled in the subtlety of southern Chinese politics and had acquired an encyclopaedic knowledge of Hong Kong over many decades. David Wilson, the political adviser and later governor, called him ‘an astonishing man’. Now his experience was gone for ever.

 

邓小平迅速采取行动，让总理赵紫阳和相对保守的党内老人李先念全面控制香港事务。

许家屯被派往殖民地，曾与英国人打过交道的前外交部长姬鹏飞在北京负责日常事务。

没有时间可以浪费了。

 

Deng swiftly moved to put Zhao Ziyang, the premier, and Li Xiannian, a relatively conservative party elder, in overall control of Hong Kong affairs. Xu was dispatched to the colony and a former foreign minister, Ji Pengfei, who had dealt with the British, took day-to-day charge in Beijing. There was no time to lose.

 

到达香港后，许家屯发现，当地的党组织已经疲惫不堪，思想上懒惰，容易出现空洞的口号。

干部们很容易根据提示批评英国殖民主义，并收取适当的补贴，因为他们知道他们永远不必将马克思主义理论付诸实践。

同时，他们向中央政府提供的乐观和误导性的报告，描绘了一幅热情的人民，在殖民主义的枷锁下不安，渴望与祖国统一的画面。

一些商人向党的领导层保证，人民是忠于他们的，而事实上，香港的许多人已经逃离了共产主义中国，许多商业王朝还记得1949年新政权没收他们的资产之前的虚假承诺，这种印象得到了加强。

正如叛变的大亨胡應湘在私下里告诉撒切尔夫人的那样，其记录是 "可怕的"。

 

On his arrival in Hong Kong, Xu discovered that the local party organisation was tired, ideologically lazy and prone to empty sloganising. It had been easy for the cadres to criticise British colonialism on cue and to collect the appropriate subsidies, safe in the knowledge that they would never have to put Marxist theory into practice. At the same time, the diet of optimistic and misleading reports they had fed to the central government painted a picture of an ardent people, restless under the yoke of colonialism and yearning to reunite with the motherland. This impression was reinforced by a coterie of businessmen who assured the party leadership that the population was loyal to them, when in fact many people in Hong Kong had fled from Communist China and many of its business dynasties remembered the false promises of 1949 before the new regime confiscated their assets. As the turncoat tycoon Gordon Wu had told Mrs Thatcher in private, its track record was ‘terrible’.

 

共产党人面临的现实是，他们必须为政府做准备；对于一个地下运作、没有合法存在、躲在新华社门面背后的政党来说，这不是一件容易的事。

作为一个热情洋溢的政治家，许家屯从竹帘后面走了出来。

他到学校、企业、公共屋村、体育场馆和老年人活动中心，向当地人传播善意的安抚，并倾听他们的意见。

在许的权力基地江苏省，通用语言与香港的粤语不同，但他确保招募更多的当地人加入新华社局，该局的规模翻了两番。

 

The Communists faced the reality that they must prepare for government; no easy task for a party that operated underground, had no legal presence and hid behind the façade of the New China News Agency. A gregarious politician, Xu stepped out from behind the bamboo curtain. He went to schools, businesses, public housing estates, sports meetings and social centres for the elderly, spreading benign reassurance and listening to local people. In Xu’s power base, Jiangsu province, the common language differed from the Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong, but he made sure to recruit more local people to the NCNA bureau, which quadrupled in size.

 

新的副手李楚文加强了语气的变化，他的背景对党的干部来说是不寻常的。

他出生于浙江省，在战前的国际大都市上海接受教育，后来在日内瓦工作，并在耶鲁大学攻读神学研究生学位，回来后在上海的一个新教教堂担任牧师。

他被委托在基督徒中开展 "统战工作"，在接触梵蒂冈方面发挥了默默无闻的作用，并在香港与以色列官员举行了秘密会议，当时两国还没有外交关系。

在他们之间，许家屯和李楚文改变了中国在香港的行动议程。

 

The change in tone was reinforced by a new deputy, Li Chuwen, whose background was unusual for a party cadre. Born in Zhejiang province and educated in cosmopolitan pre-war Shanghai, Li later worked in Geneva and did a postgraduate degree in theology at Yale University, returning to serve as a pastor at a Protestant church in Shanghai. He was entrusted with ‘united front work’ among Christians, played a quiet role in reaching out to the Vatican and held secret meetings in Hong Kong with Israeli officials at a time when the two states did not have diplomatic relations. Between them, Xu Jiatun and Li Chuwen changed the agenda for Chinese operations in the city.

 

许家屯第一次向北京宣传了 "爱国 "商人的利益，并为富豪和共产党人之间的联盟奠定了基础，这种联盟将塑造后殖民主义秩序。

他的讲真话和机会主义的现实主义并没有得到政治局中传统主义者的认同，也没有使邓小平改变他的计划。

李先念认为解决方案是更多的宣传和 "统战 "工作，而许多人不赞成与资本家结盟。

但实际上，中国的政治机器调整了战术，以赢得地方舆论，并在移交前培训人们进入企业和行政部门。

按照毛泽东的标准，这是一场晚宴式的革命。

 

For the first time, Xu promoted the interests of ‘patriotic’ businessmen to Beijing and laid the foundations of the alliance between tycoons and Communists that would shape the post-colonial order. His truth-telling and opportunistic realism did not go down well with traditionalists in the Politburo and did not make Deng change his plans. Li Xiannian thought the solution was more propaganda and ‘united front’ work, while many disapproved of making alliances with capitalists. But in practice, the Chinese political machine adjusted its tactics to win over local opinion and to train people to move into business and administration ahead of the handover. By Maoist standards it was a dinner party revolution.

 

5.一个联合声明

5.A Joint Declaration

 

 

中英谈判于1983年7月12日在北京开始，进行了二十二轮谈判中的第一轮。

起初，香港公众对这一谈判产生了浓厚的兴趣，但随着中年男子隔着一张绿色牛皮纸桌子相互对峙的相同场景一次又一次地重演，这种新鲜感逐渐减弱。

最初的交流是没有结果的。

中国提出了其 "解决香港问题的十二项原则"，其中阐明了一国两制的概念。

英国坚持其观点，认为英国的管理必须继续。

僵局不可能持续，因为邓小平规定在1984年10月1日的最后期限内达成协议。

如果没有达成协议，中国将强加自己的解决方案。

9月10日，爱德华-希思再一次听到邓小平的声明，英国人必须让步：他们的管理不能在中国的旗帜下继续，因为他不允许这样。

 

The Sino-British negotiations began on 12 July 1983 in Beijing with the first of twenty-two rounds of talks. At first the Hong Kong public took an intense interest, but as the same scenes of middle-aged men facing each other across a green baize table were replayed time after time, the novelty waned. The initial exchanges were sterile. China presented its ‘twelve principles to resolve the issue of Hong Kong’ which spelt out the concept of one country, two systems. Britain held to its view that British administration must continue. The impasse could not last because Deng Xiaoping had imposed a deadline of 1 October 1984 to reach agreement. If no deal was struck, China would impose its own solution. Once again, Edward Heath materialised to hear a declaration from Deng on 10 September that the British had to give in: their administration could not continue under the Chinese flag because he would not permit it.

 

在没有公开信息的情况下，谣言四起，金融市场变得动荡不安。

在夏季炎热的台风月里，随着资本流出殖民地，港币走软。

成千上万的家庭在温哥华、悉尼和世界上其他华侨聚集的地方购买房产。

正如撒切尔夫人所警告的那样，资金正在投票反对中国，即使其所有者不能。

9月，出现了全面的货币危机。

最后，在10月17日，港币与美元 "挂钩"，汇率为1美元兑7.8港元。

 

In the absence of public information, rumours blossomed and the financial markets turned volatile. Over the hot typhoon months of the summer, the Hong Kong dollar weakened as capital flowed out of the colony. Thousands of families bought properties in Vancouver, Sydney and other places around the world where the Chinese diaspora congregated. As Mrs Thatcher had warned, money was voting against China even if its owners could not. In September there was a full-scale currency crisis. Finally, on 17 October the Hong Kong dollar was ‘pegged’ to the US dollar at a rate of HK$7.80 to the greenback.

 

根据周南和其他中国高级官员的回忆录，经济动荡说服了邓小平和元老们，英国人在阴谋破坏中国。

在不了解资本主义经济运作的情况下，他们真的相信英国政府可以操纵外汇市场。

'这就是所谓的九月风暴，'一位党史专家观察到，'香港各行各业和所有舆论界的人都强烈批评英国打 "经济牌 "的企图，结果以失败告终。

一些中国领导人也相信，英国计划将成堆的金条运走，据党内传说，这些金条存放在礼宾府下面的金库里。

对英国在离开香港之前会掠夺香港的深刻怀疑，在党内高层一直持续到回归。

1983年秋天，这种怀疑加强了邓小平和他的同伙们结束中国方面所谓的 "历史遗留问题 "的决心。

 

According to the memoirs of Zhou Nan and other senior Chinese officials, the economic turbulence persuaded Deng and the elders that the British were conspiring to undermine China. Uninformed about the workings of a capitalist economy, they genuinely believed that the British government could manipulate the foreign exchange market. ‘It was called the September storm,’ a party history observed, ‘people in all walks of life and all circles of public opinion in Hong Kong strongly criticised the British attempt to play the “economic card” and it ended in failure.’ Some Chinese leaders were also convinced that Britain planned to make off with the stacks of gold bullion which, so party lore had it, were stored in vaults beneath Government House. A deep suspicion that Britain would plunder Hong Kong before it left would persist in high party circles until the handover. In the autumn of 1983 it strengthened Deng and his cohorts in their determination to end what the Chinese side called ‘a problem left over from history’.

 

随着无结果的谈话取代了无结果的交流，英国方面做出了第二个重大让步。

在必要的外交掩饰下，英国将放弃在1997年后在香港管理或行使权力的任何要求。

这就是投降；正如讽刺的那样，它始于欧盟委员会主席、卢森堡的加斯顿-托恩在11月初对邓小平的一次拜访。

 

As fruitless talk succeeded sterile exchange, there was a second significant concession on the British side. Cloaked in the necessary diplomatic obfuscation, Britain would give up any claim to administer or exercise authority in Hong Kong after 1997. It was surrender; and it began, as irony would have it, with a call on Deng Xiaoping by the president of the European Commission, Gaston Thorn of Luxembourg, in early November.

 

邓小平 "一再坚持 "提出了香港问题，并抨击撒切尔夫人，而欧洲特使则绞尽脑汁，申辩说英国只是众多成员国之一。

邓小平说，英国总理坚持 "不平等条约"，英国政府不可能继续下去，因为 "这相当于继续他们的殖民统治，这当然不行"。

邓小平认为他们最希望的是保留一些警察和公务员。

他建议新解放的津巴布韦是一个合适的例子，中国的朋友罗伯特-穆加贝已经在那里上台。

 

Deng ‘repeatedly and insistently’ raised the problem of Hong Kong and tore into Mrs Thatcher, while the European envoy wrung his hands, pleading that the UK was just one of many member states. Deng said the British premier was clinging to ‘unequal treaties’, that there was no way British administration could go on because ‘this amounted to continuation of their colonial rule, which of course would not do’. Deng thought the most they could hope for was to keep on a few police officers and civil servants. He suggested that the newly liberated Zimbabwe, where China’s friend Robert Mugabe had taken power, was a suitable example.

 

索恩匆忙地将这番话传给了英国大使馆，在那里，惊慌失措的柯利達爵士向伦敦电报了一份摘要，以及他的解释，即在第六轮会谈中让步的时候到了。

他建议部长们承认 "1997年后的香港和英国之间没有权力联系"，并补充说含糊不清的时间已经过去了，英国交出权力 "需要明确"。

令伦敦的官员们感到惊讶和失望的是，这引发了英国女王的驻华大使柯利達爵士和她的香港总督尤德爵士之间的争论。

 

Thorn hastily passed on the tirade to the British embassy, where an alarmed Cradock telegraphed a summary to London along with his interpretation that the time had come to cave in at the sixth round of talks. He advised ministers to concede that there would be ‘no link of authority between post-1997 Hong Kong and the UK’, adding that the time for ambiguity had run out and the British surrender of authority ‘needs to be made explicit’. To the surprise and dismay of officials in London this set off a dispute between Her Majesty’s ambassador to China, Cradock, and her Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Edward Youde.

 

尤德反驳说，他在香港的行政委员会会因为这样的投降而士气低落，认为 "这将过早地放弃太多东西"。

这位总督预见到，随着英国的精英支持者放弃他们的职位和中国人加强他们的优势，英国的权威将在1997年之前逐渐消失。

他说："毫无疑问，在游戏开始之前，我们应该被邀请放弃与英国的其他联系。

我认为我们不应该让中国人把我们推向进一步的让步。

柯利達爵士在一天后激烈地回应说，'如果我们不接受这一点，我们所追求的路线从一开始就注定要失败'。

 

Youde countered with a message saying that his Executive Council in Hong Kong would be demoralised by such a capitulation, arguing that ‘it would give away too much too soon’. The governor foresaw British authority ebbing away before 1997 as its elite supporters abandoned their posts and the Chinese pressed their advantage. ‘We should no doubt be invited to renounce other British links before the game has started,’ he said. ‘I do not think we should let the Chinese push us into further concessions.’ Cradock drily responded a day later that ‘if we do not accept this, the course we are pursuing is doomed from the start.’

 

在幕后，安抚的压力越来越大。

外交大臣杰弗里-豪（Geoffrey Howe）要求皇家海军取消曾在福克兰群岛舰队中航行的无敌号航空母舰对香港的访问，并 "降低 "其他军舰停港的能见度。

 

Behind the scenes, the pressure for appeasement was growing. The foreign secretary, Geoffrey Howe, asked the Royal Navy to call off a visit to Hong Kong by HMS Invincible, an aircraft carrier that had sailed in the Falklands fleet, and to ‘reduce the visibility’ of port calls by other warships.

 

经过长时间的电报交流，柯利達爵士向副外长姚广转达了新的线路。

他把所有的精力都用在了与姚廣建立关系上。

有一天晚上，两个人在晚餐时谈了四个半小时。

对于英国的让步，他能从姚廣那里得到的最好的回应是典型的外交部语言，大意是姚廣感谢英国的 "努力"，好像他的对话者是一个正在尽力遵守的学生。

尽管如此，行动还是完成了。

双方开始讨论细节问题，紧张局势得到缓解。

 

After a lengthy exchange of telegrams, Cradock conveyed the new line to the vice foreign minister, Yao Guang. He had dedicated all his effort to building up a relationship with Yao. On one evening the two men had talked over dinner for four and a half hours. The best he could get out of Yao in response to the British concession was classic Ministry of Foreign Affairs language to the effect that Yao appreciated British ‘efforts’, as if his interlocutor was a pupil doing their best to comply. None the less the deed was done. The two sides moved ahead to discuss detail and the tension was defused.

 

1983年底，珀西-柯利達爵士爵士离开了驻中国大使的职位，成为唐宁街撒切尔夫人身边的首席外交政策顾问。

接替他的是理查德-埃文斯爵士，他是一位尽职尽责的外交部汉学家，在毛泽东时代曾在北京做过两次考察。

从他的新视角来看，柯利達爵士不失时机地将香港视为西方、苏联集团和中国之间的大国政治中的一颗棋子。

他在1月27日给首相的外交政策 "初衷 "备忘录中写道："除了香港，中国并没有威胁到我们的利益，'事实上，鉴于中苏关系的状况，她给英国和西欧带来了巨大的战略利益。

 

At the end of 1983 Sir Percy Cradock left his job as ambassador to China to become principal foreign policy adviser at Mrs Thatcher’s side in Downing Street. He was succeeded by Sir Richard Evans, a dutiful Foreign Office Sinologist who had done two tours in Beijing during the Mao era. From his new vantage point Cradock lost no time in casting Hong Kong as a mere chess piece in the great power politics between the West, the Soviet bloc and China. ‘Hong Kong apart, China does not threaten our interests,’ he wrote in a ‘first thoughts’ memo on foreign policy for the prime minister on 27 January, ‘in fact, given the state of Sino-Soviet relations, she confers great strategic benefits on the UK and western Europe.’

 

会谈再次开始，以新的强度来理顺英国如何移交权力的无数细节。

 

The talks began again with renewed intensity to iron out the myriad details of how Britain would hand over power.

 

当然，这些都不为香港人所知，香港人的忧虑继续增加。

1984年1月，殖民地发生了近十七年来最严重的骚乱，此前有一次为期两天的出租车罢工，抗议交通部长艾伦-斯科特（英国侨民）大幅提高车辆税的提议。

出租车司机在九龙的封锁行动演变成了与警察的冲突，三合会帮派分子趁机闯入商店，抢劫和纵火一直持续到凌晨。

有34人受伤，150人被捕。

据媒体报道，一些骚乱者被听到用中国大陆的口音说话。

但新华社发表了一份声明，与争端保持距离，并呼吁冷静。

殖民当局匆忙退让。

None of this, of course, was known to the people of Hong Kong, where anxiety continued to mount. In January 1984 the colony was shaken by its most serious riots for almost seventeen years after a two-day taxi strike in protest against a proposal by the transport secretary, Alan Scott, a British expatriate, to raise vehicle tax drastically. A blockade by cab drivers in Kowloon degenerated into running clashes with the police, Triad gangsters swooped on the opportunity to break into shops, and looting and arson continued into the early hours. Thirty-four people were injured and 150 were arrested. According to the media, some rioters were heard speaking in the accents of mainland China. But the NCNA issued a statement distancing itself from the dispute and calling for calm. The colonial authorities hastily backed down.

 

正是在这种充斥着怀疑和背叛言论的激烈气氛中，香港最古老的英国贸易公司之一怡和集团于3月28日宣布，它将改组为一家在英国统治的避税天堂百慕大注册的控股公司。

亲共产主义的媒体正确地指出，怡和集团的根基在于鸦片贸易。

到了20世纪80年代，它的利益横跨金融、建筑、地产、航运、零售和能源。

迁往百慕大是对香港作为商业中心地位的一个打击。

 

It was in this febrile atmosphere, rife with talk of suspicion and betrayal, that Jardine Matheson, one of the oldest British trading firms in Hong Kong, announced on 28 March that it was to reorganise itself as a holding company registered in the British-ruled tax haven of Bermuda. The pro-Communist press observed, correctly, that Jardine’s roots lay in the opium trade. By the 1980s its interests sprawled across finance, construction, property, shipping, retailing and energy. The move to Bermuda was a blow to Hong Kong’s position as a commercial centre.

 

其主席Simon Keswick坚持说这是一个 "谨慎 "的决定，并没有减少怡和对香港的承诺，也没有减少其向中国扩张的计划。

然而，他的一位董事Raymond Moore告诉媒体，"香港是一个不确定的法律管辖区，不确定性是商业的敌人。

这一宣布震惊了金融市场，当地股票遭到抛售。

在香港的酒吧和俱乐部里，阴谋论者大行其道。

一些人将百慕大的举动与最近的董事会斗争联系起来，另一些人则认为是外交部的手。

在北京，人们普遍认为这是一个政治举措，旨在通过证明撒切尔夫人声称的信心取决于英国政府的真实性来对中国施加压力。

无论真相如何，最终都没有什么区别。

 

Its chairman, Simon Keswick, insisted it was a ‘prudent’ decision which did not diminish Jardine’s commitment to Hong Kong or reduce its plans to expand into China. However one of his directors, Raymond Moore, told the media that ‘Hong Kong is an uncertain legal jurisdiction and uncertainty is the enemy of business.’ The announcement stunned financial markets and there was a sell-off of local stocks. In bars and clubs across Hong Kong, conspiracy theorists had a field day. Some linked the Bermuda move to a recent boardroom struggle, others detected the hand of the Foreign Office. In Beijing it was widely believed to be a political move designed to put pressure on China by demonstrating the truth of Mrs Thatcher’s claim that confidence depended on British administration. Whatever the truth of that, it made no difference in the end.

 

4月，执委会的 "非官方 "成员前往伦敦，直接与撒切尔夫人、柯利達爵士和高级部长们谈及他们日益增长的恐惧感。

他们的领导人，商人兼政治家钟士元爵士（S.Y. Chung）告诉她，他们 "对英国政府在谈判中迅速撤退的倾向和对中国立场的错误评估越来越担心"。

汇丰银行主席迈克尔-桑德伯格说，他们最初同意英国政府的观点，即 "一个糟糕的协议比没有协议更糟糕"，但这个概念 "被英国顾问迅速放弃了"。

当意识到他们的困境和没有解决方案时，"非官员"、柯利達爵士、豪和首相本人之间发生了不愉快的交流。

 

In April, the ‘unofficial’ members of Exco went to London to speak directly to Mrs Thatcher, Cradock and senior ministers about their growing trepidation. Their leader, the businessman-politician Sir Sze-yuen Chung (known as Sir S.Y. Chung), told her they were ‘increasingly worried by HMG’s tendency to retreat swiftly in negotiation and by the wrong assessments which had been made of the Chinese position’. Michael Sandberg, chairman of HSBC, said they had originally agreed with the British government that ‘a bad agreement was worse than no agreement’ but that this concept ‘had been rapidly abandoned by the British advisers’. There were unhappy exchanges between the ‘unofficials’, Cradock, Howe and the prime minister herself as the realisation of their predicament and the absence of a solution sank in.

 

杰弗里-豪飞往北京，从邓小平本人那里听到了中国的决心。

尽管 "友好而热情"，这位中国领导人谈到了他自己的担忧，即英国在离开香港之前可能会从香港抽走资本和资产。

他对怡和集团进行了严厉的批评，说有些人 "想把事情搞得一团糟"。

邓小平建议成立一个联合联络小组，关注1997年之前的发展，这个无伤大雅的建议被证明是一个激烈争论的根源。

据周南说，"邓小平害怕在这一时期出现混乱，认为有必要在香港设立一个中英联合组织。

邓小平向英国特使保证，香港在回归后将保持50年不变。

他确信可以达成一项协议。

这将被转化为《基本法》，作为香港的小型宪法。

 

Geoffrey Howe flew to Beijing to hear about China’s resolve from Deng himself. Although ‘friendly and ebullient’, the Chinese leader spoke of his own fears that Britain might drain capital and assets from Hong Kong before it left. He was scathing about Jardine Matheson, saying that some people ‘were trying to leave things in a mess’. Deng proposed to set up a Joint Liaison Group to keep an eye on developments in the years up to 1997, an innocuous suggestion that proved to be a source of bitter dispute. According to Zhou Nan, ‘Deng Xiaoping was afraid of chaos during this period and thought it necessary to have a Sino-British joint organisation in Hong Kong.’ Deng reassured the British envoy that Hong Kong would stay unchanged for fifty years after the handover. He was certain a deal could be made. It would be turned into a Basic Law to serve as a mini-constitution for Hong Kong.

 

在英国外交大臣看来，邓小平最令人不安的言论是，中国肯定会在1997年派人民解放军进入香港。

几乎令人难以置信的是，英国人似乎认为这只是一种遥远而极端的可能性。

几个月前，极端现实主义的柯利達爵士曾告诉副外长姚广，"在香港驻军的决定将被视为对香港自治的致命损害。

英国认为一支小型内部安全部队就可以了。

自那次交流后，包括总理赵紫阳和首席谈判代表周南在内的中国人士都坚持认为，解放军必须作为主权的象征进行部署。

当邓小平在他们谈话的最后几分钟提出这个问题时，外交部长不应该感到惊讶。

他说，"中国将向香港派遣一支小型武装部队......其性质将与目前的英国驻军相同。

豪 "表示失望"，但用英国大使理查德-埃文斯回忆这次谈话的电报的话说，邓小平 "试图扼杀任何讨论"，并说没有时间去讨论这个问题。

这个决定早已做出，从邓小平口中说出，是不可改变的。

 

Deng’s most troubling remark, as far as the British foreign secretary was concerned, was that China would definitely send the People’s Liberation Army into Hong Kong in 1997. Almost incredibly, the British appear to have regarded this as a remote and extreme possibility. A few months earlier, the ultra-realist Cradock had told vice foreign minister Yao that ‘a decision to station troops in Hong Kong would be seen as fatally impairing the autonomy of the territory.’ Britain thought a small internal security force would do. Since that exchange, Chinese figures including Zhao Ziyang, the premier, and Zhou Nan, the chief negotiator, had insisted that the PLA must deploy as a symbol of sovereignty. It should not have come as a surprise to the foreign secretary when Deng brought it up in the last few minutes of their talk. He said ‘China would send a small armed force to Hong Kong … its nature would be the same as the present British garrison.’ Howe ‘expressed his dismay’, but in the words of the telegram from the British ambassador, Richard Evans, recounting the conversation, Deng ‘tried to choke off any discussion’ and said there was no time to go into it. The decision had long been taken and, coming from Deng, was irrevocable.

 

看来，北京之行和他与邓小平的一小时相遇，使豪哥改变了自己的暗淡现实主义。

他来到香港，向行政委员会和立法会的 "非官方 "成员传达了这个坏消息。

这些人曾信任英国的外交手段，当他们听到英国在保持对香港的部分控制或管理方面的努力失败时，这是一个痛苦的时刻。

总督有一个不愉快的任务，那就是向伦敦报告他们对中国的 "深切不信任"，以及他们对持有二等英国护照的香港人的命运的 "极大焦虑"。

 

It seems that the trip to Beijing and his one-hour encounter with Deng converted Howe to a bleak realism of his own. He arrived in Hong Kong to give the bad news to the ‘unofficial’ members of the Executive Council and Legislative Council. These were the people who had put their trust in British diplomacy, and it was a bitter moment when they heard that Britain had failed in its bid to keep either partial control or administration over Hong Kong. The governor had the unhappy task of reporting to London their ‘deep mistrust’ of China and their ‘great deal of anxiety’ about the fate of Hong Kong people who held second-class British passports.

 

在一个由数百万香港人观看的记者招待会上，豪以他学习法律时在剑桥大学三一学院的中世纪法庭上吸收的低调方式，支持他的戏剧性宣布。

他对目瞪口呆的听众说："我现在要告诉你们的是，要想达成一项规定英国在1997年后继续管理香港的协议，是不现实的。

在记者的提问下，豪以律师宣读客户遗嘱的语气做出了保证。

在他心目中，避免公开情绪是绅士美德的体现。

他最接近的一次是在回答《每日邮报》记者约翰-迪基（John Dickie）的尖锐问题时，该报是一家崇拜撒切尔夫人的保守派报纸。

他说："出卖的概念，出卖的想法，是很不真实的，"。

 

At a press conference watched by millions of Hong Kong people whose future he held in his hands, Howe backed into his dramatic announcement with the understated manner he had absorbed in the medieval courts of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, while studying law. ‘It is right for me to tell you now that it would not be realistic to think in terms of an agreement that provides for continued British administration in Hong Kong after 1997,’ he told a stunned audience. Peppered with questions by reporters, Howe delivered reassurance in the tones of a solicitor reading out a client’s will. It was the embodiment of gentlemanly virtue in his mind to refrain from public emotion. The closest he came was in response to a barbed question from John Dickie, the correspondent of the Daily Mail, a conservative newspaper which adored Mrs Thatcher. ‘The concept of a sell out, the idea of a sell out, is quite untrue,’ he said.

 

在接下来的几个月里，谈判者在原则、细节和措辞上争论不休。

虽然大部分工作涉及公共行政的晦涩难懂和早已被遗忘的方面，但其中一些工作对中国统治下的香港生活至关重要。

在这里，柯利達爵士和豪在剑桥大学接受过法律培训，他证明了自己是副条款的大师。

对于所有针对首相顾问的批评，他在唐宁街的注视保证了理查德-埃文斯爵士和他的谈判代表不会被包抄。

 

Over the succeeding months the negotiators wrangled over principles, detail and wording. While much of the work dealt with obscure and long-forgotten aspects of public administration, some of it was crucial to the life of Hong Kong under Chinese rule. Here Cradock, who like Howe had trained in law at Cambridge University, proved himself a master of the sub-clause. For all the criticism directed at the prime minister’s adviser, his watchful eye in Downing Street provided a guarantee that Sir Richard Evans and his negotiators would not be outflanked.

 

在某些情况下，柯利達爵士的预知能力令人毛骨悚然。

5月28日，他被要求回答撒切尔夫人的询问，撒切尔夫人对逃离人民共和国的香港人遭到报复感到焦虑。

柯利達爵士指出，协议草案的一个附件规定，法律制度将继续存在。

他写道："这意味着在香港没有政治逮捕，试图将任何人从香港驱逐到中国大陆，需要像现在一样提交给裁判官和总督/首长。

柯利達爵士认为中国政府不太可能对离开中国的人采取行动，因为他们占人口的一半左右。

有人说协议中的保障措施没有什么价值；他不同意，但指出如果这些保障措施被证明没有价值，那么 "关于不报复的保证也就不再可靠了"。

这总结了民主国家和独裁国家之间谈判的困境。

这并不是说在北京眼中是 "爱国者 "的香港人在1997年后不会比其他人做得更好。

但是优待和迫害是不同的，'他总结说。

 

In some cases Cradock’s foresight was eerie. On 28 May he was required to answer a query from Mrs Thatcher, who was anxious about reprisals against people in Hong Kong who had fled the People’s Republic. Cradock pointed out that an annex to the draft agreement provided that the system of law would continue. ‘This means no political arrests in the territory and attempts to remove anyone from the territory to mainland China would require reference as now to a magistrate and the governor/head functionary,’ he wrote. Cradock thought it unlikely the Chinese government would or could act against those who had left China, since they made up about half the population. Some said the safeguards in the agreement were worth little; he did not agree, but pointed out that if they were to prove valueless then ‘assurances about no reprisals would be no more dependable’. It summed up the dilemma of negotiations between a democracy and a dictatorship. ‘This is not to say that people in Hong Kong who are “patriots” in Peking’s eyes will not do better after 1997 than others. But preferment is different from persecution,’ he concluded.

 

邓小平于6月23日在北京接见钟士元和 "无官一身轻 "时说明了这一点。

会议进行得并不顺利。

在镜头前，邓小平以 "冷淡的语气 "问候他们，向他们讲授爱国中国人的职责，并警告他们不要抱有 "殖民主义思想"。

钟士元爵士告诉英国人，在私下里，邓小平是 "相当友好的，但是严厉和不灵活的"。

外交部的一份说明说，邓小平的行为在香港造成了不好的印象，他被认为是 "一个不耐烦别人意见的脾气暴躁的老人"。

 

Deng Xiaoping illustrated this point when he received Sir S.Y. Chung and the ‘unofficials’ on 23 June in Beijing. It did not go well. In front of the cameras, Deng greeted them in a ‘cold and abrupt tone’, lectured them on the duties of patriotic Chinese and warned them against holding a ‘colonial mentality’. Sir S.Y. Chung told the British that in private Deng had been ‘reasonably friendly but stern and inflexible’. A note from the Foreign Office said Deng’s conduct had created a bad impression in Hong Kong, where he was seen as ‘a cantankerous old man impatient of other people’s opinion’.

 

邓小平在他的来访者提出任何实质性的观点之前就打断了他们的谈话，但这群人得到了较少的中国官员的友好接待，他们同情地听取了他们关于香港人应该参与起草《基本法》的论点。

在他的回忆录中，周南清楚地表明了这种陈述对中国方面来说是多么的不重要。

我告诉[英国人]你们所谓的 "民意 "实际上是 "官方意愿"，是 "英国的官方意愿 "而不是香港的 "民意"。

"民意 "或 "信心 "或 "经济 "起什么作用？它们都是徒劳的！'Deng cut off his visitors before they could make any substantial points but the group got a kinder reception from lesser Chinese officials, who listened with sympathy to their argument that Hong Kong people should participate in drafting the Basic Law. In his memoir, Zhou Nan made it clear how little such representations meant to the Chinese side. ‘I told [the British] your so-called “public opinion” is actually the “official will,” the “official will of the UK” not the “public opinion” of Hong Kong. What role do “public opinion” or “confidence” or “the economy” play? They are all futile!’

 

 

对埃文斯和柯利達爵士来说，在中国的英国团队在进入北京夏天的闷热环境中工作时，显然需要补充能量。

他们求助于大卫-卫奕信，他从香港回来后成为外交部处理亚洲事务的高级官员。

他被派去领导谈判。

 

It became clear to Evans and Cradock that the British team in China needed refreshment as it worked into the muggy heat of the Beijing summer. They turned to David Wilson, who had returned from Hong Kong to become a senior official dealing with Asia in the Foreign Office. He was sent out to lead the negotiations.

 

卫奕信回忆说："高级别的谈判已经进行了很长时间，他们已经确定了一些基本原则，但确实变得非常明显，时间已经不多了。

中国规定了达成协议的最后期限为当年10月1日；如果没有，他们将采取单边决定。

英国方面显然有争议--这是否意味着什么？珀西[柯利達爵士]非常认为，中国确实意味着它所说的东西，而且迫切需要把已经达成的协议详细写下来。

‘The senior level negotiations had gone on for a very long time, they had established sort of basic principles but it was becoming very apparent indeed that time was running out,’ Wilson recalled. ‘China had laid down a deadline of the first of October that year for reaching an agreement; if not, they would take unilateral decisions. There were obviously disputes on the British side – did that mean anything or did it not? Percy [Cradock] very much took the view that China did mean what it said and there was an urgent need to get on with writing down in detail what had been agreed.’

 

卫奕信发现双方之间存在着 "基本的差异"。

中国方面只希望写下绝对的最低限度--只是我们交出主权和一国两制的广泛原则。

这并没有让香港政府满意，它反映了殖民地内深深的不信任感，并寻求具有法律约束力的保证。

卫奕信说："香港政府方面说，绝对有必要把香港所有重要的事情都详细地写下来，其形式略相当于《大英百科全书》。

 

Wilson found ‘a basic fundamental difference’ between the two sides. ‘The Chinese side just wanted the absolute minimum written down – just the broad principles of us handing over sovereignty and one country two systems.’ This did not satisfy the Hong Kong government, which reflected the deep mistrust felt in the colony and sought legally binding assurances. ‘The Hong Kong government side said it was absolutely essential that all the things that matter in Hong Kong should be written down in detail in a form slightly equivalent to the Encyclopaedia Britannica,’ said Wilson.

 

撒切尔夫人永远警惕的目光也落在了英国谈判代表身上，他们必须调和保守党首相和共产党政府的相互不信任。

卫奕信发现，中国人会把每一句话都切开。

'我们又回到了怀疑的问题上。

他们会从措辞中读出我们提出了非常微妙的方法，试图将整个事情扭曲成对我们有利，而我们甚至没有想到。

 

The ever-vigilant eye of Mrs Thatcher also fell upon the British negotiators, who had to reconcile the mutual distrust of a Conservative prime minister and a Communist government. Wilson found that the Chinese would slice apart every sentence. ‘We get back to suspicions. They would read into wording that we had put forward very subtle ways in which we were trying to twist the whole thing for our advantage which had not even occurred to us.’

 

他的对手赵楠对当时的气氛有不同的记忆。

双方僵持不下。

他说："这反映在每轮会谈后发表的公报中。

'第一份公报称会谈是 "友好和建设性的"，第二份公报放弃了 "建设性 "一词，而改为 "有益的"，第三份公报只谈到 "进一步会谈"。

 

His opponent, Zhao Nan, remembered the mood differently. ‘The two sides were at loggerheads. This was reflected in the communiqué issued after each round of meetings,’ he said. ‘The first called the talks “friendly and constructive,” the second dropped the word “constructive” in favour of “useful” and the third spoke only of “further talks.”‘

 

甚至在会谈地点上也有争执，尽管卫奕信对了解中国人的思维方式的追求近乎于哲学探究，但他发现这是一节有用的筛米课。

中国的东道主将会谈安排在外交区的北京国际俱乐部。

这意味着卫奕信和他的团队每次进出都要面对香港记者团的围追堵截。

一个多月后，中国人满怀歉意地来找卫奕信，说他们应该全部搬到首都西部的钓鱼台国宾馆。

他们喃喃自语说，食物更好，安保更严，安排更安静。

 

There were even wrangles over the venue, although Wilson, whose quest to understand the Chinese way of thinking bordered on philosophical inquiry, found this a useful lesson in sifting the rice from the husk. The Chinese hosts had set up the talks at the Beijing International Club, which was in the diplomatic district. It meant that Wilson and his team had to run the gauntlet of the Hong Kong press corps every time they came in and out. After a month or so, the Chinese came to Wilson full of apologies to say that they should all move to the Diaoyutai state guesthouse in the west of the capital. They murmured about better food, tighter security, quieter arrangements.

 

卫奕信不同意。

俱乐部虽然有种种不利因素，但离英国大使馆很近，这使得电报的发送和阅读都很方便。

一位天才的汉学家罗宾-麦克拉伦（Robin McLaren）和柯利達爵士一样，都是剑桥大学圣约翰学院的学生，他来回奔走，管理着特殊的电报流量。

但是钓鱼台远在紫禁城的另一边。

卫奕信礼貌地说了声谢谢，但没有说谢谢。

尴尬随之而来。

原来，外交部没有与负责该俱乐部的有关机关协调，会议室的租约无法续签。

一旦这个事实变得明显，英国人知道最好不要让他们的主人丢脸。

 

Wilson demurred. The club, for all its disadvantages, was near the British embassy, which made it easy to send and read telegrams. A gifted Sinologist, Robin McLaren, like Cradock a product of St John’s College, Cambridge, dashed back and forth managing the exceptional flow of cable traffic. But the Diaoyutai was far away on the other side of the Forbidden City. Wilson politely said thanks, but no thanks. Embarrassment ensued. It turned out that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had failed to co-ordinate with the relevant organs in charge of the club and the lease on the conference room could not be renewed. Once this truth became apparent, the British knew better than to make their hosts lose face.

 

所有的谈判者都会寻求发现对手的底线。

但在卫奕信心中，关键是要发现中国人真正认为的问题是什么。

比方说，司法机构。

中国人会说："不，不，不，不，绝对不是，走开，再想想。

" 他们不会说问题出在哪里。

因此，我们会离开并再次思考，试图找出问题所在。

当你能找到问题所在时，通常就有可能找到处理问题的方法。

 

All negotiators seek to discover their opponent’s bottom line. But in Wilson’s mind, the key was to discover what the Chinese really thought the issue was. ‘Let’s say, the judiciary. The Chinese would say “No, no, no, no, absolutely not, go away and think again.” They wouldn’t say what was the problem. So we would go away and think again and try to work out what the problem was. And when you could get to what the problem was it was usually possible to find a way of dealing with it.’

 

从技术上讲，这些会谈是这个时代的一个奇迹。

协议的文本是用中文和英文谈判的。

英国人有高级的通讯设备，能够将中文文本用密码传送回伦敦，以便一夜之间审议。

第二天，当周南和他的官员还在处理手写的草案时，他们就可以产生一个汉字的打印版本。

一些好奇心和嫉妒心为此而兴奋，但这是一个重要的保险政策。

英文和中文文本都同样有效，但在香港阅读的是中文文本。

不能有任何差错。

 

Technically, the talks were a marvel of the age. The text of the agreement was negotiated both in Chinese and English. The British had high-grade communications capable of transmitting a Chinese text in cipher back to London for overnight consideration. The next day they could produce a printout version in Chinese characters while Zhou Nan and his officials were still working off handwritten drafts. Some curiosity and envy was excited by this, but it was an important insurance policy. Both the English and Chinese texts were equally valid, but it was the Chinese text that would be read in Hong Kong. There could be no mistake.

 

日复一日，卫奕信和他的对手们在措辞上争论不休。

他们就两国政府的宣言草案达成了协议，该草案被精简为八个段落，外加三个附件和两个备忘录。

最后的文本为中国赢得了主权和管理的主要目标。

为了换取这些丰厚的奖品，邓小平作出了一系列让步，允许香港在1997年后作为中国的一个特别行政区，拥有50年的权利和自由。

细节决定成败。

但到了7月下旬，很明显，一项协议已经在望。

 

Day by day, Wilson and his opponents fought over the wording. They forged agreement on a draft declaration by both governments, honed down to eight paragraphs plus three annexes and two memoranda. The final text won China its main objectives of sovereignty and administration. In exchange for these great prizes, Deng granted a list of concessions allowing Hong Kong to have its rights and freedoms for fifty years after 1997 as a Special Administrative Region of China. The devil would be in the details. But by late July it was clear that a deal was in sight.

 

在伦敦，Percy Cradock爵士终于摆脱了他的职业悲观主义。

我认为我们应该能够达成一个可以容忍的协议。

如果我们这样做了，我相信历史会判断我们坚持这样做是正确的，一旦最初的震惊过去，香港的反应可能会证明比目前的情况更好、更有弹性。

 

In London, Sir Percy Cradock for once shook off his professional pessimism. ‘I think we should just be able to reach a tolerable agreement. If we do, I am sure that history will judge we were right to persevere in this course and once the initial shock is over Hong Kong reaction may prove better and more resilient than seems the case at present.’

 

还有两个大的争论。

第一个是关于联合联络小组的问题。

第二是关于在中国统治下如何选择香港的领导人。

历史上的一个讽刺是，第一个问题被认为非常重要，几乎破坏了整个协议，现在已经被遗忘了，而第二个问题只涉及一个字的文字，却影响了香港的政治，直到现在。

 

Two big arguments remained. The first concerned the Joint Liaison Group. The second was over how the leader of Hong Kong would be chosen under Chinese rule. It is one of the ironies of history that the first was thought so important that it almost wrecked the entire agreement and has now been forgotten, while the second entailed just one word of text but has influenced the politics of Hong Kong ever since.

 

这个词就是 "选举"。

在谈判接近尾声时，在美国人认为最有可能看到大的要求或让步的阶段，双方就代议制政府进行了争论。

中方认为，英国人不应该决定如何选择特别行政区的领导人，但卫奕信坚持认为："我们正在敦促进行更多的选举，而中国人正在抵制这些选举。

周南根本不希望提到这个词。

最后一句话是：'行政长官将由中央人民政府根据当地选举或协商的结果任命。

 

That word was ‘elections’. Towards the end of the negotiations, at exactly the stage identified by the Americans as most likely to see big demands or concessions, the two sides were arguing about representative government. The Chinese side considered that it was no business of the British to determine how the leader of the Special Administrative Region was chosen, but Wilson persisted: ‘We were pressing for greater elections and the Chinese were resisting them.’ Zhou Nan did not want the word to be mentioned at all. The final sentence read: ‘The chief executive will be appointed by the Central People’s Government on the basis of the results of elections or consultations to be held locally.’

 

这句话的含义将被争论几十年。

但似乎无可争议的是，今天在香港争取民主的年轻运动者，因其技巧和坚持不懈的努力，欠下了卫奕信和他那群自谦的剑桥汉学家的债。

在他们中的许多人还没有出生的时候，它就给了他们一条生命线。

 

The meaning of this sentence would be argued over for decades. But it seems indisputable that today’s young campaigners for democracy in Hong Kong owe a debt to David Wilson and his group of self-effacing Cambridge Sinologists for their skill and persistence. It handed them a lifeline before many of them were even born.

 

相比之下，联合联络小组的声势浩大，可能会毁掉一切。

邓小平建议由中英官员组成的小组指导香港的回归工作，这在香港引起了极大的恐慌。

总督和他的行政委员会警告说，这将是一个特洛伊木马，中国将使它成为一个桥头堡，人们将把它视为一个替代政府，权力将从英国人手中流失，殖民地可能变得无法治理。

撒切尔夫人、豪和柯利達爵士仔细听取了他们的论点，但决定不允许会谈因此而破裂。

 

By contrast, the sound and fury over the Joint Liaison Group might have wrecked everything. Great alarm had been aroused in Hong Kong by Deng’s proposal that a group of British and Chinese officials should guide it through the handover. The governor and his Executive Council warned that it would be a Trojan Horse, that China would make it a bridgehead, people would see it as an alternative government, authority would ebb away from the British and the colony might become ungovernable. Mrs Thatcher, Howe and Cradock listened carefully to their arguments but decided they would not allow the talks to break down over it.

 

卫奕信和周南成功地缩小了他们的分歧，以至于双方都不得不将其提交给国家领导人来决定。

完成交易需要英国和中国做出让步，需要他们的领导人承担政治风险。

他们这样做的异同为两个系统的运作提供了一个迷人的例子。

 

Wilson and Zhou succeeded in narrowing their differences to the point where both sides had to refer it to their national leaders for a decision. Closing the deal required Britain and China to concede and for their leaders to take a political risk. The similarities and differences in how they did so offered a fascinating example of two systems at work.

 

我们现在从周南的回忆录中得知，中国人已经到了第11个小时。

他被传唤到赵紫阳位于领导大院的家中见他，发现他是一个忧虑的人。

我大声说，是时候给英国人一些 "面子 "了，让时间来解决这个问题，让联合联络组在一两年内不要进入香港。

总理考虑了一下这个答案，然后打电话给他的私人秘书，命令用一架专机把周南和外交部长吴学谦送到北戴河的海滨度假胜地，邓小平正在那里享受从首都的炎热和灰尘中出来的休息。

总理说："你是直接责任人，你要向小平报告，"。

 

We now know from Zhou Nan’s memoirs that the Chinese had reached the eleventh hour. He was summoned to see Zhao Ziyang at the premier’s home in the leadership compound and found him a worried man. ‘I spoke out and said it was time to give the British some “face” and let time take care of the problem by keeping the Joint Liaison Group out of Hong Kong for a year or two.’ The premier considered the answer, then called his private secretary to order a special plane to fly Zhou and foreign minister Wu Xueqian to the seaside resort of Beidahe, where Deng Xiaoping was enjoying a break from the heat and dust of the capital. ‘You’re directly responsible, you’re going to report to Xiaoping,’ the premier said.

 

第二天一早，两人在北戴河降落，并被护送到别墅，邓小平穿着衬衫袖子，正在打桥牌和与他的圈子聊天之间分配时间。

小平同志想了一下，然后说："我们当然要把[小组]搬到香港去，但我们不一定要马上这样做。

我们可以等待。

早两年或晚两年都无所谓。

你自己想办法吧。

" 带着邓小平的授权，两人飞回北京，等待英国人的到来。

 

The duo landed at Beidahe early the next day and were escorted to the villa where Deng, in shirtsleeves, was dividing his time between playing bridge and chatting to his circle. ‘Comrade Xiaoping thought about it a bit and then said “of course we have to move [the group] in to Hong Kong but we don’t have to do it straight away. We can wait. Two years earlier or later doesn’t matter. You work it out.”’ Armed with Deng’s authority, the two flew back to Beijing to await the British.

 

杰弗里-豪再一次飞往北京。

他由柯利達爵士陪同，与周南共进午餐。

在午餐桌上，周南透露中国人已经准备好了交易，两个人开始讨价还价。

从本质上讲，他们达成的妥协是，联合联络小组将设在香港，但不会马上去那里；其会议将在香港、北京和伦敦之间轮流举行。

它将忙于处理经济和行政事务，不参与政治。

这听起来很合理，但也有一个问题。

如果豪在这次访问北京期间不同意这个提议，那么这个交易就会被取消，"整个谈判就会失败"。

 

Once again Geoffrey Howe flew to Beijing. He was accompanied by Cradock, who lunched with Zhou Nan. Over the lunch table, Zhou revealed that the Chinese were ready to deal and the two men began to bargain. In essence, the compromise they struck was that the Joint Liaison Group would be based in Hong Kong but would not go there at once; its meetings would rotate between Hong Kong, Beijing and London. And it would busy itself with economic and administrative matters, staying out of politics. It sounded reasonable, but there was a catch. If Howe did not agree to the proposal during this visit to Beijing, the deal was off ‘and the negotiations as a whole would fail’.

 

柯利達爵士吃完午饭后冲刺回到他的外交秘书所在的宾馆。

为了避免偷听，英国人走到花园里，蜷缩在一棵树下。

再一次爆发了分歧。

柯利達爵士确信交易的时机已经到来，但作为香港总督的尤德则主张抵制中国的压力。

外交大臣对其进行了对冲。

他拜访了赵紫阳，并与外交部长交谈。

所有的人都传达了同一个坚定的信息：不能再拖延了，就这样吧。

豪还掌握了 "秘密材料"，预测中国领导人已经安排了一次会议来作出最后决定。

他给撒切尔夫人发了一封保留电报，警告她："因此，我们正面临着一个艰难的选择......我们一直认为，我们应该尽力争取，抵制中国对联合小组位置的压力......但这不是一个我们应该允许会谈破裂的问题。

他自己的观点是，他们可以接受周南的建议。

他最后说："这不是一个不得不做出的令人满意的决定，但我认为这是一个可取的做法。

 

Cradock sprinted back from his lunch to the guesthouse where his foreign secretary was staying. To avoid eavesdropping, the British went out into the garden and huddled under a tree. Once more a disagreement broke out. Cradock was sure that the moment had come to deal but Youde, as governor of Hong Kong, argued in favour of resisting Chinese pressure. The foreign secretary hedged his bets. He called on Zhao Ziyang and talked to the foreign minister. All delivered the same unbending message: no more delays, this was it. Howe was also in possession of ‘secret material’ forecasting that the Chinese leadership had scheduled a meeting to take final decisions. He sent a holding telegram to Mrs Thatcher warning her that ‘we are therefore facing a difficult choice … we have always taken the view that we should fight on as hard as we can to resist Chinese pressure on location of the joint group … but this is not an issue on which we should allow the talks to break down.’ His own view was that they could live with Zhou Nan’s proposals. ‘This is not an agreeable decision to have to take but I see it as the preferable course,’ he concluded.

 

在伦敦，撒切尔夫人授权他继续谈话。

他们之间的电报往来表明，她对她的谈判代表施加了最大的压力，铭记着她将数百万英国国民交给共产党政府的道德责任。

虽然是用政治家的冷酷散文来表达，但也不失为一种感动。

 

In London, Mrs Thatcher authorised him to continue talking. Their exchange of telegrams shows her pushing her negotiator to the utmost, mindful of her moral responsibility in handing over millions of British subjects to a Communist government. Though couched in the cold prose of statesmanship, it is none the less moving.

 

7月30日星期日上午，撒切尔夫人在唐宁街被叫醒，被告知有一份从北京连夜发来的紧急消息，要求在上午9点前答复。

 

On the morning of Sunday 30 July, Mrs Thatcher was woken up early at Downing Street to be told that an urgent message had come in overnight from Beijing requiring an answer by 9 a.m. It was sent up to her in a brown paper envelope with a red tag marked ‘immediate’.

 

这条信息是豪的。

他说，中国方面通过推迟联合联络小组抵达香港，通过发布保证和将《基本法》保证香港地位的日期提前到1989年，从而作出了妥协。

还有更多的细节，但外交部长已经归结到他自己的底线。

事实上，我相信中国的新建议符合你电报中提出的要求。

因此，如果可能的话，我希望你能在这个基础上达成协议，在0800Z（英国时间0900）之前......在这些方面的协议可能是明天与邓小平会晤的关键，这对实质和陈述都很重要。

 

The message was from Howe. The Chinese, he said, had compromised by delaying the arrival of the Joint Liaison Group in Hong Kong, by issuing assurances and bringing forward to 1989 the date on which a Basic Law would guarantee Hong Kong’s status. There were more details, but the foreign secretary had come down to his own bottom line. ‘In fact I believe that the new Chinese proposal meets the requirements set out in your telegram. I should be grateful therefore for your authority to settle on this basis, if at all possible by 0800Z (0900 UK time) … agreement on these lines is likely to be key to a meeting with Deng tomorrow which will be important for substance and presentation purposes.’

 

这是最后一章，撒切尔夫人和邓小平都明白这一点。

她同意了，并对豪的裁决感到安慰，"我清楚，我们已经把中国人逼到了极限。

 

It was the final chapter, and both Mrs Thatcher and Deng understood that. She agreed, comforted by Howe’s verdict that ‘I am clear that we have pushed the Chinese to the limit.’

 

在北戴河，邓小平欣喜若狂。

他命令一辆专列将他送回北京。

在那里，他赞扬了周南的成就，说 "你已经解决了大问题，现在我可以邀请英国女王了！In Beidahe, Deng Xiaoping was jubilant. He ordered a special train to take him back to Beijing. There he complimented Zhou Nan on his achievement, saying ‘you have solved the big problems, now I can invite the Queen of England!’

 

当天晚些时候，杰弗里-豪被允许在他面前停留了90分钟。

邓小平谈到了他对'一国两制'将发挥作用的信心，并说两国都对香港到1997年的稳定有兴趣。

即使在他胜利的时刻，他也没有偏离严酷的事实。

他对豪说："中国不希望有麻烦，但中国也不害怕麻烦。

新的香港必须由 "爱国者 "管理，不一定是左派，而是 "那些热爱香港和祖国的人"。

邓小平再次对大企业表示愤慨，说他听说香港上海银行将跟随怡和洋行离开殖民地。

 

Howe向他保证不是这样，然后又恢复了不安的友好关系。

根据周南的回忆录，邓小平向周小平和大使理查德-埃文斯致意，这促使豪哥开玩笑说，没有这一对的谈判 "就像中国的宴会没有茅台"。

邓小平笑了，并邀请女王访问中国。

在这一点上，豪哥前往机场向香港透露了这个消息。

 

Later that day Geoffrey Howe was admitted to his presence for ninety minutes. Deng spoke of his confidence that ‘one country, two systems’ would work and said both countries had an interest in stability in Hong Kong up to 1997. Even in his hour of victory he did not deviate from harsh truths. ‘China did not want trouble but China was not afraid of it,’ he told Howe. The new Hong Kong must be run by ‘patriots’, not necessarily leftists, but ‘those who loved Hong Kong and the motherland’. Deng waxed indignant once more about big business, saying that he had heard the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank was to follow Jardines out of the colony. Howe reassured him that this was not so, then an uneasy bonhomie resumed. According to Zhou Nan’s memoir, which may be self-serving, Deng paid tribute to Zhou and to the ambassador, Richard Evans, prompting Howe to joke that negotiations without this pair ‘would be like a banquet in China without mao tai’. Deng laughed and invited the Queen to visit China. On that note, Howe left for the airport to break the news to Hong Kong.

 

协议宣布后，香港股市创下了两年来的最大涨幅。

殖民地的公众和政治舆论对 "高度自治 "的保证和回归后半个世纪的自由作出了迷茫的反应。

华文媒体的态度很谨慎。

大多数独立报刊的态度是 "积极但不高兴"。

主要的日报《明报》在一篇社论中说，该协议可能是能得到的最好的协议，而共产党的报纸则很热情。

 

The Hong Kong stock market enjoyed its biggest gain for two years when the agreement was announced. Public and political opinion in the colony reacted in a daze to the guarantees of a ‘high degree of autonomy’ and freedoms guaranteed for half a century after the handover. The Chinese-language press was circumspect. Most independent papers were ‘positive but uneuphoric’. In an editorial, the leading daily, Ming Pao, said the agreement was likely to be the best that could be obtained, while the Communist newspapers were enthusiastic.

 

这并不意味着谈判变得容易了。

8月下旬，柯利達爵士脾气暴躁地指出，"周南仍然是典型的无助，尽管不是完全不妥协......我们一直在大量的细节中缓慢地向前推进。

第二个月，豪告诉他的外交官，他 "越来越关注已经出现的困难"。

在香港，总督报告说，"最终的游戏......变得非常重要"。

 

It did not mean that the negotiations got easier. In late August Cradock grumpily minuted that ‘Zhou Nan has remained characteristically unhelpful although not totally intransigent … we have been ploughing slowly forward through a mass of detail.’ The next month Howe told his diplomats that he was ‘increasingly concerned about difficulties which have arisen’. From Hong Kong, the governor reported that ‘the end game has … become vitally important.’

 

最令人头疼的是英国护照持有者的命运，这是殖民地数百万人的信心问题，因为中国不承认双重国籍，将把他们全部视为人民共和国的公民。

当他们得知自己的英国国籍将不被允许传给子女时，他们感到非常震惊，甚至一代人也不行，即使他们永久离开香港也不行。

简而言之，香港的英籍华人将会消亡。

非官方人士 "向撒切尔夫人提出了最后的恳求，撒切尔夫人用蓝墨水划出了她的顾问们的冷酷裁决："答案是，对那些中国人没有任何办法。

 

Most vexatious was the fate of British passport holders, an issue of confidence for millions in the colony because China did not recognise dual nationality and would treat them all as citizens of the People’s Republic. It came as a shock for them to learn that they would not be allowed to pass on their British nationality to their children, not even for one generation and not even if they left Hong Kong permanently. In short, the British Hong Kong Chinese would die out. The ‘unofficials’ made a last plea to Mrs Thatcher, who underlined in blue ink the cold verdict of her advisers: ‘the answer is that there is nothing to be done for those of Chinese race.’

 

首相一定是吸了一口气，不顾自己的保留意见，继续前进。

在接受英国护照持有者的命运四天后，她写信给罗纳德-里根总统，请求他的支持，并说："我不假装该协议在各方面都很理想，但我相信它是一个好协议。

 

With what must have been an intake of breath, the prime minister marched on despite her own reservations. Four days after accepting the fate of the British passport holders she wrote to President Ronald Reagan asking for his support and saying, ‘I do not pretend that the agreement is ideal in every respect, but I am convinced it is a good one.’

 

九月初二，即9月26日，被鸿福鸿福国际娱乐的算命先生认为是签署合同的不祥之日。

这一天更适合清洁自己和向神灵供奉。

那天早上，作为马克思主义者的周南不相信预兆，他走进人民大会堂，坐在英国大使理查德-埃文斯爵士旁边。

他们草签了协议并握了手。

该协议于11月14日得到中国议会--全国人民代表大会的批准，并于12月5日得到伦敦下议院的批准。

 

The second day of the ninth moon, 26 September, had been deemed inauspicious for signing contracts by fortune tellers in Hong Hong. It was a day more suitable for cleansing oneself and making offerings to the gods. That morning, Zhou Nan, who as a Marxist did not believe in omens, marched into the Great Hall of the People to sit down next to Sir Richard Evans, the British ambassador. They initialled the agreement and shook hands. It was endorsed by the National People’s Congress, the Chinese parliament, on 14 November and approved by the House of Commons in London on 5 December.

 

议会的辩论带来了深深的不快，并宣泄了对香港被出卖的疑虑。

然而，下议院的大多数人接受了政府已将坏牌打到了最好。

曾在秘密情报局（MI6）任职的自由党议员帕迪-阿什当（Paddy Ashdown）为了远东地区的广播听众的利益，用普通话原文引用了一句中国俗语："天下没有完全完美的东西。

 

The debate in Parliament brought out deep unhappiness and ventilated suspicions that Hong Kong had been betrayed. However, a majority of the house accepted that the government had made the best of a bad hand. Paddy Ashdown, a Liberal Member of Parliament who had served in the Secret Intelligence Service (MI6), quoted a Chinese saying in the original Mandarin for the benefit of radio listeners in the Far East: ‘There is nothing under heaven which is completely perfect.’

 

撒切尔夫人飞往北京，于12月19日在那里签署了正式文件。

在邓小平的注视下，赵紫阳总理代表中国签字。

在她的简报卡上，撒切尔夫人写下了对自己的提醒，以强调中国的承诺。

大卫-卫奕信认为，在她的内心深处，首相仍然渴望将香港岛作为英国国旗下的自由和企业的前哨。

她会喜欢它的，"他判断，"这对她来说非常重要。

她深深地不信任共产党人。

但这没有任何实际作用。

 

Mrs Thatcher flew to Beijing, where she signed the formal document on 19 December. With Deng looking on, Premier Zhao Ziyang signed for China. On her briefing cards, Mrs Thatcher wrote a reminder to herself to emphasise China’s commitments. David Wilson felt that in her heart the prime minister still yearned to keep Hong Kong island as an outpost of freedom and enterprise under the British flag. ‘She would have loved it,’ he judged, ‘it mattered a great deal to her. She deeply distrusted the Communists. But it was of no practical use.’

 

她与邓小平的会面是有礼貌的，但没有思想上的交锋。

撒切尔夫人赞扬了他的 "天才之举"，即构思了 "欺骗性地简单 "的一国两制解决方案。

中国领导人回应说，这应该归功于马克思主义辩证法。

她委婉地告诉他，香港人要求她转达他们的愿望，希望邓小平能活着看到香港在1997年回归中国。

他说，如果他还活着，他希望能访问香港。

 

Her encounter with Deng was courteous but there was no meeting of minds. Mrs Thatcher paid tribute to his ‘stroke of genius’ in conceiving the ‘deceptively simple’ solution of one country, two systems. The Chinese leader responded that the credit should go to Marxist dialectics. She told him, tactfully, that people in Hong Kong had asked her to pass on their wish that Deng should live to see the city return to China in 1997. He said that he cherished the hope of visiting Hong Kong if he was still alive.

 

对柯利達爵士来说，这是他迄今为止一生工作的圆满结果。

在他的回忆录中，这位干练的公务员回忆说，在回家的飞机上，他和撒切尔夫人发现自己正在背诵童年时从阿尔弗雷德-丁尼生的诗歌《尤利西斯》中学到的句子。

 

For Cradock it was the consummation of his life’s work so far. In his memoir, the dry civil servant recalled that on the plane home, he and Mrs Thatcher found themselves reciting the lines learned in childhood from Alfred Lord Tennyson’s poem Ulysses:

 

虽然被夺去了很多，但仍有很多；虽然Tho’ much is taken, much abides; and tho’

 

我们现在没有过去那种力量We are not now that strength which in old days

撼动天地的力量，但我们是，我们是。

 

Moved earth and heaven, that which we are, we are;

英雄的心都是一样的。

 

One equal temper of heroic hearts,

因时间和命运而变得脆弱，但意志坚强Made weak by time and fate, but strong in will

努力、寻求、发现、不屈服。

 

To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.

 

6.八十年代

6.The Eighties

 

 

当撒切尔夫人与邓小平讨价还价时，一个新时代正在来临。

在中国，这是一个实验的时代，但在香港，这是一个咆哮的八十年代。

殖民地从1973年和1979年的石油震荡中反弹出来。

在政府的推动下，股票市场繁荣，房地产价格飙升，政府对收入和利润保持低税率，将土地拍卖给开发商，同时限制整体供应，对商业租赁不实行租金管制，只允许对私人租户提供基本保护。

在中国的马克思主义者看来，香港是一个地主的游乐场，让人想起大陆的坏日子。

其明显的消费和魔鬼般的交易让来自人民共和国的游客感到震惊和着迷。

当时的一位观察家写道："一夜暴富的公司遍地开花，精品店和高级时装品牌蓬勃发展，白兰地销售火爆，香港创造了拥有劳斯莱斯的记录（其中一辆被涂成了淡橘色）。

 

While Mrs Thatcher bargained with Deng Xiaoping a new era was dawning. In China it was the age of experiment, but in Hong Kong it was the roaring eighties. The colony bounced back from the oil shocks of 1973 and 1979. There was a stock market boom and a surge in property prices, fuelled by a government which kept taxes on incomes and profits low, auctioned parcels of land to developers while restricting the overall supply, imposed no rent controls on commercial leases and allowed only basic protection for private tenants. Hong Kong was a landlord’s playground in a way that to Chinese Marxists recalled the bad old days on the mainland. Its conspicuous consumption and devil-may-care deal-making shocked and fascinated visitors from the People’s Republic. ‘Fly-by-night companies blossomed, boutiques and high fashion names flourished, cognac sales boomed and Hong Kong set a record for ownership of Rolls-Royces (one of them being painted blancmange-pink),’ wrote an observer of the period.

 

办公楼和豪华酒店的数量激增。

金融公司、广告公司、公共关系公司、平面设计师、电影制作人和媒体构成了商业生活中的一组新的参与者。

数字经济还在遥远的地平线上，但香港是如此敏锐，如此迅速，如此适应，以至于它开始表现得像现代的先驱。

新的企业家需要炫耀和奖杯，因此建筑商们沉迷于为他们的客户建造旋转餐厅和巨大的中庭，而灵活的建筑工人大军则在竖立在天空的竹制脚手架上来回穿梭。

土地的短缺促使香港不断向上建设，因此，垂直的薄塔紧贴着山顶的斜坡，被挤在每一块批准的土地上。

在这股热潮中，香港置地，一家成立于1889年、由英国人主导的公司，在某种程度上成为世界上最大的房地产开发商。

 

There was a surge in office developments and luxury hotels. Finance houses, advertising, public relations, graphic designers, film-makers and the media made up a new set of players in business life. The digital economy lay on a distant horizon, but Hong Kong was so sharp, so instant and so adaptable that it started to behave as a precursor to the modern age. The new entrepreneurs demanded showiness and trophies, so builders indulged in revolving restaurants and vast atriums for their clients while an army of nimble construction workers plied up and down bamboo scaffolding erected to the sky. The shortage of land pushed Hong Kong to build ever upwards, so that thin perpendicular towers clung to the slopes of the Peak and were packed into every authorised plot. In the heat of the boom, Hongkong Land, a British-dominated firm set up in 1889, became by some calculations the biggest property developer in the world.

 

言论自由的传统和强有力的法律制度使该殖民地作为知识和信息的转口港而蓬勃发展。

其稳定的中文报纸和杂志提供了一个故事、意见和文化批评的喧嚣。

随着亚洲的日益富裕和香港的向外发展，国际商业媒体找到了一个有利可图的位置。

从1949年到2009年出版的《远东经济评论》主宰了这个舞台。

它与《亚洲周刊》（Asiaweek）这一区域性杂志竞争。

亚洲的《华尔街日报》在城市的报摊上为自由的美国资本主义说话，《国际先驱论坛报》将《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》的文章与自己独特的声音相结合。

这些杂志和报纸在行政人员休息室里堆积如山，这些休息室开始装饰该地区繁忙的机场。

在这个世界上发展最快的地区，年轻的专业人士渴望得到真正的新闻，并将国际刊物作为一种声誉的标志。

广告商喜欢它们。

 

The traditions of free speech and a strong legal system allowed the colony to flourish as an entrepôt of knowledge and information. Its stable of Chinese newspapers and magazines provided a cacophony of stories, opinions and cultural criticism. As Asia grew wealthier and Hong Kong looked outward, the international business media found a profitable niche. The Far Eastern Economic Review, published from 1949 to 2009, dominated the scene. It competed with Asiaweek, a regional magazine. The Asian Wall Street Journal spoke for liberal American capitalism on the city’s news stands and the International Herald Tribune combined articles from the New York Times and the Washington Post with its own distinctive voice. Such magazines and newspapers were piled high in the executive lounges which began to adorn the region’s busy airports. Young professionals in the world’s fastest-growing region were hungry for real news and carried international titles as a badge of prestige. Advertisers loved them.

 

从1988年到1992年编辑《评论》的菲利普-鲍林（Philip Bowring）回忆说："事情在70年代真正开始起飞，身边的钱越来越多，新加坡、马来西亚和香港也发生了一些事情，"受过教育的读者数量迅速增长。

这本杂志拒绝向其读者低头，他们不会被有关外交、商品或机构的长篇大论所吓倒。

它在金融丑闻方面取得了引人注目的独家新闻，并对殖民主义机构持怀疑态度。

最终，《评论》落入了道琼斯公司的手中，该公司未能掌握其兼收并蓄的精神，也缺乏改造它以在新媒体领域竞争的远见。

在互联网和智能手机的冲击下，这些刊物无一幸存。

但在它们的鼎盛时期，它们记录了这个时代的活力。

‘Things really began to take off in the seventies with more money around and things happening in Singapore, Malaysia and Hong Kong,’ recalled Philip Bowring, who edited the Review from 1988 to 1992, ‘the number of educated readers was growing rapidly.’ The magazine declined to write down to its readers, who were not put off by long, dense articles about diplomacy, commodities or institutions. It scored notable scoops about financial scandals and took a sceptical view of the colonial establishment. Eventually the Review fell into the hands of the Dow Jones company, which failed to grasp its eclectic ethos and lacked the vision to transform it to compete in a new media landscape. None of the titles survived the internet and smartphones. But in their prime they recorded the vigour of the age.

 

随着收入的增加，第一代享受大众繁荣的香港人开始到中国南海周边旅游休闲，他们的许多同胞在恶劣的条件下穿越南海，到 "南方的土地 "寻求财富。

在国内，开发商在香港岛的南面和大屿山岛上规划了别墅式的房地产综合体，面向南方以吸收阳光。

从九龙或西区狭窄的公寓楼到海滩边整齐的联排别墅和美国主题的公寓，这似乎不是一个遥远的愿望，而是成千上万的家庭可以实现的目标。

20世纪80年代初，与中国南方大多数人朴素、艰苦的生活方式形成了鲜明的对比。

 

As incomes rose, the first generation of Hong Kongers to enjoy mass prosperity began to travel for leisure around the South China Sea, which so many of their compatriots had crossed in harsh conditions to seek their fortunes in the ‘southern lands’. At home, developers planned villa-style property complexes on the south side of Hong Kong island and on the island of Lantau, facing south to soak up the sun. Progress from the cramped apartment blocks of Kowloon or Western to the neat town houses and American-themed apartments by the beaches did not seem a distant aspiration but a goal attainable by thousands of families. In the early 1980s the contrast with the plain, hard way of life of most people in southern China became stark.

 

以财政谨慎为荣的殖民地政府挖空心思，以跟上变革的步伐。

建筑师们为一个巨大的新国际机场制定了早期计划，该机场将建在大屿山北岸的填海土地上。

他们勾勒出巨大桥梁的轮廓，这些桥梁将横跨大屿山和港口之间的水路。

不太令人满意的是，他们把旧的半山区的中心地带挖了出来，这个住宅区因其位于山顶的半山腰而得名，并以丑陋的高架公路取代林荫道和树木。

在新界，一幢又一幢的公共房屋在农村毫无感情地出现，由新的道路连接。

地铁开始将香港机器的不同部分连接起来。

新的线路将九龙的工业区和金融区连接起来。

规划者预见到了一条能让通勤者沿着香港岛的北岸加速前进的路线。

在官方的圈子里，对政治不确定性的回答被认为是具体的乐观主义。

 

The colonial government, which prided itself on fiscal prudence, dug into its coffers to keep up with the pace of change. Architects laid the early plans for a giant new international airport to be built on reclaimed land off the north shore of Lantau Island. They sketched the outlines of great bridges that would span the waterway between Lantau and the port. Less happily, they wrenched out the heart of the old Mid-Levels, a residential district which took its humdrum name from its location halfway up the Peak, and replaced avenues and trees with an ugly tangle of elevated highways. In the New Territories, block after block of public housing arose without sentiment in rural villages, linked by new roads. The Mass Transit Railway began to knit together the different parts of the Hong Kong machine. New lines connected the industrial zones of Kowloon with the financial district. The planners foresaw a route that would speed commuters along the north shore of Hong Kong island. In official circles, the answer to political uncertainty was held to be concrete optimism.

 

关于讲粤语的大多数人的真实想法，一个独立的观点来自香港观察家在1982年进行的民意调查。

这是后期殖民地社会最擅长的一种压力团体。

它聚集了在海外接受教育的年轻中国专业人士和一些外籍人士，他们都关心自己家园的未来。

其成员包括中国统治下的未来行政长官梁振英，以及热心的民主运动者陆恭蕙。

该组织委托进行了一项调查，从各地区和社会阶层的人口普查数据中随机选择了1000名年龄在15岁至60岁之间的人。

现场研究人员采访了所有的调查对象。

整个调查是用中文进行的。

对于那些想知道的人来说，这是一个大开眼界的过程。

 

An independent view of what the Cantonese-speaking majority of people actually thought came from a poll conducted in 1982 by the Hong Kong Observers. This was the kind of pressure group which late colonial society excelled at producing. It drew together younger Chinese professionals educated overseas and some expatriates, all concerned for the future of their home. Among its members were a future chief executive under Chinese rule, Leung Chun-ying, and an ardent campaigner for democracy, Christine Loh. The group commissioned a survey of 1,000 people between fifteen and sixty years of age chosen at random from census data across districts and social strata. Field researchers interviewed all the subjects. The entire exercise was in Chinese. It was, for those who wanted to know, an eye-opener.

 

在调查结果的序言中，观察家们承认，香港社会被定型为粗鲁、吵闹、缺乏公民意识、对金钱着迷、急于移民到西方、目光短浅。

数据中出现了一个更加平衡的社会。

虽然79%的受访者认为金钱很重要，但80%以上的人认为言论自由、体面的环境和选择自由也很重要。

也许，这与广东人的一个无可非议的刻板印象相一致，即好吃的东西是最有价值的物质享受。

人们有很高的满足感。

只有13%的人认为犯罪是一个问题，只有不到五分之一的受访者担心住房问题。

然而，人们也批评当局。

几乎有一半人认为他们没有向公众充分解释政策。

不到三分之一的人知道他们可以通过地区委员会和办公室联系行政部门。

 

The Observers admitted in the preamble to their findings that the community in Hong Kong was stereotyped as rude, noisy, lacking in civic-mindedness, obsessed with money, anxious to emigrate to the West and short-sighted in their outlook. A more balanced society emerged from the data. While 79 per cent of those interviewed thought money important, more than 80 per cent of them considered freedom of speech, a decent environment and freedom of choice to be important as well. It was, perhaps, in keeping with one unobjectionable stereotype of the Cantonese that good food was the most valued material comfort. There was a high degree of contentment. Only 13 per cent considered crime a problem and less than a fifth of interviewees worried about housing. Yet people also criticised the authorities. Almost half felt they did not explain policies adequately to the public. Less than a third knew that they could contact the administration through district boards and offices.

 

在缺乏民主的情况下，这次民意调查是对政治和身份的真实衡量。

它发现对独立的支持很少。

只有33%的人认为自己是 "香港人"，61%的人确认他们是 "中国人"。

然而，95％的人认为1997年后香港继续由英国统治是 "可以接受的"。

只有四分之一的人希望看到香港回归中国。

超过一半的人说，如果可以，他们会移民。

 

In the absence of democracy, the poll was an authentic gauge of politics and identity. It found little support for independence. Only 33 per cent identified themselves as ‘Hongkongers’ while 61 per cent affirmed that they were ‘Chinese’. However a resounding 95 per cent believed it would be ‘acceptable’ for Hong Kong to stay under British rule after 1997. Only a quarter wanted to see the return of the territory to China. And more than half said they would emigrate if they could.

 

这些结果很复杂，而且在某种程度上让人放心，但似乎对公众意见的独立调查并不适合英国殖民政府。

1980年，英国的一位竞选记者邓肯-坎贝尔（Duncan Campbell）披露了一个政府委员会的存在，该委员会旨在对压力团体进行监视，并破坏、胁迫或收编任何不符合当局口味的团体。

其目标包括香港观察员。

坎贝尔在《新政治家》上的文章有一个大胆的标题："殖民主义。

一个独裁的秘密计划"。

文章称，警方的特别部门被命令渗透到压力团体中，并向委员会报告任何颠覆活动，这种做法不会让中国的公安部本身蒙羞。

 

These were complex and to some extent reassuring findings, but it appeared that independent inquiry into public opinion did not suit the British colonial administration. In 1980, a campaigning journalist in Britain, Duncan Campbell, revealed the existence of a government committee set up to conduct surveillance of pressure groups and to undermine, coerce or co-opt any of them that were not to the taste of the authorities. Its targets included the Hong Kong Observers. Campbell’s article in the New Statesman had a bold headline: ‘Colonialism: A Secret Plan for Dictatorship’. It alleged that the police Special Branch had been ordered to infiltrate pressure groups and to report to the committee on any subversive activities, a practice that would not have disgraced the Ministry of Public Security in China itself.

 

政府后来承认，压力集团常设委员会成立于1977年，目的是 "向政府报告社会和政治趋势和发展，并提出建议"。

在公众的强烈要求下，该委员会于1982年被解散，其包含评估和报告的所有文件被销毁。

很久以后，立法者们在1995年从安全部部长黎彼得那里得到保证，"现在不存在这样的小组或委员会"。

 

The government later admitted that a Standing Committee on Pressure Groups had been set up in 1977 to ‘report to and advise the government on social and political trends and developments’. Following a public outcry, it was disbanded in 1982 and all its files containing assessments and reports were destroyed. Much later, legislators extracted an assurance in 1995 from the secretary for security, Peter Lai, that ‘no such group or committee now exists’.

 

在1995年的立法会辩论中，出现了英国安全官员监控可能受到共产党渗透的组织的活动。

目标包括香港学生联合会和香港专业教师协会。

议会成员声称，官员们试图影响任何接受政府资金的组织。

他们说，这是在试图控制舆论。

一位立法会议员Anna Wu引用了委员会泄露的一份报告，该报告听起来像是家长制的杰作，用校长责备犯错学生的禁止性语言来表述。

 

In that 1995 Legislative Council debate, it emerged that British security officials had monitored the activities of organisations which might be subject to Communist infiltration. The targets included the Hong Kong Federation of Students and the Hong Kong Professional Teachers Union. Members of the council claimed that officials had sought to influence any organisation which received government funds. It was, they said, an attempt to control opinion. One legislator, Anna Wu, quoted a leaked report from the committee which sounded like a masterpiece of paternalism, couched in the forbidding language of a schoolmaster chiding errant pupils:

 

特别部门证实，虽然一些压力集团可能更多的是出于自身利益而不是利他主义，但他们的活动一般来说并不具有颠覆性，而且到目前为止，他们似乎并没有产生颠覆民众的效果。

 

Special Branch confirmed that while some pressure groups may be motivated more by self-interest than altruism, their activities have not generally been subversive and they do not seem to have had the effect of subverting the population so far.

 

但是，[委员会]的任务是对压力集团进行更严格的审查，并不觉得能够以如此有利的方式看待这些集团。

令人不安的是压力集团的潜力，它们有可能发展成更邪恶的东西或释放出对整个社会有害的力量。

 

But [the committee] has been tasked with examining the pressure groups more critically and does not feel able to see the groups in such a favourable light. It is the potential of pressure groups which is disturbing, the possibility of their developing into something more sinister or unleashing forces damaging to the whole community.

 

压力集团的活动可以鼓励广泛的批评和争论的态度，当敲打政府是时尚的。

这种现象本身并不可怕，但它为不满情绪和麻烦制造者提供了一个理想的温床，而任何团体，无论最初是多么无辜和善意，都有可能被更多不择手段的人所控制。

 

The activities of pressure groups can encourage a widespread critical and argumentative attitude when knocking the Government is fashionable. In itself not a phenomenon to be afraid of, it nonetheless provides an ideal breeding ground for discontent and trouble-makers while there is always the danger that any group, no matter how innocent and well meaning initially, can be taken over by more unscrupulous elements.

 

委员会忧郁地总结说，虽然 "压力集团通常不具有颠覆性，但颠覆的可能性始终存在"。

然而，委员会成员承认，没有证据表明任何团体被 "来自香港外部或内部的不良政治派别 "所接管。

 

The committee gloomily concluded that while ‘pressure groups are generally not subversive, the potential for subversion always exists’. However its members accepted that there was no evidence that any groups had been taken over by ‘undesirable political factions from either outside or inside Hong Kong’.

 

保安司拒绝证实或否认会议上的任何说法。

这些说法在英国统治的记录上仍然没有受到质疑。

 

The secretary for security refused to confirm or deny any of the claims made in the chamber. They remain unchallenged on the record of British rule.

 

1982年，在始于美国的全球经济衰退中，经济泡沫破灭，美国联邦储备局提高利率以抑制通货膨胀。

在香港，一波破产浪潮席卷了房地产和金融公司。

房地产价格的崩溃威胁到了香港的接受存款公司，实际上是小型银行，这些公司不得不得到香港银行的支持保证，香港银行扮演了事实上的中央银行家的非正式角色。

公司对投资犹豫不决，银行从高风险的抵押贷款中撤出。

同时，英国与中国谈判的不确定性--这些谈判是秘密进行的--开始削弱商业信心。

正是在这种气氛下，殖民地政府开始对社会动荡感到紧张。

 

In 1982, the economic bubble burst amid a global recession that began in the United States, where the Federal Reserve hiked interest rates to curb inflation. In Hong Kong a wave of bankruptcies rippled across property and finance companies. The collapse in property prices threatened the territory’s deposit-taking companies, in effect small banks, and these had to be steadied by assurances of support from the Hongkong Bank, which took the unofficial role of de facto central banker. Companies hesitated to invest and banks pulled back from risky mortgage lending. At the same time, uncertainty over Britain’s negotiations with China – which were conducted in secret – began to sap business confidence. It was in this climate that the colonial government began to grow nervous about social unrest.

 

在这种情况下，香港人表现出平静和守法的韧性，这是他们应对艰难时期的特点。

 没有出现动乱。

相反，是金融市场变得动荡不安。

许多香港人决定将他们的钱从这个城市转移出去，因为他们担心未来。

革命后逃离上海的那一代商业家族不相信共产党。

伦敦和北京之间进行的不透明的外交并没有让他们放心。

然而，他们不能简单地输出他们的资产。

出路是出售房产或企业，然后在外汇市场上以港币出售收益，用美元、英镑或日元购买中共在国外无法触及的安全港资产。

在一个没有资本管制和自由浮动汇率的小型开放经济体中，这种影响是不可避免的。

稳定、持续的销售推动了香港货币的价值下降，并开始在该市造成通货膨胀，因为进口商品的价格在调整中上升。

即时买卖的货币，成为对殖民地未来情绪的代表。

在中国首次公开声明将于1997年收回控制权的影响下，货币开始下挫。

 

In the event, the people of Hong Kong demonstrated the calm and law-abiding resilience which characterised their response to tough times. There was no unrest. It was, instead, the financial markets which turned volatile. Many people in Hong Kong had decided to get their money out of the city because they feared the future. The generation of business families who had fled post-revolutionary Shanghai did not trust the Communists. The opaque diplomacy conducted between London and Beijing did not reassure them. Yet they could not simply export their assets. The way out was to sell properties or businesses, then to sell the proceeds in Hong Kong dollars on the foreign exchange market and use dollars, pounds or yen to buy safe haven assets out of reach of the Chinese Communist Party abroad. In a small, open economy with no capital controls and a freely floating exchange rate, the effects were inevitable. Steady, continuous sales drove down the value of the Hong Kong currency and began to cause inflation in the city as the price of imports rose in adjustment. The currency, which was bought and sold instantly, became a proxy for sentiment about the colony’s future. Undermined by the first public statements from China that it would take back control in 1997, it began to sink.

 

1982年上半年，1美元可以买到大约5.8港元。

在夏天，港币开始下滑，在8月中旬达到6.10港元，然后进行了短暂的反弹。

但在1982年9月撒切尔夫人首次访问北京之后，当地的美元进一步迅速下滑，直到10月26日，达到6.90港元兑1美元。

在1983年的前9个月里，美元的疲软一直持续，到9月中旬，7.78港元才能买到1美元。

殖民地政府、公司和家庭可以看到他们的储备、资产和储蓄的价值正在遭受不可阻挡的下降。

在北京，共产党的谈判代表指责英国 "打经济牌"，故意制造信心的崩溃。

没有任何证据表明有这样的计划，这将触犯撒切尔夫人的 "你不能违背市场 "的教条。

在任何情况下，要掩盖一个主权国家在所需规模上的干预是几乎不可能的。

 

For the first half of 1982, one American dollar could be bought for approximately HK$5.80. Over the summer the Hong Kong currency began to slide, reaching HK$6.10 in mid-August before staging a brief rally. But after Mrs Thatcher’s first visit to Beijing in September 1982, the local dollar had a further rapid slide until, on 26 October, it hit HK$6.90 to the greenback. Its weakness continued through the first nine months of 1983, and by mid-September it took HK$7.78 to buy one American dollar. The colonial government, companies and households could see the value of their reserves, assets and savings suffering an inexorable decline. In Beijing, the Communist Party negotiators accused Britain of ‘playing the economic card’ by deliberately engineering a collapse of confidence. No evidence has ever surfaced of such a plan, which would have offended Mrs Thatcher’s doctrine that ‘you can’t buck the market’. In any case, it would have been well-nigh impossible to conceal intervention by a sovereign state on the scale required.

 

但在1983年9月下旬，政治气氛是如此有毒，以至于威胁到了外交活动的进行，投资者中也出现了恐慌的迹象。

人们开始囤积大米和杂货。

超市无法在空荡荡的货架上补货。

一些商店开始拒绝接受当地纸币，只接受美元。

人们对当地银行出现挤兑的担忧不断增加。

9月23日星期五，港币跌至1美元兑8.65港元。

第二天被称为 "黑色星期六"，因为恐慌性抛售冲垮了政府对投机者的防线，汇率跌至9.60美元的历史最低点。

当地的黄金价格以美元交易，并以传统的锱铢衡量，约等于1⅓盎司或37克，飙升到国际金银价格之上。

令当局松了一口气的是，当地外汇市场在下午12时30分关闭。

 

But in late September 1983 the political atmosphere was so toxic that it threatened the conduct of diplomacy and there were signs of panic among investors. People began hoarding rice and groceries. Supermarkets could not restock their empty shelves. Some shops began refusing to accept local banknotes and would only take American dollars. Fears mounted of a run on the local banks. On Friday 23 September, the Hong Kong currency fell to HK$8.65 to the US dollar. The next day became known as ‘Black Saturday’ as panic selling overwhelmed the government’s defences against speculators and the rate fell to an all-time low of $9.60. The local price of gold, which was traded in US dollars and measured in traditional taels, equal to about 1⅓ ounces or 37 grams, soared above the international bullion price. To the relief of the authorities, the local foreign exchange market closed at 12.30 p.m.

 

周日，殖民地的主要英文日报《南华早报》将这次崩溃归咎于最近一次中英会谈结束时的 "又一次不表态"，它说 "对于殖民地快速下降的汇率的政治性质，绝对没有疑问"。

该报报道说，"全境的金店几乎都在恐慌性地买入两块钱"，这推动了对美元的需求，而美国货币的持有者却越来越不愿意出售。

该报描述了港币的 "跌宕起伏"。

在这场混乱中，银行的买卖价差 "达到香蕉共和国的水平"。

用拯救货币的人约翰-格林伍德的话来说，这个在英国统治下被500多万人信任的价值单位正处于 "无法控制的滑坡"。

他们的储蓄和资产，代表了战后香港30多年的辛勤工作，正在蒸发。

危机的时刻已经到来。

 

On Sunday the South China Morning Post, the colony’s leading English-language daily, blamed the collapse on ‘yet another non-statement’ at the end of the latest Sino-British talks, which it said ‘can leave absolutely no doubt as to the political nature of the Colony’s fast-dwindling exchange rate’. It reported ‘almost panic buying of taels at gold shops throughout the territory’ which drove up the demand for US dollars, while holders of the American currency were increasingly unwilling to sell. The paper described a ‘decline and fall’ of the Hong Kong dollar. Amid the chaos, banks quoted spreads between bid and offer prices ‘at banana republic levels’. In the words of the man who was to save the currency, John Greenwood, the unit of value trusted by more than five million people under British rule was in an ‘uncontrollable tailspin’. Their savings and assets, which represented more than three decades of hard work in post-war Hong Kong, were evaporating. The moment of crisis had arrived.

 

香港没有中央银行。

它的缺失是对自由放任主义的致敬，而自由放任主义给经济学家米尔顿-弗里德曼（Milton Friedman）等人留下了深刻印象。

政府也没有控制货币供应。

相反，当局持有一个外汇基金，向被允许发行钞票的两家银行--香港上海汇丰银行（当时仍俗称为香港银行）和渣打银行--发放债务证书。

所有的本地银行都有一个确定利率的卡特尔，从而将一个关键的政策杠杆委托给了私营部门。

这被称为 "利率武器"。

从经典的经济术语来看，它被证明不足以管理1983年政治上的恐慌。

银行在9月初将其最优惠利率提高到13%，但这并没有扭转局势，在接下来的两个星期里，他们就放弃了。

利率武器是一个哑弹。

 

Hong Kong had no central bank. Its absence was a tribute to the laissez-faire doctrine that impressed libertarians like the economist Milton Friedman. Nor did the government control the money supply. Instead the authorities held an exchange fund which issued certificates of indebtedness to the two banks allowed to issue banknotes, the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, at that time still colloquially known as Hongkong Bank, and the Standard Chartered Bank. All the local banks operated a cartel which set interest rates, thereby entrusting a key policy lever to the private sector. This was known as ‘the interest rate weapon’. Elegant in classical economic terms, it proved inadequate to manage the politically inspired panic of 1983. The banks raised their prime interest rate to 13 per cent in early September, but that failed to turn the tide and over the next fortnight they threw in the towel. The interest rate weapon was a dud.

 

格林伍德是GT Management plc的私营部门经济学家，也是专业出版物《亚洲货币观察》的编辑，他认为当局犯了 "混淆货币价格和信贷价格的典型错误"。

他认为，货币的实际价格是指为获得货币而必须放弃的商品或服务，而利率只是信贷的价格，或者说在一个固定时期内租用货币必须支付的费用。

在香港，政治风险驱使居民几乎不惜一切代价输出资本，因此，"理论上货币可能被逼到港元几乎没有价值的地步。

抢购黄金的现象表明，当地投资者对安全的需求非常迫切。

他认为，解决方案是在港元和一个能获得广泛信任的价值单位之间建立健全、可信的联系。

在大多数人（尽管不是所有人）认为金本位制是一种野蛮的遗物的时候，只有一个选择，那就是美元。

这个机制必须简单，让人们能够理解，用一个词来代表固定和可靠的东西。

一个钉子。

 

To Greenwood, a private sector economist with GT Management plc and editor of a specialist publication, Asian Monetary Monitor, the authorities had committed ‘the classic error of confusing the price of money with the price of credit’. He argued that the real price of money was what had to be given up for it in goods or services, whereas interest rates were just the price of credit, or what must be paid to rent money for a fixed period. In Hong Kong, the political risk was driving residents to export their capital at almost any cost, so that ‘the currency could theoretically have been driven to the point where Hong Kong dollars were virtually valueless.’ The rush to gold showed that local investors were desperate for security. He believed the solution was a sound, credible link between the Hong Kong dollar and a unit of value that would command widespread trust. At a time when the gold standard was seen by most (though not all) as a barbarous relic, there was only one choice, the US dollar. And the mechanism had to be simple for people to understand in one word that stood for something fixed and reliable. A peg.

 

幸运的是，格林伍德在日益紧张的政府高层中找到了听众。

9月25日星期日上午11点，当《南华早报》的外籍读者正在消化他们的熏肉和鸡蛋时--如果他们可以的话--政府召开了一次紧急会议。

代理财政部长Douglas Blye要求Greenwood加入政府经济学家、货币事务处的官员、银行专员以及香港银行和渣打银行的代表。

他们聚集在靠近海滨的金钟大厦24楼的货币事务处的一间会议室里。

 

Fortunately, Greenwood found listeners among the increasingly rattled upper echelons of the administration. At 11 a.m. on Sunday 25 September, while expatriate readers of the South China Morning Post were digesting their bacon and eggs – if they could – the government convened an emergency meeting. The acting financial secretary, Douglas Blye, asked Greenwood to join government economists, officials from the Monetary Affairs Branch, the Commissioner of Banking, and representatives of the Hongkong Bank and Standard Chartered. They assembled in a conference room of the Monetary Affairs Branch on the twenty-fourth floor of the Admiralty Tower, near the waterfront.

 

恰好，官员们已经审议了由负责货币事务的副部长托尼-拉特（Tony Latter）准备的固定汇率提案。

从1935年到1972年，当固定汇率在很大程度上是一种常态时，港币一直与英镑挂钩。

在1972年至1974年期间，它一直与美元挂钩，然后转为浮动汇率，与许多其他货币一样。

固定汇率的想法对香港来说并不新鲜。

但据后来的香港金融管理局局长任志刚说，官员们不确定它在实践中会像纸面上那样顺利。

他们认为听取一个独立的意见是 "谨慎的"。

 

As it happened, officials had already considered a proposal for a fixed exchange rate prepared by Tony Latter, the deputy secretary for monetary affairs. From 1935 to 1972, when fixed exchange rates were the norm for a great deal of the time, the Hong Kong dollar had been tied to sterling. Between 1972 and 1974 it had been pegged to the US dollar before moving to a floating rate, in common with many other currencies. The idea of a fixed rate was nothing new to Hong Kong. But according to Joseph Yam, later chief of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority, officials were not sure it would work as smoothly in practice as it did on paper. They thought it ‘prudent’ to hear an independent view.

 

通过三明治和软饮料，这些人听到格林伍德以无可挑剔的学术逻辑概述了他的挂钩计划的原则和应用。

这也证明了在场的人都是有头脑的，在亚姆意识到他的秘书应该为他们服务的时候，茶点才出现，而他的秘书已经迟到了半个小时。

她被发现因疲惫不堪而昏倒在电梯里。

格林伍德发言后，官员们私下开会，决定采用他的计划。

 

Over sandwiches and soft drinks, the men heard Greenwood outline with impeccable academic logic the principles and application of his plan for a peg. It is testimony to the cerebral character of those in the room that the refreshments only appeared after Yam realised that his secretary, who was due to serve them, was half an hour overdue. She was found passed out from exhaustion in a lift. After Greenwood spoke, the officials met privately and decided to adopt his plan.

 

布赖伊在会后发表的声明中只谈到了外汇基金在外汇机制中发挥 "更重要的作用"。

它没有给出任何细节，关键是它也没有提到目标汇率。

对于周一来到他们办公桌前的交易员来说，这意味着无动于衷和混乱，这与许多香港交易员认为自满、势利和过时的殖民地政府是一致的。

银行家们认为，作为一名职业公务员，布莱伊是一个软弱的人物。

这并不是一个建立信心的秘诀。

 

The statement that Blye put out after the meeting spoke only of the exchange fund taking a ‘more significant role’ in the foreign exchange mechanism. It gave no details, nor, crucially, did it mention a target exchange rate. To dealers coming in to their desks on Monday it signalled insouciance and confusion, consistent with a colonial administration which many traders in Hong Kong felt was complacent, snobbish and out of date. The bankers felt that Blye, a career civil servant, was a weak character. It did not add up to a recipe for confidence.

 

尽管如此，周末的会议标志着一个关键点。

疯狂的抛售有所缓解。

财政部长约翰-布雷姆里奇爵士从千里达(特立尼达)的一个财政部长会议上飞回来。

在银行家们的眼中，他是比布莱伊更坚强的材料。

他曾在第二次世界大战中在英国军队服役，在牛津大学读过法律，并在香港最大的贸易公司之一的英国太古公司（John Swire and Sons）取得了成功的事业，后来成为该公司的主席和国泰航空的老板。

他一回来就可以作出决定了。

None the less, the weekend meeting marked a crucial point. The frantic sell-off abated. The financial secretary, Sir John Bremridge, flew back from a finance ministers’ conference in Trinidad. In the bankers’ eyes he was made of sterner stuff than Blye. He had served in the British Army in the Second World War, read law at Oxford and made a successful career in business with John Swire and Sons, one of the great trading houses of Hong Kong, rising to become its chairman and the boss of Cathay Pacific Airways. Once he was back, decisions could be taken.

 

9月26日星期一，香港银行将其最优惠贷款利率提高了三个百分点，达到16%，政府与两家发钞银行一起进行干预。

当天结束时，港币在8.32港元左右结算。

在接下来的几天里，市场在不确定性中摇摆不定，而两个对香港的声誉毫无帮助的意外事件将人们的目光从汇率上移开。

 

On Monday 26 September the Hong Kong banks raised their prime lending rate by three percentage points to 16 per cent and the government joined the two note-issuing banks to intervene. At the end of the day, the Hong Kong dollar settled around HK$8.32. Over the next few days the market vacillated in uncertainty while two unexpected events, which did nothing to help Hong Kong’s reputation, took eyes away from the exchange rate.

 

在任志刚和他的同事们与金融市场斗争的同时，他们也在努力拯救恒隆银行，这是一家拥有28家分行的本地贷款机构。

恒隆银行在1982年9月遭遇了银行挤兑，这是自1960年代以来的第一次，部分原因是由于英国和中国之间谈判的不确定性。

它现在无法履行其义务，因为它已经耗尽了流动资金。

在自由放任的年代，当局会拒绝采取行动，让金融家们去寻找最后的贷款人，通常是香港银行或渣打银行。

在恒隆的案例中，是渣打在其结算账户上承担了5,000万港元的责任。

这一次，将没有私营部门的解决方案。

渣打银行不想主动出击，而当局也不能容忍银行在存在货币危机的情况下倒闭。

9月27日星期二，政府在立法会特别召开的会议上匆忙通过了接管恒隆的立法。

布赖伊被派去担任主席。

对于自由市场的纯粹主义者来说，香港已经打破了其传统。

 

While Yam and his colleagues were fighting the financial markets they were also working on the rescue of Hang Lung Bank, a local lender with twenty-eight branches. Hang Lung had suffered a bank run in September 1982, the first since the 1960s, in part due to uncertainty over talks between Britain and China. It was now unable to meet its obligations because it had run out of liquidity. In the days of laissez-faire, the authorities would have refused to act and left it to the financiers to sort out a lender of last resort, usually the Hongkong Bank or Standard Chartered. In the case of Hang Lung, it was Standard Chartered on the hook for HK$50 million on its clearing account. This time there would be no private sector solution. Standard Chartered did not want to take the initiative and the authorities could not countenance a bank failure in the middle of an existential currency crisis. On Tuesday 27 September the government rushed through legislation to take over Hang Lung in a specially convened session of the Legislative Council. Blye was dispatched to become its chairman. For free-market purists, Hong Kong had broken with its traditions.

 

周末，警方逮捕了一个疯狂的房地产公司--佳丽安集团的老板乔治-谭，再次提醒人们注意该城市赌场资本主义令人不快的一面，该公司欠下债权人约10亿美元。

该集团在香港最大的企业破产案中倒闭，这一丑闻持续了十多年，涉及欺诈、阴谋、腐败、谋杀和自杀。

这一事件使曾为佳丽安提供建议和支持的汇丰银行的商业银行Wardley被卷入其中。

该事件使该银行损失了约6亿港元。

在当时，这只是一场大戏中的一个标点符号。

 

At the weekend there came another reminder of the unedifying side of the city’s casino capitalism when police arrested George Tan, the boss of a buccaneering property company, the Carrian Group, which owed around a billion US dollars to its creditors. The group collapsed in Hong Kong’s largest corporate bankruptcy, a scandal that unfolded for more than a decade involving fraud, conspiracy, corruption, murder and suicide. The affair brought in Wardley, HSBC’s merchant bank, which had advised and backed Carrian. It cost the bank an estimated HK$600 million. At the time it was a punctuation mark in a bigger drama.

 

当官员们为格林伍德计划的技术性问题争论不休时，尤德爵士向立法会发表了他的年度施政报告。

尤德以惊人的魄力，选择不提任何关于危机的事情。

当天晚上，他与一些当地的重要人物飞往伦敦，与首相、财政大臣和英格兰银行商议。

他们决定，香港必须自力更生，并排除了其货币可能与英镑挂钩的任何想法。

 

While officials laboured over the technicalities of Greenwood’s scheme, Sir Edward Youde gave his annual policy address to the Legislative Council. With breathtaking panache, Youde chose not to mention anything about the crisis. That night he flew to London with a number of local worthies to confer with the prime minister, the chancellor of the exchequer and the Bank of England. They decided that Hong Kong must stand on its own and ruled out any idea that its currency could be linked to sterling.

 

香港代表团在白厅和伦敦市的走廊里工作。

英格兰银行的Charles Goodhart和英国财政部的David Peretz飞到香港，仔细研究了概述货币委员会理论的文件。

他们同意了这一点。

 

The Hong Kong delegation worked the corridors of Whitehall and the City. Charles Goodhart from the Bank of England and David Peretz from the Treasury, the UK finance ministry, flew out to Hong Kong to pore over the papers outlining the theory of a currency board. They gave it their assent.

 

最初的计划是将港币固定在8.0港元兑1美元，也许是因为在中国文化中8是一个幸运数字。

但汇丰银行主席迈克尔-桑德伯格（Michael Sandberg）反对这一建议，理由是很难证明一个 "听起来有点造作 "的整数是合理的。

我建议把它定在7.80或7.90港元，以使它看起来像我们精心设计出来的一样！

 

The original plan was to fix the Hong Kong dollar at HK$8.0 to the US dollar, perhaps because eight was a lucky number in Chinese culture. But Michael Sandberg, the chairman of HSBC, advised against the suggestion on the grounds that it would be hard to justify a round number which ‘sounded a bit artificial. I suggested pegging it at HK$7.80 or HK$7.90 to make it look as if we had carefully worked it out!’

 

根据格林伍德的描述，这个决定比这更科学。

反对贬值的论点很有说服力，重要的是要确定一个不向布雷姆里奇所说的 "不稳定和非理性 "的货币贬值让步的汇率。

无论最终的理由是什么，都决定将汇率固定在7.8港元。

 

According to Greenwood’s account the decision was more scientific than that. The arguments against devaluation were persuasive and it was important to settle on a rate that did not concede to what Bremridge termed the ‘unstable and irrational’ depreciation of the currency. Whatever the ultimate reasoning, it was decided to fix the rate at HK$7.80.

 

10月15日星期六，布雷姆里奇宣布，从星期一早上开始，政府将支持新的稳定汇率。

他说："香港有大量的外汇储备，有一个普遍流动的银行系统，而且几乎没有政府债务。

为了鼓励储蓄者留在原地，支付给储户的利息税将被取消。

这将是 "照常营业"。

财政部长以一个响亮的音符结束。

这些措施旨在稳定港币的汇价，从而提供一个在抑制通货膨胀的情况下促进繁荣的环境。

政府对稳定的汇率有信心。

香港人也可以这样做。

现在让我们继续我们的业务。

 

On Saturday 15 October, Bremridge announced that from Monday morning the government would stand behind the new stabilised rate. ‘Hong Kong has substantial foreign currency reserves, a generally liquid banking system and virtually no Government debt,’ he said. To encourage savers to stay put, tax on interest paid to depositors would be abolished. It would be ‘business as usual’. The financial secretary concluded on a resounding note. ‘These measures are designed to stabilise the exchange value of the Hong Kong dollar and thus to provide a climate for growing prosperity with restrained inflation. The Government has confidence in the stabilised exchange rate. So can the people of Hong Kong. Let us now get on with our business.’

 

在香港银行，这个殖民地最大的金融机构和传统的最后贷款人，经理们被期望通过干预来发挥他们的作用，与政府的外汇基金一起支持货币。

他们很快就发现，官方的信心比政府所透露的还要动摇。

后来成为汇丰银行主席的威廉-珀维斯（William Purves），当时是执行董事，他回忆起那周开市时会议室里的紧张气氛。

他说，香港政府已接近投降，留下银行独自战斗。

公布的价格是7.8港元，当然政府已经准备好确保它不会下滑到7.8港元以下。

他说："好吧，国际压力继续存在，那天他们守住了，但花了很多钱。

 

At Hongkong Bank, the colony’s largest financial institution and its traditional lender of last resort, the managers were expected to play their part by intervening to support the currency alongside the government’s exchange fund. They soon discovered that official confidence was shakier than the administration was letting on. William Purves, later chairman of HSBC, then an executive director, recalled the tension inside the conference room when the markets opened that week. The Hong Kong government had come close to surrendering, he said, leaving the bank to fight alone. ‘It was announced at HK$7.80 and of course the government stood ready to make sure it didn’t slip below HK$7.80. Well, international pressure continued and that day they held it but spent a lot of money,’ he said.

 

隔夜，伦敦和纽约的疯狂交易仍在继续，赌政府决心的买家和卖家之间的拉锯战在继续。

市场并不知道，在香港，负责干预的官员正在失去他们的勇气。

实际上，根据格林伍德的计划，香港的货币基础只是美元的一种不同面额，因为政府保证可以按固定价格兑换成美元。

这一点得到了保证--但前提是当局有足够的外汇储备来支付所有发行的港币钞票。

根据Purves的说法，货币事务秘书已经接近他的终点："第二天，压力继续存在--稍微小一点，但仍然令人担忧--道格拉斯-布莱说 "我不能再投入任何香港储备"，我们说 "你必须这样做。

我们说："你必须这样做，会发生什么？因为如果它滑落到7.8港元，你的信誉就会消失。

 

"Frantic dealing continued overnight in London and New York as a tug of war went on between buyers and sellers betting on the government’s resolve. The markets did not know that in Hong Kong, the officials in charge of intervention were losing their nerve. In effect, under Greenwood’s plan, the Hong Kong monetary base became simply a different denomination of the US dollar because the government guaranteed convertibility into US dollars at the fixed price. This was assured – but only as long as the authorities had sufficient foreign currency reserves to cover the entire issue of Hong Kong dollar notes. According to Purves, the Secretary for Monetary Affairs had come near to the end of his tether: ‘The following day the pressure continued – a little less but nevertheless worryingly – and Douglas Blye said “I can’t put any more Hong Kong reserves in” and we said “Well you must. What’s going to happen? Because if it slips through HK$7.80 your credibility’s gone.”‘

 

如果货币交易商知道这些谈话，历史会有所不同。

 

Purves和他的同事们意识到，他们机构的未来正处于危险之中。

该银行在第二次世界大战和日本占领期间幸存下来。

他们不希望它在他们的眼皮底下陷入货币危机。

 

Purves回忆说："当香港的货币当局没有这样做的时候，银行[汇丰]继续存在。

珀维斯回忆说："每隔一小时，汇丰银行的高管们就会在他们的资金流出时召开会议，进行评估。

他们包括总经理约翰-格雷（John Gray）和副主席彼得-哈蒙德（Peter Hammond），前者是在香港出生的苏格兰人，曾担任总会计师，其父亲曾为该银行工作；后者是以保持冷静而闻名的高管。

约翰-格雷负责资产负债表，我们开始担心我们把银行的资本和储备过多地用于支持港元，"珀维斯说。

房间里的气氛很低调，但每个人都知道风险很高。

 

Had currency dealers known of these conversations, history would be different. Purves and his fellow executives realised that the future of their institution was at risk. The bank had survived the Second World War and Japanese occupation. They did not want it to go down to a currency crisis on their watch. ‘The bank [HSBC] continued when the Hong Kong monetary authorities didn’t,’ Purves recalled. Watching hour by hour, its executives convened to take stock as their money went out. They included the general manager, John Gray, a Scotsman born in Hong Kong, who had served as chief accountant and whose father had worked for the bank, and Peter Hammond, the deputy chairman, an executive renowned for keeping a cool head. ‘John Gray was in charge of the balance sheet and we became concerned we were putting too much of the bank’s capital and reserves into supporting the Hong Kong dollar,’ Purves said. The atmosphere in the room was low key but everybody knew that the stakes were high.

 

'哈蒙德接着说，"它将会转向。

它将会转向。

我不能告诉你它什么时候会转向，但它肯定会转向。

这将不会继续下去。

" 我们都认为，他从哪里得到的信息？好吧，到了周五早上，它转了。

‘Hammond then said, “It’s going to turn. It will turn. I can’t tell you when it’ll turn but it’ll definitely turn. This will not go on.” We all thought, where’s he getting his messages from? Well, by Friday morning, it turned.’

 

历史外汇图表显示，尽管每天都有戏剧性的事件发生，但在那一周里，港币一直在稳步走强。

在香港最大的银行的火力支持下，它在当局的意图下，在7.80港元左右的狭窄区间内结算。

 

The historical foreign exchange graphs show that despite the day-to-day drama the Hong Kong dollar had been steadily gaining strength over that week. Backed by the firepower of the biggest bank in the territory, it settled just where the authorities had intended, in a narrow band around HK$7.80.

 

几十年后，曾因在朝鲜战争期间在苏格兰国王边防军服役的英勇表现而获得杰出服务勋章的珀弗斯记得，港币之战是一场近乎奔溃的战斗。

'港币走强，联系汇率不仅保持住了，而且[从那时起]一直如此，当然，我们能够恢复我们的储备等等，在一年左右的时间里，事情又变得相当顺利。

所以这就是挂钩。

但它非常、非常接近于不起作用。

 

Decades later, Purves, who had won the Distinguished Service Order for his bravery serving in the King’s Own Scottish Borderers during the Korean War, remembered the battle of the Hong Kong dollar as a near-run thing. ‘The Hong Kong dollar strengthened and the peg not only held but has done [since then], and of course we were able to recover our reserves et cetera and within a year or so things were going rather well again. So that is the peg. But it came very, very close to not working.’

 

 

香港轻度管制的生活方式和中国的官僚秩序之间的对比，两个社会都知道。

然而，值得研究的是1980年代的差异，因为它说明了两者之间深刻的心理分歧。

 

The contrast between the lightly regulated way of life in Hong Kong and the bureaucratic order in China was known to both societies. It is worth examining the difference in the 1980s, however, because it illustrated the profound psychological division between the two.

 

从中国大陆来看，香港的繁荣和萧条的投机周期看起来像是一个警告。

共产党很少停止引用国民党统治最后时期的金融混乱来证明社会主义经济优于资本主义。

共产党各派之间关于多少改革是太少，多少改革是太多的争论不休。

强硬派担心自由市场的影响。

一些年轻的经济学家和干部则认为这一前景令人激动。

然而，双方都意识到了风险的规模。

 

From mainland China, the speculative cycle of boom and bust in Hong Kong looked like a warning. The Communist Party seldom ceased to evoke the financial chaos endured in the last days of Kuomintang rule as proof that socialist economics were superior to capitalism. Debates raged between its factions about how much reform was too little and how much was too much. Hardliners feared the effects of free markets. Some younger economists and cadres found the prospect exciting. Both realised, however, the scale of the risk.

 

1982年，人民共和国的人口超过了10亿，当年的人口普查记录了1,008,175,511名公民。

自1949年革命以来，人口数量翻了一番。

在毛泽东时代，五到六个孩子的家庭很常见，但生育控制还是减少了人口增长。

每个妇女的生育率从1974年的4.2下降到1980年的2.2，而修订后的婚姻法将男性的法定结婚年龄从20岁提高到22岁，女性从18岁提高到20岁。

社会和经济进步正在发挥其作用。

 

In 1982 the population of the People’s Republic reached more than one billion, the census of that year recording 1,008,175,511 citizens. The number of people had doubled since the 1949 revolution. Birth control had none the less reduced population growth after the Mao era, when families of five to six children were common. Fertility per woman fell from 4.2 in 1974 to 2.2 in 1980, while a revised marriage law raised the legal age of wedlock for men from twenty to twenty-two and for women from eighteen to twenty. Social and economic progress were doing their work.

 

尽管他们认为自1949年以来，他们的表现还算不错--城市男性的预期寿命从1957年的63岁上升到1982年的69岁，尽管女性的预期寿命也是72岁，但共产党领导人担心，出生率的放缓还不够。

中国的国土面积与美国差不多，但它的耕地面积只有美国的一半，而人口的巨大差异意味着美国人的人均耕地面积是中国人的八倍。

几代人的洪水和饥荒在中国统治者的政治心理上根深蒂固。

 

Although they felt they had performed moderately well since 1949 – life expectancy for men in the cities rose from sixty-three in 1957 to sixty-nine in 1982, although women could expect to live the same span of seventy-two years – Communist Party leaders feared that the slowing birth rate was not enough. China covered about the same national territory as the United States but it had only about half as much cultivated land, while the huge difference in population meant that per capita an American had eight times more cultivated land than a Chinese citizen. Generations of flood and famine were ingrained in the political psyche of China’s rulers.

 

1980年9月，党内老将华国锋（他有四个孩子）宣布，必须限制出生人数。

作为一种胁迫手段，改革中提供的新土地合同与生育挂钩。

政府下令，妇女在生完第一个孩子后必须接受宫内避孕器的安装。

如果生了第二个孩子，就必须进行强制绝育。

堕胎的数量成倍增加，有些是被迫的。

一个严酷的国家机器成长起来，干涉人们的家庭生活。

 

In September 1980 the party veteran Hua Guofeng (who had four children) announced that there must be a limit to births. As a means of coercion the new land contracts available under reforms were linked to child-bearing. The government ordered that women must submit to the fitting of intra-uterine devices after the birth of their first child. If a second child was born, compulsory sterilisation was ordained. The number of abortions multiplied, some forced. A harsh apparatus of state grew up to interfere in people’s family lives.

 

在中国，公民是 "单位 "的成员，这个工作单位管理着他们在教育、工作、婚姻和居住地的选择。

集体生活和责任由继承自皇帝和国民党的保甲登记制度所规定。

每一百个家庭被编为一个家；十个家等于一个保。

在下一级，以村为单位，或称村，取代了大队的工作。

行政镇或乡取代了公社。

更大的单位则成为市镇或县。

毛泽东主义公社的解体标志着重组，而不是更多的公民自由。

 

In China, citizens were members of a danwei, the work unit which regulated their choices about education, jobs, marriage and where to live. Collective life and responsibilities were ordained by the baojia registration system inherited from the emperors and the Kuomintang. Every one hundred households were grouped in a jia; ten of these equalled one bao. At the next level the village unit, or cun, took the place of work brigades. The administrative township or Xiang replaced the commune. Larger units became municipalities or shi. The breakup of the Maoist communes signalled reorganisation, not more civil liberty.

 

中国有一个自上而下的治理系统，它比基于工人和农民的民主决定的群众政治的乌托邦思想更有优势。

国家的领导权通过各省的三方结构深入到地方。

一位共产党书记负责党的地方机构，而一位总督负责民政管理。

在位的高级军官向人民解放军报告。

这些人的权力因性格、血统和影响力而异；假设党委书记总是高级行动者，这太简单了，尽管这种情况经常发生。

 

China had a top-down system of governance which had prevailed over utopian ideas of mass politics based on the democratic decisions of workers and peasants. The state leadership reached down to local level through a tripartite structure in each province. A Communist Party secretary was in charge of the party’s local apparatus, while a governor ran the civil administration. The senior military officer in place reported to the People’s Liberation Army. The powers of these individuals varied according to personality, lineage and influence; it was too simple to assume that the party secretary was always the senior operative figure, although that was often the case.

 

从形式上看，从各省到首都有三个报告渠道，首都的三个权力中心构成了社会主义国家的核心。

1980年代初，省政府与北京的大约35个部委打交道，这些部委由副总理和总理组成的国务院（或内阁）监督。

在他们之上，总统正式担任国家元首。

 

Formally, there were three reporting channels from the provinces to the capital, where three centres of power constituted the core of the socialist state. The provincial government dealt with about thirty-five ministries in Beijing in the early 1980s, which were overseen by vice premiers and a premier sitting as the State Council, or cabinet. Above them the president served formally as the head of state.

 

共产党官员向党的秘书处发送文件，由中央组织部负责协调报告和执行决定。

该部门负责索引和管理中国的权力机构：由大约250人组成的中央委员会，由25人组成的政治局，以及政治局的常设委员会，通常有7或9人，是中国的最高统治机构。

共产党的总书记坐在这个金字塔的顶端。

军队保持着自己的通信线路，直到总参谋部和解放军的政治部，而后者又向中央军事委员会报告。

 

Communist Party officials sent a flow of paperwork to the party secretariat, where the Central Organisation Department co-ordinated reports and implemented decisions. The department indexed and ran the Chinese nomenklatura: the central committee of some 250 people, a twenty-five-person Politburo drawn from its ranks and the standing committee of the Politburo, usually numbering seven or nine men, the supreme ruling body of China. The general secretary of the Communist Party sat at the apex of this pyramid. The army maintained its own lines of communication up to the general staff and the political department of the PLA, which reported in turn to the Central Military Commission.

 

所有这三个最高职位--国家主席、共产党总书记和中央军事委员会主席--都很强大。

当这三个职位合并在一个人身上时，就像2013年后的习近平一样，它们赋予了最高的权力。

在这些结构的外部和周围，流动着权力的潮流和交叉潮流，对中国人自己和外国观察家来说，都很难辨别。

革命的领导家族在亲属关系和政治忠诚度的网络中运作，只有内部人士才可能摸透。

国家安全机构对自己的机密数据和人员网络严加保护。

正如我们所看到的，各派别和相互竞争的机构加剧了系统内的纷争，尽管他们的冲突在1989年危机到来时并没有削弱系统的力量。

 

All three top offices – president of the state, general secretary of the Communist Party and chairman of the Central Military Commission – were powerful. When combined in one man, as they were in Xi Jinping after 2013, they conferred supreme authority. Outside and around these structures flowed currents and cross-currents of power which were hard to identify, both for Chinese people themselves and for foreign observers. The leading families of the revolution operated within a web of kinship and political loyalties which only an insider might fathom. The organs of state security jealously guarded their own confidential networks of data and people. As we shall see, factions and competing agencies heightened strife within the system, although their conflicts did not weaken it when crisis came in 1989.

 

治理中国的任务规模使来自较小国家的政治家和官员感到震惊。

20世纪80年代中期，仅西南地区的一个省，即四川，就有1亿人口。

河南和山东这两个省的人口都超过了7500万。

上海周边的江苏和与香港和澳门接壤的广东各拥有约6000万人口。

中国国家的规模和性质对香港居民来说是压倒性的和陌生的。

不过，在这些人中，有商人、银行家和行政人员，他们开始掌握邓小平的改革雏形所创造的机会的规模。

 

The scale of the task of governing China awed politicians and officials from lesser nations. In the mid-1980s one province alone, Sichuan, in the southwest, had 100 million people. Two, Henan and Shandong, counted more than 75 million each. Jiangsu, around Shanghai, and Guangdong, bordering Hong Kong and Macau, each had about 60 million people. The size and nature of the Chinese state were overwhelming and alien to the inhabitants of Hong Kong. Among them, though, were businessmen, bankers and administrators who began to grasp the scale of the opportunities created by Deng Xiaoping’s embryonic reforms.

 

在1949年的红色胜利和1966年至1976年失败的文化大革命之后，中国国内正在进行第三次革命。

它没有带来政治改革，但它改变了数百万人的生活方式。

现在，人民公社已经结束，中国农村的生活正在适应家庭责任制，它已经取代了集体耕作，并适应一种新的经济语言，取代了旧的口号。

在南方农业带金灿灿的田野上，农民可以选择三种方式来收获他们的劳动成果。

 

After the Red victory of 1949 and the abortive Cultural Revolution of 1966 to 1976, a third revolution was under way inside China. It did not entail political reform but it changed the way millions of people lived. Now the people’s communes had been wound down, life in rural China was adjusting to the household responsibility system, which had replaced collective farming, and to a new language of economy which replaced the slogans of old. In fields golden with grain across the southern agricultural belt, peasants could choose among three ways to reap the gains of their work.

 

首先，劳动合同制度允许他们通过符合固定数量、质量和成本水平的农活来积累工分，以换取商品和粮食。

其次，产出合同制度允许更多的风险承担。

家庭承诺生产一个固定的作物配额，并可以保留盈余，但他们必须弥补任何不足之处。

第三，净产出计划奖励家庭在如何耕种土地方面的自由，并给予他们工具和动物的所有权，以换取对国家生产配额的承诺和对集体的剩余。

 

First, a labour contract system permitted them to accumulate work points, tradeable for goods and food, by farm work which met a fixed level of quantity, quality and cost. Second, an output-contract system allowed more risk-taking. Households were committed to produce a fixed quota of crops and could keep the surplus, but they had to make up any shortfall. Third, a net-output scheme rewarded families with freedom over how they cultivated their land and gave them ownership of tools and animals in return for an undertaking to meet a quota of production for the state and a surplus for the collective.

 

根据一份主要的改革文件，合同可以固定为15年，土地可以买卖，并且可以根据任务和表现支付不同的工资。

所有这些都是远离平等的步骤，这触怒了相信共产主义理想的干部们。

但是，这些措施促进了生产的巨大增长，使数百万人的生活得到改善。

农业产出每年增长约8%，食品价格下降，农民从大米和谷物转向经济作物，人们吃更多的肉，农村收入增加。

总理赵紫阳在他的回忆录中写道："没有人预料到结果会有多好，或者变化会如此巨大。

 

Under a primary reform document, contracts could be fixed for fifteen years, plots could be bought or sold, and different wages could be paid according to task and performance. All were steps away from equality, which offended cadres who believed in the ideals of communism. But they contributed to a huge surge in production and better lives for millions. Agricultural output grew by about 8 per cent a year, food prices fell, farmers diversified from rice and grains into cash crops, people ate more meat and rural incomes rose. ‘No one had foreseen how good the results would be or that the changes would be so dramatic,’ wrote the premier, Zhao Ziyang, in his memoir.

 

1985年，在参观广东省的一个集体农场时，可以看到小富即安的喜悦。

这是由政府管理的旅游服务机构为进入人民共和国的第一波西方游客组织的一次展示性旅游。

即使考虑到这一点，到处都可以看到繁荣和个人自由的气息。

 

The joy of modest riches was to be seen on a visit to a collective farm in Guangdong province in 1985. It was a showpiece tour organised by the government-run travel service for the first wave of Western tourists entering the People’s Republic. Even allowing for that, the stirrings of prosperity and individual freedom could be seen everywhere.

 

在广州，现代化的白天鹅宾馆孤零零地矗立在沙面岛上，周围是殖民时代的宏伟建筑，现在被政府办公室占用或被分割成集体公寓。

信徒们手指夹着香，在重新开放的寺庙内的神龛前鞠躬祈祷，这些神龛刚刚被漆成深红色。

商店很单调，但充满了食品和基本消费品。

骑自行车的人潮吞没了林荫道和后街，而拥挤的公共汽车在人群中喘着粗气。

来自白天鹅的一行人爬上一辆日本制造的小巴，经过一排排的公寓楼，穿过郊区，来到开阔的乡村。

在城外，宽阔的大道很快就变成了单轨的乡村公路，蜿蜒在闪闪发光的稻田里，那里的牛仍在点头犁地，偶尔有拖拉机在泥地里开路。

柏油路沿堤坝而行，连接着村庄和外围的房屋，电视天线在红瓦屋顶上萌生。

其中一名导游透露，他们正在收听来自香港的商业电视频道，农民们喜欢看肥皂剧和游戏节目。

 

In Guangzhou, the modern White Swan Hotel stood in solitary distinction on Shamian Island, surrounded by grand colonial-era buildings now occupied by government offices or split up into collective apartments. Incense sticks clasped between their fingers, worshippers bowed in prayer before shrines inside the reopened temples, freshly painted in crimson. The shops were drab yet full of food and basic consumer goods. A tide of cyclists engulfed the avenues and backstreets while overcrowded buses wheezed through the throng. The group from the White Swan climbed into a Japanese-made minibus and set off past lines of apartment blocks, through suburbs to the open countryside. Outside the city, the broad thoroughfares soon turned to one-track country roads winding through gleaming paddyfields, where oxen still nodded at the plough while the occasional tractor carved its path through the mud. The tarmac roads ran along dykes connecting villages and outlying houses where television aerials sprouted on the red-tiled rooftops. One of the guides confided that they were tuned to commercial television channels from Hong Kong and that the peasants enjoyed soap operas and game shows.

 

导游们很高兴地炫耀进步，并且不屑于发表政治言论。

他们似乎满足于让游客亲眼看到中国改革取得成果的各个方面。

如果说这次参观是公式化的，那么证据就很明显。

参观团在中午时分到达一个集体农场，也就是午餐时间。

他们被告知，这是一个自豪的共产主义集体，他们热情地接受了党的改革，同时坚持了将中国农民从几千年的农奴制和封建剥削中解放出来的公社精神。

可能是这样的；现场没有人提出异议。

然而，在一个大食堂里，几十个从田里来的男人和女人正在吃大份的普通食物--米饭、绿色的炒菜和脂肪浸泡过的猪肉块，都很美味，很热。

这简直是例行公事，不可能是演戏。

来访者也吃饱了，村长坐下来说了几句欢迎的话，避免了政治性的东西。

一对美国夫妇惊讶地摇了摇头，宣称共产主义并不是他们所想象的那样。

外国人喝着青岛啤酒，聊着他们所看到的景象，他们坐在快速的现代火车上，火车哗啦啦地穿过越来越深的黄昏，直到香港明亮的塔楼从车窗中出现。

这是一次典型的、平淡无奇的中国之行，随着中国的开放，成千上万的游客和商人都在进行这种访问。

对大多数游客来说，在主人的精力和谨慎的热情的迎接下，不可能不对中国感到乐观。

 

The guides were pleased to show off progress and were sparing with political rhetoric. They were content, it seemed, to let visitors see for themselves the aspects of Chinese reform that had delivered results. If the tour was formulaic, the evidence was plain. The group arrived at a collective farm at noon, lunchtime. This was, they were told, one of the proud Communist collectives that had enthusiastically embraced the party’s reforms while upholding the communal ethos which had liberated the Chinese peasant from millennia of serfdom and feudal exploitation. It may have been so; there was nobody on hand to dissent. There was, however, a large mess hall where dozens of men and women in from the fields were tucking into big portions of plain food – rice, green stir-fried vegetables and cubes of fat-streaked pork, all tasty and hot. It was too routine to be staged. The visitors, too, were fed, and the headman sat down to say a few words of welcome, avoiding anything political. An American couple shook their heads in wonder and declared that Communism was not what they had thought it to be. The foreigners drank Tsingtao beer and chatted about the spectacle they had seen as they sat on a fast modern train which clattered through the deepening dusk until the bright towers of Hong Kong appeared through the windows. It was a typical, unexceptional visit to China of a kind shared by hundreds of thousands of tourists and business people as the country opened up. To most visitors, greeted with the energy and cautious warmth of their hosts, it was impossible not to feel optimistic about China.

 

在工业领域，挑战更大，但转型也同样不寻常。

共产党已经摆脱了斯大林主义的中央计划和控制理论。

它为国有企业引入了激励措施，这些企业仍然向政府缴纳55%的税，但被允许保留其净利润的一半。

根据国务院的法令，经理们对每个工作场所的集体领导拥有更大的权力；他们获得了任命工厂负责人的有限权力，并首次可以因不称职而解雇工人。

价格被部分放开，起初是通过一个繁琐的双重价格机制，让企业以市场价格出售超出国家配额的产品。

自解放以来，官方首次允许私营企业开业。

 

In industry, the challenges were greater but the transformation would be just as extraordinary. The Communist Party had turned away from Stalinist doctrines of central planning and control. It introduced incentives for state-owned enterprises, which still paid 55 per cent tax to the government but were allowed to keep half of their net profits. By decrees of the State Council, managers assumed greater authority over collective leadership in each workplace; they gained limited power to appoint factory heads and for the first time they might dismiss workers for incompetence. Prices were partially set free, at first through a cumbersome dual-price mechanism that let enterprises sell production in excess of state quotas at market rates. For the first time since Liberation, officials allowed private businesses to open up.

 

1984年，在迄今取得的成果的鼓舞下，中央委员会总共批准了14个经济特区，并在长江三角洲、福建省的闽江和广州以南的珠江三角洲周围建立了三个 "发展三角区"。

到那时，每年进入中国的外国直接投资几乎达到10亿美元。

中国正在重新融入世界：它加入了国际货币基金组织和世界银行，将台湾从这两个机构中驱逐出去。

令一些毛泽东主义者苦恼的是，人民共和国又开始向外国人借钱，在国际贷款市场上筹集了10.5亿美元。

经济增长如此之快，以至于过热，迫使规划者进行裁员。

 

In 1984, encouraged by the results so far, the Central Committee authorised a total of fourteen Special Economic Zones and created three ‘development triangles’ around the Yangtze Delta, the Min River in Fujian Province and the Pearl River Delta south of Guangzhou. By then, foreign direct investment into China was running at almost one billion US dollars every year. China was rejoining the world: it entered the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, ejecting Taiwan from both institutions. To the distress of some Maoists, the People’s Republic was borrowing from foreigners again, raising US$1.05 billion on international loan markets. The economy surged so fast that it overheated, forcing the planners to retrench.

 

并非所有人都感到高兴。

在北京，与改革有分歧的党内元老们聚集在意识形态专家陈云的周围，他是1949年后毛泽东中国的主要经济规划者。

现在陈云已经70多岁了，但他仍然有影响力。

他是一名上海的印刷工人，通过党的关系上升到了一个伟大的国家角色，因此他被视为无产阶级胜利的活生生的象征和火焰的守护者。

他在文化大革命期间忍受了虐待，但却活了下来，成为正统派抵制邓小平改革的形象代言人。

在80年代中期，他是一个强大的路障。

 

Not everyone was happy. In Beijing, party elders at odds with the reforms coalesced around the ideologue Chen Yun, the leading economic planner of Maoist China after 1949. Now in his seventies, Chen still wielded influence. A Shanghai printing worker who had risen through the party to a great national role, he was thus seen as a living symbol of the triumph of the proletariat and a guardian of the flame. He had endured abuse during the Cultural Revolution but survived to become the figurehead of orthodox resistance to Deng’s reforms. In the mid-1980s he was a formidable roadblock.

 

党内的中坚力量有两个担忧。

他们不同意从纯粹的社会主义向后迈进，认为引入商业和管理是对工人阶级的背叛。

他们更广泛的担忧--邓小平和他的经济改革者也有同样的担忧--是混乱和失去控制的问题。

赵紫阳的回忆录强调，中国是一个大国，有不同的区域条件，还有庞大且不断增长的人口。

灾难的到来与成功的规模是一样的。

 

The party stalwarts harboured two concerns. They disagreed with the march back from pure socialism, considering the introduction of commerce and management to be a betrayal of the working class. Their broader care – which was shared by Deng and his economic reformers – was of chaos and a loss of control. Zhao Ziyang’s memoirs stress that China was a big country with diverse regional conditions alongside a huge and growing population. Disaster could arrive on the same scale as success.

 

事后看来，西方的经济学家和政府更多的是注意到了改革在经济方面的吸引力和变革性，而没有注意到改革对一个有着僵化的政治上层建筑的受创社会的负面影响。

他们高估了中国经济改革给世界带来的收益，而低估了中国内部的政治风险，因此他们的操作是半盲的。

各方的结果是复杂的、痛苦的和持久的。

 

In hindsight, Western economists and governments took more notice of the attractive, transformational economic aspects of reform than they did of its negative effects on a traumatised society with a fossilised political superstructure. By overestimating the gains to the world of Chinese economic reform, and underestimating the political risk within China itself, they operated half blind. The results for all sides were to be complex, bitter and enduring.

 

中国人最早的说法是，虫子可能会转弯，这来自党内。

左派人士公开 "举起红旗"，反对变革。

在毛泽东领导下被 "下放到 "农村的失意青年眼睁睁地看着社会和政治秩序以他们未受教育的方式发生变化。

那些坚定地相信人民公社的农民感到很失落。

赵紫阳回忆说，黑龙江省的党魁，也就是与苏联交界的黑龙江省的党魁说，其他地方的农村改革者可能会走在他们宽阔的公路上，但他会留在他的单板桥上。

党的中层反对派在官方报纸上充斥着批评文章。

保守派"，如果这是对激进的马克思主义者的称呼的话，抓住了犯罪和腐败重新出现的证据，几十年来，这些 "负面现象 "已经从中国的公共生活中消失了，要么被压制，要么被掩盖。

对于秩序的守护者来说，这些东西是可怕的，因为它们在改革中出现得如此之快，而且规模很大，有可能造成混乱，甚至可能破坏党的革命合法性。

 

The first Chinese accounts that the worm might be turning came from within the party itself. Leftists openly ‘raised the red flag’ in opposition to change. Disillusioned youths who had been ‘sent down’ to the countryside under Mao watched as the social and political order changed in ways they had not been educated to understand. Those peasants who had fiercely believed in the people’s communes felt bereaved. Zhao Ziyang recalled the party boss of Heilongjiang province, the land of the Black Dragon River along the border with the Soviet Union, saying that the rural reformers elsewhere might walk on their broad highways but he would stay on his single-plank bridge. Mid-ranking party opponents flooded official newspapers with critical articles. The ‘conservatives’, if that is the word for radical Marxists, seized on evidence that crime and corruption had reappeared after decades in which these ‘negative phenomena’ had vanished from Chinese public life, either suppressed or concealed. To the guardians of order, these things were frightening because they emerged so quickly from reform and came on such a scale that they threatened to cause chaos, perhaps even to undermine the party’s revolutionary legitimacy.

 

从1984年5月起，所有16岁以上的公民都必须携带身份证。

人们在流动，官员们开始意识到，大规模的移民将打破工作场所和社区的联系，结束一个强制稳定的时代。

党的经济学家们有理由担心，经济动力向沿海城市和南方的转移会使内地的工人流失，使中国内陆变得贫穷和孤立。

国家将投资和项目引向中国中部和西部，以纠正这种平衡，加强其作为主要经济行为者的作用，而不是减少它。

不过，在实验时代，对系统的冲击是不可避免的。

 

From May 1984, all citizens older than sixteen had to carry identity cards. People were on the move and officials began to realise that mass migration would break the bonds of workplace and commune, ending an era of enforced stability. There were reasonable fears among party economists that a shift in economic momentum to the coastal cities and the south would strip the interior of workers and leave inland China poor and isolated. The state directed investment and projects to central and western China to redress the balance, reinforcing its role as chief economic actor rather than reducing it. In the age of experiment, though, shocks to the system were inevitable.

 

关于中国南方社会发酵的最有启发性的文件之一，也是最早的文件之一。

1982年3月13日，改革刚刚开始四年，广东省人大常委会承认犯罪率激增，并决定是时候评估经济改革所释放出的'巨大罪恶的危险'了。

委员会说："已经取得了重大成就，但与此同时，走私、外汇套利、暴利、投机、盗窃公共财产、盗卖珍贵文物、索贿和其他犯罪活动已经达到了令人震惊和难以容忍的程度。

 

One of the most illuminating documents on the social ferment in southern China is also one of the earliest. On 13 March 1982, barely four years into the reforms, the standing committee of the Guangdong Provincial Congress admitted that there had been an explosion of crime and resolved that it was time to assess ‘the danger of a great evil’ unleashed by economic reform. ‘Significant achievements have been made but at the same time smuggling, foreign exchange arbitrage, profiteering, speculation, theft of public property, pilfering and selling precious cultural relics, demanding bribes and other criminal activities have reached a shocking and intolerable degree,’ it said.

 

委员会听说 "重大案件对社会主义事业和人民的利益造成了经济和政治损害"。

委员会规定对经济犯罪分子处以更重的刑罚，对最严重的犯罪分子保留死刑和终身监禁。

它的语言让人想起一个多世纪前林则徐反对鸦片的诏书，它责备了官员，并发誓要更好地发现和更严格地惩罚国家官员。

它恢复了传统的社会控制、心理压力和对较轻罪行的怜悯，发誓要执行 "坦白从宽，惩罚从严 "的政策。

最后的劝告值得详细阅读，因为它洞察了中国学者-官员不变的思想。

 

The committee heard that ‘major cases have caused economic and political damage to the socialist cause and the interests of the people’. It prescribed heavier sentences for economic criminals, reserving the death penalty and life imprisonment for the worst offenders. In language that recalled the edicts of Lin Zexu against opium more than a century before, it chastised officials and vowed better detection and stricter punishment for state functionaries. It reverted to traditional methods of social control, psychological pressure and mercy for lesser fry, vowing to carry out a policy of ‘leniency for confession and stern resolve for punishment’. The concluding exhortation is worth reading in detail for its insight into the unchanging mind of the Chinese scholar-official:

 

在5月1日之前自首的人，应按过去的有关法律和法规处理，否则应视为继续犯罪。

这说明我们的政策仍然是宽严相济，给人留下了悔改的空间。

 

People who turn themselves in to the police for their past crimes by 1 May shall be dealt with according to the relevant laws and regulations of the past; otherwise their crimes shall be regarded as continuing. This shows that our policy is still one of leniency and strictness which leaves room for repentance.

 

那些希望得到宽大处理的人，请注意! 迅速自首吧。

这是唯一的出路。

不要垂头丧气! 如果你们拖延，你们将受到严厉的对待，后悔也来不及了。

所有的亲属、朋友和上级都要抓住这个机会，劝说和催促这些罪犯自首，迅速如实交代自己的罪行。

 

Those who wish to be dealt with leniently, be aware! Turn yourselves in quickly. It is the only way out. Don’t hang your heads! If you delay, you will be treated severely and it will be too late for regrets. All relatives, friends and superiors must seize this opportunity to exhort and to press such criminals to turn themselves in and to quickly and truthfully explain their crimes.

 

广东的文件是根据中央委员会关于 "严厉打击严重经济犯罪 "的指示制定的。

这是受陈云的启发，他希望 "像雷霆万钧一样坚决打击"。

改革者看到的是人性，而陈云则发现阶级敌人一心想要 "破坏和侵蚀我们的制度"，并警告他的同志们，"资产阶级的生活方式一直在上升"。

 

The Guangdong document followed a directive from the Central Committee to ‘strike hard against serious economic crimes’. It was inspired by Chen Yun, who wanted ‘a hard and resolute strike like a thunderbolt’. Where reformers saw human nature, Chen detected class enemies bent on ‘sabotage and erosion of our system’ and warned his comrades that ‘bourgeois lifestyles have been on the rise’.

 

困扰官员的不仅仅是经济上的变化，还有心态上的变化。

改革者早期的一个野心是在珠江口的蛇口建立一个出口加工区和港口，直接与香港隔着深圳湾。

潜力是显而易见的，但激励劳动力是困难的，尽管有一些口号被认为是鼓舞人心的，如 "时间就是金钱，效率就是生命！由于在香港周围的浑浊水域进行疏浚的时间比预期的要长，项目面临着延误。

这项工作是单调而艰苦的。

工人们不得不在泥泞、潮湿的条件下拖着一车车切割好的石头和碎石。

这是一项缓慢的工作。

负责该项目的党政官员阮祥发解释说，管理人员引入了一个奖金制度，以加快港湾前线的工作，而在引入奖金后，生产速度提高了一倍多。

为了提高产量，工人们开始早起，他们在天亮前就准备好工作，并准备好他们的小车和机器，在夜幕降临后仍然在清理它们。

每个人的积极性都很高。

"阮经天回忆说。

 

It was not just a change of economics but of mentality that vexed officials. One early ambition of the reformers had been to build an export processing zone and port at Shekou in the Pearl River estuary, directly across the bay of Shenzhen from Hong Kong. The potential was obvious but motivating the workforce was hard, despite slogans thought to be inspiring, such as ‘time is money, efficiency is life!’ The project faced delays because dredging in the murky waters around Hong Kong was taking longer than expected. The task was monotonous and hard. Workers had to haul carts of cut stone and rubble in muddy, wet conditions. It was slow work. Ruan Xiangfa, the party official responsible for the project, explained that managers had introduced a bonus system to speed up work on the harbour frontage, and after the bonus was brought in, the rate of production more than doubled. ‘The workers started to get up early in order to increase production, they would get ready for work and prepare their carts and machinery before daylight and still be cleaning them after nightfall. Everyone was highly motivated,’ Ruan recalled.

 

然后官员们意识到，有些人工作非常努力，他们的奖金超过了工资。

这违反了一项规定，即在中国没有人可以获得超过两个月工资的年度奖金。

从这个角度来看，项目的平均月薪约为100元，在当时相当于约41美元。

 官员下令终止这项计划。

天塌下来了，"Ruan说，"我们接到上级的命令：停止发放奖金！"。

工人们并不懒惰，但从那时起，他们只是按时完工，就这样了。

产量下降了。

 

Then officials realised that some of the men were working so hard that their bonuses exceeded their wages. This broke a regulation that nobody in China could receive an annual bonus which came to more than two months’ salary. To put it in perspective, an average monthly wage on the project was about Y100, equal at the time to about US$41. The officials ordered an end to the scheme. ‘The sky fell in,’ said Ruan, ‘we received orders from our superiors: stop the bonuses! The workers weren’t lazy but from then on they just finished on time and that was that.’ Production slumped.

 

这时，新华社的一名记者通过该机构的平行渠道，即所谓的 "内部文件"，提交了一份关于这个项目的报告。

这些文件不是写给普通读者的，而是只给官方看的。

该报告解释了蛇口的奖金制度的兴衰。

当报告到达共产党总书记胡耀邦的办公桌时，他非常生气。

他在报告上写道："我们的一些部门简直是不真实的！"。

'当我们讨论奖金的时候，没有一个同志同意这种限制。

我们怎么能在制定规则和发号施令的同时还能做到现代化，进行积极的改革？

 

At that point a reporter for Xinhua filed a report on the project through the agency’s parallel channel, known as neibu wenjian or ‘internal documents’. These were not written for the general reader but for official eyes only. The report explained the rise and fall of the bonus system at Shekou. When it reached the desk of Hu Yaobang, the general secretary of the Communist Party, he was furious. ‘Some of our departments are just unreal!’ he wrote on the report. ‘When we discussed bonuses not one comrade agreed with such restrictions. How can we be modern and make positive reforms while still living by making rules and giving orders?’

 

胡锦涛把报告交给了与邓小平关系密切的副总理兼经济改革家谷牧。

几天之内，奖金就被恢复了。

产量再次飙升，项目比计划提前一个月完成。

 

Hu sent the report on to vice premier and economic reformer Gu Mu, who was close to Deng Xiaoping. Within days, the bonuses were reinstated. Production soared once again and the project was completed a month ahead of schedule.

 

这至少是授权的版本。

一个明智和仁慈的中央领导层干预纠正地方官员的错误的画面为党的叙事服务，蛇口事件也许应该被视为典范而不是典型。

尽管如此，它说明了中国改革的一个普遍事实。

改革是自上而下的，一步一步地进行，而且不断出现逆转。

尽管有这样的反复，到80年代中期，一股巨大的变革浪潮席卷中国南方。

 

Such, at least, was the authorised version. The picture of a wise and benevolent central leadership intervening to correct the errors of local officials serves the party’s narrative and the Shekou case should, perhaps, be taken as exemplary rather than typical. None the less, it illustrated a general truth about Chinese reform. It was top-down, step by step and constantly subject to reverses. Despite such fits and starts, by the middle of the 1980s a great wave of change was rolling across southern China.

 

在改革的早期阶段，第一批来自香港的商人冒险回到了中国。

他们并不是被宠坏的客人。

其中一位名叫叶国华的人回忆说，他们早上四点钟在尖沙咀海滨的旧火车站排队领取必要的许可证，然后坐火车到罗湖的边境，在那里，旅客们走过一座带环的桥，进入一个棚子。

在这里，士兵们检查了他们的证件，然后他们等待着被叫到号码进行海关检查。

然后，他们登上了一列柴油机火车，一路狂奔到广州。

当我们到达那里时，已经是午夜了，"他记得。

'当时我不得不花一整天的时间去广州。

 

The first businessmen from Hong Kong ventured back into China in the early stages of reform. They were not pampered guests. One of them, Yip Kwok-wah, recalled queueing at four o’clock in the morning for the necessary permits at the old railway station on the waterfront at Tsim Sha Tsui, then riding a train to the border at Lo Wu, where travellers walked across a girdered bridge and into a shed. Here soldiers checked their papers, after which they waited for their numbers to be called for customs inspection. Then they boarded a diesel-drawn train which rattled up to Guangzhou. ‘When we got there it was already midnight,’ he remembered. ‘I had to spend the whole day to travel to Guangzhou at the time.’

 

先驱们投资于港口和公路，建造工厂，培训工人，他们的工资只是香港工资的一小部分。

企业家们发现，在社会主义制度下，有大量的法规需要谈判。

许多人通过依靠宗族纽带来应对不确定性和风险，在他们的祖籍地投资，在那里可以找到朋友和大家族的成员。

他们共同的广东话使交易更加舒适，而且有 "为祖籍地的发展做出贡献的感觉"。

 

The pioneers invested in ports and roads, built factories and trained workers who earned a fraction of the wages paid in Hong Kong. Entrepreneurs found a thicket of regulations to negotiate in the socialist system. Many dealt with uncertainty and risk by falling back on the bonds of clan, investing in their ancestral homelands, where friends and members of the extended family could be found. Their common Cantonese spoken language made dealings more comfortable and there was ‘a sense of contributing to the development of the ancestral hometown’.

 

中国仍在摸索建立现代司法系统的道路。

在毛泽东主义时期，法律传统被破坏了。

法学院在1979年才重新开课。

司法部和法院系统还处于起步阶段。

中国希望得到外国投资，但其官员对投资者保护、商业纠纷的解决或跨境交易没有什么把握。

1965年至1978年间，中国没有发表过一篇关于国际法的专业文章。

现在，在改革的最初几年，关于合同、商标、专利、继承和破产的新法律被通过。

政府重组了对收入、商业利润、房地产、车辆和农业的税收。

在意识到贸易是增长的途径之前，它以保护主义国家的心态制定了关税、关税和规则。

产权、劳工法和土地使用规则都在不断变化。

商业等于混乱。

 

China was still groping its way towards a modern judicial system. Under Maoism, the legal tradition had been destroyed. Law schools only reopened in 1979. The ministry of justice and the court system were in their infancy. The country wanted foreign investment but its officials had little grasp of investor protection, the settlement of business disputes or cross-border transactions. Between 1965 and 1978 not a single specialist article on international law had been published in China. Now, in the first years of reform, new laws were passed on contracts, trademarks, patents, inheritance and bankruptcy. The government reorganised taxes on income, commercial profits, real estate, vehicles and agriculture. It set customs duties, tariffs and rules with the mentality of a protectionist state before realising that trade was the route to growth. Property rights, labour codes and rules on land use were in constant flux. Commerce equalled confusion.

 

相比之下，香港公司习惯于一个由公正的法院、判例法和明确的法规组成的法律环境；他们支付低税，并在轻度监管下运营。

在珠江三角洲的冒险是令人生畏的。

尽管如此，香港成为迄今为止在中国最大的外部投资者。

1985年至2014年期间，它几乎占了进入中国的所有外国直接投资的一半，约7448亿美元。

 

By contrast, Hong Kong companies were used to a legal environment of impartial courts, case law and clear statutes; they paid low taxes and operated under light regulation. To venture up the Pearl River Delta was daunting. None the less, Hong Kong became by far the largest outside investor in China. Between 1985 and 2014 it accounted for almost half of all the foreign direct investment into the country, some US$744.8 billion.

 

对于跨国公司来说，中国就像一个埃尔多拉多一样在招手。

可口可乐公司在李强的鼓励下于80年代初在北京开设了装瓶厂，随后大众汽车公司与上海汽车工业公司合作建立了一家汽车厂。

通用汽车公司在重庆成立了一家合资企业，英国石油公司在南中国海钻探石油。

大多数公司仍然以十九世纪的眼光来看待向中国消费者出售商品的问题--毕竟中国有这么多消费者。

汽车巨头们是第一批打开大门的企业。

丰田和日产成倍地增加了对中国的销售，而雪铁龙、标致和菲亚特则以弯道的方式进入市场。

中国的摄影师们很快就用柯达和爱克发的胶卷拍摄出亮丽的色彩。

富裕的吸烟者吸着罗斯曼香烟，而城市人则吃着纳贝斯克的饼干，在奥蒂斯电梯上呼呼大睡。

公司将其战略建立在向中国出口成品的基础上，或者在少数情况下，建立合资企业，为中国市场进行本地生产。

一个结果是，中国的进口账单飙升，并在1980年、1984年和1985年跌入贸易逆差。

 

For multinationals, China beckoned like an Eldorado. The bottling plant in Beijing opened by Coca-Cola in the early eighties with the encouragement of Li Qiang was followed by a car factory built by Volkswagen with the Shanghai Automotive Industry Corporation. General Motors stepped into a joint venture in Chongqing and BP drilled for oil in the South China Sea. Most companies still thought in nineteenth-century terms of selling goods to Chinese consumers – there were, after all, so many of them. The car giants were among the first through the open door. Toyota and Nissan multiplied their sales to China, while Citroën, Peugeot and Fiat elbowed their way into the market. Chinese photographers were soon shooting luminous colours on Kodak and Agfa film. Affluent smokers puffed on Rothmans cigarettes, while urbanites munched crackers from Nabisco and whizzed up and down on board Otis elevators. Corporations built their strategies on exporting finished goods to China or, in a daring minority of cases, forming joint ventures to manufacture locally for the Chinese market. One result was that China’s import bill soared and it stumbled into trade deficits in 1980, 1984 and 1985.

 

香港的经历则完全不同。

从一开始，该殖民地几乎没有任何东西可以卖给中国，而中国的广大消费者也能买得起。

相反，它的公司专注于需要管理、工程技能和资本的建筑和开发项目，提供回报、完成日期和退出。

但后来一些企业家有了在中国境内制造东西卖给海外客户的想法。

低成本的土地和劳动力以及优惠的税收和关税待遇对轻工业的吸引力太强了，难以抵挡。

他们很快就着手开发生产系统，并发明了供应链。

香港公司在海外市场已经具有竞争力，拥有复杂的销售和分销网络，现在可以与中国的低成本采购相结合，以逃避殖民地本身不断上升的劳动力成本。

尽管许多首批进入的企业是中小型企业，但这一理论适用于所有企业。

就业统计数据说明了这一情况。

1981年，本地制造商在香港雇用了约87万名工人：20年后，这一数字下降到了约四分之一。

在同一时期，香港公司在珠江三角洲的雇员人数从最初的几个人变成了约1100万人。

 

The Hong Kong experience was completely different. From the start, the colony had practically nothing to sell to China which the mass of Chinese consumers could afford. Instead its companies focused on projects in construction and development which needed management, engineering skill and capital, offering a return, a completion date and an exit. But then some of its entrepreneurs had the idea of making things inside China to sell to customers overseas. The attractions for light industry of low-cost land and labour with preferential tax and tariff treatment were too strong to resist. They soon moved on to develop production systems and invented the supply chain. Hong Kong firms were already competitive in overseas markets, possessing sophisticated sales and distribution networks which could now be married to low-cost sourcing in China to escape rising labour costs in the colony itself. Even though many of the first entrants were small and medium-sized ventures, the theory applied to all. Employment statistics tell the tale. In 1981 local manufacturers employed around 870,000 workers in Hong Kong: twenty years later the number had fallen to about a quarter of that number. During the same period, Hong Kong companies went from a few local hires to employing an estimated 11 million people in the Pearl River Delta.

 

变革的风险和回报在中国引起了激烈的辩论。

有时，这些分歧被简化为想象中的 "左 "和 "右 "之间的二元冲突，但这些恐惧是真实的。

如果反对变革的人占了上风，我们现在就会生活在一个不同的世界。

 

The risks and rewards of change were hotly debated in China. Sometimes the divisions have been simplified to the point of caricature as a binary conflict between an imagined ‘left’ and ‘right’, but the fears were real. Had the opponents of change prevailed, we would now be living in a different world.

 

古典马克思主义者相信要让中国人民更加富裕，但他们认为国家应该采取不同的路线。

例如，陈云告诉他的同志们，他对外国金融的到来的反应是重新阅读列宁的作品《论帝国主义》，他发现这本书对这个时代非常有效。

总理赵紫阳后来记录了这些争论，对坚持革命完整性的人有一定的同情心。

'陈云认为，外国直接投资不是中国发展的解决方案。

他经常说，外国资本家不只是在寻找正常的利润，而是在寻找 "剩余利润"......他还对合资企业提出批评。

 

Classical Marxists believed in making the Chinese people wealthier, but they argued that the country should take a different route. Chen Yun, for example, told his comrades that his reaction to the arrival of foreign finance was to re-read Lenin’s work On Imperialism, which he found eminently valid for the times. The premier, Zhao Ziyang, later recorded the arguments with a certain amount of compassion towards people who clung to the integrity of the revolution. ‘Chen Yun believed that foreign direct investments were not the solution for China’s development. He often said that foreign capitalists were not just looking for normal profits, but “surplus profits” … he was also critical of joint ventures.’

 

陈云甚至阻碍了大众汽车和上海的合资企业，在他的办公室里放了很长时间的文件，最终才同意。

赵紫阳认为这种阻力是不合理的："有些人害怕被剥削。

中国以独立和自力更生的名义关闭了许多年的大门，但实际上这是一种自我孤立的做法。

实施开放政策的目的是为了进行对外贸易，用贸易来换取我们所需要的东西。

有些人对进口的想法感到羞愧。

有什么可感到羞耻的呢？这不是乞讨! 这是一种相互交换，也是一种自力更生的形式。

 

Chen had gone so far as to hold up the joint venture between Volkswagen and Shanghai, keeping the file in his office for a long time before he eventually gave his consent. Zhao found such resistance irrational: ‘Some people were fearful of being exploited. China had closed its doors for many years in the name of independence and self-reliance but in fact it was a self-imposed isolation. The purpose of implementing an open-door policy was to conduct foreign trade, to trade for what we needed. Some people felt ashamed about the idea of importing. What was there to feel ashamed about? It wasn’t begging! It was a mutual exchange, which was also a form of self-reliance.’

 

赵指出，当外国人在中国投资时，他们担心中国的政策会改变。

他争辩说，中国本身没有什么好怕的。

他听到一些毛泽东主义者警告说，经济特区会变成殖民地；他们声称，澳门最初是租给葡萄牙人用来晾晒渔网的，但后来变成了一个殖民主义的立足点。

赵说，那是在一个腐败和无能的王朝时代，但人民共和国与此完全不同。

唯一有意义的恐惧是外国人担心中国政策有一天会改变，政府会放弃其协议并没收他们的资产。

 

Zhao pointed out that when foreigners invested in China they feared that China’s policies might change. He argued that China itself had nothing to fear. He had heard some Maoists warning that the Special Economic Zones would turn into colonies; they claimed that Macau had originally been leased to the Portuguese to dry their fishing nets but had turned into a colonial foothold. That was in the days of a corrupt and impotent dynasty, Zhao said, but the People’s Republic was nothing like that. The only fear that counted was the fear among foreigners that Chinese policy would change one day and the government would renounce its agreements and confiscate their assets.

 

现代中国学者倾向于从战略角度看待开放经济的决定，承认香港作为 "重要的窗口和桥梁 "的关键作用，但强调共产党对这个城市始终抱有清醒的功利主义观点。

该党自己的经济学家认为，中国必须采用出口发展模式，因为没有其他方法可以在其庞大的国内经济中创造需求。

即使是一个高度优先项目的工人，如蛇口的新港口，每月的收入也只相当于47美元。

如果人们没有闲钱，他们就不能投资或消费。

一旦他们有了现金，就可以买更好的食物、新衣服、摩托车或家用电器。

中国将再次发现货币的速度，并欣赏它的作用。

如果没有这种对经济的刺激，人们将永远被困在生存社会主义中，中国将永远无法恢复其伟大。

 

Modern Chinese scholarship tends to take a strategic view of the decision to open up the economy, acknowledging the critical role of Hong Kong as ‘an important window and bridge’ but emphasising that the Communist Party always had a clear-eyed utilitarian view of the city. The party’s own economists argued that China had to adopt the export development model because there was no other way to create demand in its vast domestic economy. Even a worker on a high-priority project, such as the new port at Shekou, was only earning the equivalent of US$47 a month. If people had no spare money they could not invest or spend it. Once they had cash to hand they could buy better food, new clothes, a motorcycle or a domestic appliance. China would once again discover the velocity of money and appreciate its usefulness. Without such a spur to the economy the population would remain forever trapped in survival socialism, and China would never recover its greatness.

 

回顾过去，国务院港澳研究所一位名叫蔡赤萌的研究员是这样解释的。

 

Looking back, a researcher at the State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Research Institute named Cai Chimeng explained it like this:

 

在改革开放初期，中国需要一个面向世界的窗口，香港是最好的选择。

到1970年代末，香港已经完成了工业化阶段，成为国际轻工制造中心。

它是亚洲 "四小龙 "之一，是全球资本主义生产体系的一个环节。

自中华人民共和国成立以来，中央政府对香港采取了 "长期规划和充分利用 "的战略。

因此，它成为与国际市场接轨的主要窗口，金融开放的缓冲区和人民币[即人民币]货币国际化的试验台。

 

In the early stage of opening up, China needed a window to the world and Hong Kong was the best choice. By the late 1970s Hong Kong had completed the industrialization stage and was an international centre for light manufacturing. It was one of the ‘four tigers’ of Asia and a link in the global capitalist production system. Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China the central government had adopted a strategy of ‘long term planning and full utilisation’ for Hong Kong. So it became the main window for connecting with the international market, a buffer zone for financial opening up and a testbed for internationalisation of the renminbi [i.e. the yuan] currency.

 

共产党领导层接受了激进的政策变化以促进出口。

他们批准了补贴、国家银行的廉价信贷（没有其他银行）、税收优惠、工厂的优惠土地价格、建筑项目的快速审批以及廉价的水电费。

重点是劳动密集型产业，因为中国的工资很低，所以在这些产业中拥有无可匹敌的比较优势。

作为交换，中国将赚取外汇，使其能够进口外国机器和技术，从而提高生产力，并开始在制造业的阶梯上长期攀升。

蔡其孟明确表示，该党认为这是必要的、短期的和务实的，是推进其征服世界市场的长期雄心的手段。

 

The Communist Party leadership accepted radical policy changes to promote exports. They authorised subsidies, cheap credit from state banks (there were no others), tax incentives, preferential land prices for factories, swift approvals for building projects and cheap rates for water and electricity. The focus was to be on labour-intensive industries where China held an unbeatable comparative advantage because its wages were so low. In exchange, China would earn foreign currency, allowing it to import foreign machinery and technology, thus raising productivity and starting the long climb up the manufacturing ladder. Cai Chimeng was explicit about how the party saw this as necessary, short term and pragmatic, a means to advance its long-term ambition to conquer world markets:

 

在这一时期，中国的经济发展高度依赖外国资本。

因此，战略是以渐进的方式推进对外开放。

大陆的经济缺乏资本，而技术和管理水平落后。

吸引外国投资者是一种动力，而香港是最重要的直接投资来源......香港和海外中国商人首先利用温和的气候、地理和人力资本；然后外国公司进来，给我们带来急需的资金、新技术、市场经济概念、管理经验和国际联系网络。

 

During this period, China’s economic development was highly dependent on foreign capital. So the strategy was to advance openness to the outside world in a progressive manner. The mainland’s economy was short of capital, while its levels of technology and management were backward. Attracting foreign investors was a driving force and Hong Kong was the most important source of direct investment … Hong Kong and overseas Chinese businessmen were the first to take advantage of the mild climate, geography and human capital; then foreign firms came in, bringing us much-needed funds, new technologies, concepts of a market economy, management experience and a network of international contacts.

 

从1980年到2000年的二十年间，全球经济秩序发生了翻天覆地的变化。

中国不满足于成为地球上最大的客户；它的目标是成为最大的供应商，而香港是它的门户和中介。

中国沿海地区是全球化开始大规模发展的地方。

世界上有许多力量在起作用：降低贸易关税、新技术、放松金融管制、浮动汇率、工业化民主国家的市场自由化以及苏联集团的指令性经济的崩溃。

如果没有中国作为一个新世界的车间出现，这些结果都不会以同样的规模出现。

经济评论员马丁-沃尔夫（Martin Wolf）在2004年写道："从来没有这么多的人--或者世界人口中这么大的比例--享受到如此大的生活水平的提高。

 

In two decades from 1980 to 2000 the global economic order turned inside out. China was not content to become the biggest customer on the planet; it aimed to become the biggest supplier, with Hong Kong as its gateway and its intermediary. Coastal China was the place where globalisation began on a grand scale. There were many forces at work around the world: lower trade tariffs, new technologies, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, market liberalisation in the industrialised democracies and the collapse of command economies in the Soviet bloc. None of the results would have come about on the same scale without China’s emergence as the workshop of a new world. ‘Never before have so many people – or so large a proportion of the world population – enjoyed such large rises in their standards of living,’ wrote the economics commentator Martin Wolf in 2004.

 

在1980年至1990年的十年间，中国的出口每年增长13%；在接下来的十年里，它们仍然以11%的速度增长。

根据世界银行的数据，在二十世纪的最后二十年里，中国的平均实际收入增长了440%。

统计学家们还记录了一个将在新世纪变得具有政治影响力的趋势。

发展中国家的收入增长比富裕国家快得多。

在全球范围内，不平等正在减少。

但在许多社会中，不平等却在上升。

在激动人心的全球化阶段，赚取里程的技术专家和管理精英们很少注意到这一点。

 

In the decade from 1980 to 1990 Chinese exports grew at 13 per cent a year; over the next ten years they still grew at 11 per cent. According to the World Bank, average real incomes in China rose 440 per cent in the last twenty years of the twentieth century. The statisticians also recorded a trend that would become politically potent in the new century. Incomes were growing much faster in developing countries than in rich ones. Globally, inequality was being reduced. But within many societies it was rising. In the heady phase of globalisation, few in the mileage-earning technocratic and managerial elite took much notice of that.

 

中国的变化激发了香港的乐观情绪和健康的贪婪。

长期被大陆排斥的资本家们被召集起来参加宴会和祝酒会。

制造商在关闭殖民地的工厂并将生产转移到珠江三角洲时获得了利润。

一些大亨看到了人民共和国的无限扩张，它将需要机场、酒店和购物中心来服务十亿消费者。

在国内，香港的劳动力在英国的统治下变得更有教养。

接受高等教育的机会为更多的年轻人准备了新的工作。

进入广东省后，在不断发展的工业区创造了新的机会。

在当时的中文报纸和杂志中，忧郁和怀疑并没有占很大比重。

 

The changes in China inspired optimism and healthy greed in Hong Kong. Capitalists, long ostracised by the mainland, were summoned for banquets and toasts. Manufacturers reaped profits as they shut factories in the colony and moved production to the Pearl River Delta. Some tycoons saw limitless expansion in the People’s Republic, which would need airports, hotels and shopping malls to serve a billion consumers. At home, the Hong Kong workforce had become better educated under British rule. Access to tertiary education prepared more young people for new jobs. Access to Guangdong province created new opportunities in the growing industrial zones. In the Chinese-language newspapers and magazines of the time, melancholy and doubt did not figure greatly.

 

然而，在中国国内，改革时代带来了对腐败和高物价的愤怒，对国家 "铁饭碗 "的不确定性，以及怀旧、自我质疑的潮流，甚至对作为中国人意味着什么的哲学辩论。

在许多外国观察家没有发现的情况下，这些发展成为一场社会和政治运动。

知识界的热潮并没有让两位与改革有关的政治家，即党的总书记胡耀邦和总理赵紫阳感到沮丧。

赵紫阳在确保香港回归的过程中发挥了作用，他推动了一个政治制度改革研究小组的成立。

该小组包括党的八大元老之一薄一波。

 

Inside China, however, the era of reform brought anger about corruption and high prices, uncertainty about the state’s ‘iron rice bowl’ and currents of nostalgia, self-questioning, even a philosophical debate about what it meant to be Chinese. Undetected by many foreign observers, these grew into a social and political movement. The intellectual ferment did not dismay the two politicians identified with reform, the party general secretary Hu Yaobang and the prime minister Zhao Ziyang. Fortified by his role in securing the return of Hong Kong, Zhao pressed ahead with the formation of a study group for the reform of the political system. It included one of the party’s eight elders, Bo Yibo.

 

英国政府对赵紫阳和胡耀邦的未来进行了大量投资。

他们认为改革者继续执政是对香港未来的一种保险，也是对与新兴中国经济的特权关系的保证。

英国非常谨慎地欢迎这两个人来到英国。

1985年6月3日，撒切尔夫人在唐宁街10号的晚宴上接待了赵紫阳。

她保存在私人文件中的座位图说明了双方的信心。

中国总理坐在撒切尔夫人和她丈夫丹尼斯之间。

他的主要助手和密友鲍彤被安排在英国航空公司老板金勋爵的旁边，面对着布克卢克和昆斯伯里公爵（一个因骑马事故而被限制在轮椅上的保守党大地主）、英国驻华大使理查德-埃文斯爵士和曾激怒邓小平的香港 "非官方人士 "的负责人钟士元爵士。

在几个座位之外，谈话可能更加热烈，在那里，说着流利英语的尖酸刻薄的周南与撒切尔夫人的同样尖酸刻薄的部长尼古拉斯-雷德利、前首相詹姆斯-卡拉汉和不可避免的珀西-柯利達爵士爵士并列。

在桌下的富豪和大人物中，约瑟夫-尼德姆坐在一个孤独的位置上，这位剑桥大学的左翼多面手，他的伟大作品《中国的科学与文明》提出了所谓的 "尼德姆问题"：赵紫阳和他的团队对这个问题非常感兴趣，因为它提出了为什么现代科学，"关于自然的假设的数学化"，在欧洲得到了飞速的发展，而在中国和印度却没有。

靠近桌子顶端的是香港总督尤德爵士；坐在最下面的是他早逝后的继任者，外交部的汉学家卫奕信。

一个烛台和水晶的夜晚，可能是英国和中国之间友谊的高水位标志，它现在似乎被讽刺所笼罩。

 

The British government invested heavily in Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang futures. They saw reformers’ continuation in power as an insurance policy for the future of Hong Kong and a guarantee of privileged relations with the emerging Chinese economy. Great care was taken to welcome both men to Britain. On 3 June 1985, Mrs Thatcher hosted Zhao at a dinner in 10 Downing Street. The seating plan, which she kept in her private papers, illustrates the confidence of both sides. The Chinese premier sat between Mrs Thatcher and her husband, Denis. His principal aide and confidant, Bao Tong, was placed next to Lord King, the boss of British Airways, facing the Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry (a great Tory landowner who was confined to a wheelchair after a riding accident), the British ambassador to China, Sir Richard Evans, and Sir S.Y. Chung, the head of the Hong Kong ‘unofficials’ who had riled Deng Xiaoping. The conversation may have been livelier a few seats away, where the acerbic Zhou Nan, who spoke fluent English, was flanked by Mrs Thatcher’s equally caustic minister Nicholas Ridley, by the former prime minister James Callaghan and the inevitable Sir Percy Cradock. On a lonely perch among the tycoons and grandees down-table sat Joseph Needham, the left-wing Cambridge polymath whose great work Science and Civilisation in China posed what is known as the ‘Needham Question’: a matter of great interest to Zhao Ziyang and his group because it asked why modern science, ‘the mathematisation of hypotheses about nature’, had enjoyed a meteoric rise in Europe but not in China or India. Near the top of the table was the governor of Hong Kong, Sir Edward Youde; in the very lowest place was the man who would succeed him after his early death, the foreign office Sinologist David Wilson. An evening of candelabras and crystal that may have been the high-water mark of friendship between Britain and China, it is one that now seems shadowed by irony.

 

外交部并没有因为所有这类会面在形式上的挑剔而气馁，即使是那些与据称像赵紫阳一样思想开放的中国政治家的会面，也在次年6月共产党领导人胡耀邦的访问中运用了其最优秀的头脑。

 

Robert Culshaw，一位年轻的外交明星，给总理办公室发了一份备忘录，回顾了中国的一句谚语：礼多人不怪，并为这位年过七旬的总书记列出了一系列 "特别的感动"。

据称，这些 "应该有助于英国的利益，使中国人更难相信我们在提出给他们带来困难的建议时没有诚意或对中国的价值观不敏感"。

 

Undeterred by the formal prickliness of all such encounters, even those with Chinese politicians supposedly as open-minded as Zhao Ziyang, the Foreign Office applied its finest minds to the visit of Hu Yaobang, the leader of the Communist Party, in June the following year. Robert Culshaw, a young star in the diplomatic service, sent a memo to the prime minister’s office recalling a Chinese proverb that much courtesy displeases nobody, and listing a series of ‘special touches’ for the septuagenarian general secretary. These, it was argued, ‘should help UK interests by making it harder for the Chinese to believe that we are not acting in good faith or are insensitive to Chinese values when we make proposals which cause them difficulty’.

 

为了向这位顽固的马克思主义者示好，英国人采用了一些典型的方法，其中包括将英国玫瑰和四川省的特色花卉结合在一起的插花，一个演奏中国民间曲调的仪式乐队，以及一套纪念哈雷彗星出现的扑克牌（"胡先生是一位热衷于打桥牌的人"），据说在公元前651年的儒家《春秋》中首次提到了这一事件。

为了炫耀英国的技术，胡锦涛还得到了一个与中国电视机兼容的电子桥接器伴侣。

英国电信公司的工程师在胡锦涛和一直很可疑的周南的房间里放置了一个早期的视频文本服务，上面有一个欢迎词的程序。

备忘录指出："访问代码只由吉祥的数字组成（例如8=繁荣：而不是4=死亡）。

令人怀疑的是，国家安全部为英国人的奸诈行为做好准备的客人们是否接触过这些设备。

 

Among the quintessentially English methods deployed to woo this hardened Marxist were a flower arrangement combining English roses with blooms characteristic of Sichuan province, a ceremonial band playing Chinese folk tunes and a gift set of playing cards (‘Mr Hu is a keen bridge player’) commemorating the appearance of Halley’s comet, of which the first written mention was believed to be found in the Confucian ‘Spring and Autumn Annals’ of 651 BC. To show off British technology, Hu was also provided with an electronic bridge companion compatible with Chinese television sets. British Telecom engineers placed in the rooms of both Hu and the ever-suspicious Zhou Nan Prestel sets, an early video text service, programmed with a welcome message. ‘The access code is made up only of auspicious digits (eg 8 = prosperity: and not 4 = death)’, the memo noted. It is doubtful whether the guests, prepared for British deviousness by the ministry of state security, ever touched the devices.

 

总书记对牛津的访问的最后一项内容是在巴利奥尔学院举行的晚餐后狂欢和诗歌朗诵活动，该学院是四位英国首相的培养地。

其中包括中国诗人李白和艾青的作品。

计划者似乎对赵紫阳在自己的访问中的类似努力打瞌睡的回忆毫不畏惧。

 

A final touch to the general secretary’s visit to Oxford was an after-dinner programme of madrigals and poetry readings at Balliol College, the nurturing ground for four British prime ministers. It included works by the Chinese poets Li Bai and Ai Qing. The planners seemed undaunted by the recollection that Zhao Ziyang had dozed off during a similar effort on his own visit.

 

最终，这一切都徒劳无功。

1987年1月，胡耀邦从公众视野中消失了，当月16日，中国公众被告知他已经承认了自己的错误并辞职。

在邓小平和其他长者眼中，他的罪行是没有以足够的热情来反对 "资产阶级自由化"。

赵紫阳接替了他的总书记职位，并以一种木讷的姿态与之保持一致，许多人认为这并不令人信服。

这是对改革者的第一次沉重打击，它预示着更糟糕的情况即将到来。

 

In the end it was all in vain. In January 1987 Hu Yaobang vanished from public view, and on the sixteenth of the month the Chinese public were told that he had made a confession of his errors and resigned. His offence in the eyes of Deng Xiaoping and other elders was not to have opposed ‘bourgeois liberalisation’ with sufficient zeal. Zhao Ziyang took his place as general secretary, and fell into line with a show of wooden conformity that many found unconvincing. It was the first severe blow to the reformers, and it heralded worse to come.

 

就目前而言，他们的势头不错。

1987年10月，赵紫阳在党的第十三次代表大会上宣布，中国正处于社会主义的早期阶段，这就要求将市场改革作为实现最终目标的手段。

他还提出了一个重要的政治改革方案。

但是，中国的经济和社会正笼罩着风暴的乌云。

 

For the moment, momentum was with them. In October 1987, Zhao declared at the Thirteenth Party Congress that China was at an early stage of socialism which called for market reforms as a means to the ultimate end. He also put forward a significant package of political reforms. But the storm clouds were gathering over China’s economy and its society.

 

1988年，中国国家电视台播出了一部名为《河殇》的六集电视剧。

观众们以前从未见过这样的节目。

 河殇》以三组信徒--道教徒、穆斯林和佛教徒--鞠躬祈祷的镜头开场。

它的标题镜头以古典书法展开，叠加在蜿蜒、黑暗的黄河景色上，而一首低沉的传统歌曲唤起了船夫的辛劳。

叙述者张家胜谈到了那些在激流中丧生的年轻英雄。

他赞扬了中国青年的精神，他们拒绝忘记西方炮舰控制海岸线时的耻辱。

他问道："是我们上个世纪被动失败的历史使我们在心理上受到影响，还是几十年的贫穷和落后？中国是一个正在衰退的文明。

就这样，观众被直接带回到1840年，看到了外国对中国人民的暴行的场景。

 

In 1988 Chinese national television broadcast a six-episode series called River Elegy. Viewers had seen nothing like it before. River Elegy opened with a sequence of three groups of believers, Taoists, Muslims and Buddhists, bowing in prayer. Its title shot unfolded in classical calligraphy, superimposed on a view of the winding, darkened Yellow River, while a plangent traditional song evoked the toil of the boatmen. The narrator, Zhang Jiasheng, spoke of young heroes who perished trying to run the rapids. He praised the spirit of China’s youth, who refused to forget the shame of a time when Western gunboats controlled the coastline. ‘Is it our history of passive defeat over the last century that has conditioned us psychologically or decades of poverty and backwardness?’ he asked. China was a civilisation in decline. With that, the audience was taken straight back to 1840 and shown scenes of foreign atrocities against the Chinese people.

 

纪录片声称，中国文明的根源在于黄河，说它塑造了国家的命运和性格。

纪录片引用了马克思和恩格斯的观点，将东方专制主义的盛行与中央政权下的大规模劳工需要进行大规模的灌溉和农业联系起来。

亚洲生产模式 "需要一个由无数无足轻重的人组成的社会，让他们服从于一个最高统治者。

民主、自由和平等永远不可能在这样的状态下蓬勃发展。

一首萦绕在耳边的歌曲包括这些歌词。

 

The documentary claimed that the roots of Chinese civilisation lay in the Yellow River, saying it had shaped the national destiny and character. Citing Marx and Engels, it linked the prevalence of oriental despotism with the need for mass labour under a central regime to carry out large-scale irrigation and agriculture. The ‘Asiatic production model’ required a society of countless insignificant individuals subservient to a supreme ruler. Democracy, freedom and equality could never flourish in such a state. A haunting song included these lyrics:

 

在古老的东方，有一条龙In the ancient East there was a dragon

中国是它的名字China was its name

在古老的东方，有一个民族In the ancient East there was a people

他们都是龙的传人They were all descendants of the dragon

我在龙的脚下长大，成为龙的传人I grew up under the feet of the dragon and became a descendant of the dragon

黑眼睛，黑头发，黄皮肤，我永远是龙的传人。

 

Dark eyes, dark hair, yellow skin, forever I am a descendant of the dragon

 

根据该节目，中国的古老文明已经像黄河本身一样淤塞了。

这成为整个系列节目的一个隐喻。

几千年来，中国人一直依附在黄土地上，背对着蓝天，为食物而耕作。

这是他们灵魂的一部分。

节目中说，很少有人比中国人有更深刻的历史感，但也很少有人像中国人一样有宿命感。

在长城的环绕下，他们的农业文明感到安全，但长城并不是一个值得骄傲的理由。

它不是权力和繁荣的纪念碑，而只是说明了孤立、保守和无能的防御。

它 "将自我美化、傲慢和自欺欺人植入我们的民族性格"。

为什么文明的光芒在十七世纪后变得黯淡？中国人已经忘记了如何进行贸易和竞争。

中国已经发明了纸张和印刷术，但只有在欧洲，它们才被用来摧毁封建主义。

在中国，"成堆的历史被书写"，一千年来没有出现过 "知识爆炸"。

这的确是 "李約瑟難題Needham Question "。

知识分子只是刚刚从 "文化大革命 "中被打入的 "恶臭的第九类 "中走出来。

在这片曾经尊崇孔子的土地上，教师的地位已经下降了。

 

According to the programme, China’s old civilisation had become silted up like the Yellow River itself. This became a metaphor throughout the series. For millennia the Chinese had clung to the yellow soil and bent their backs to the blue sky as they grafted for food. It was part of their souls. Few people, the programme said, had a more profound sense of history than the Chinese, but few were as fatalistic. Encircled by the Great Wall, their agricultural civilisation felt secure, but the Great Wall was not a cause for pride. Rather than being a monument to power and prosperity it spoke only of isolation, conservatism and incompetent defence. It had ‘embedded self-glorification, arrogance and self-deception into our national character’. And why did the glow of civilisation dim after the seventeenth century? The Chinese people had forgotten how to trade and compete. Paper and printing had been invented in China but only in Europe had they been used to destroy feudalism. In China, where ‘reams of history were written’, there had been no ‘knowledge explosion’ for a thousand years. This was indeed the ‘Needham Question’. Intellectuals were only just venturing out of the ‘stinking ninth category’ to which they had been consigned by the Cultural Revolution. In a land which once revered Confucius, the status of teachers had sunk.

 

河殇》称赞1978年12月的三中全会是一个 "不可抗拒的历史潮流"，它将走向复兴。

然而，它警告听众，改革意味着斗争，而不仅仅是 "从红薯变成馒头 "或购买汽车和冰箱。

在后来的日子里，《河殇》被作为改革的宣言而被重新提起，但二十一世纪的进步中国人对其中的一些观点会感到不舒服。

它当然不符合西方关于人的权利和自由人道主义的先入为主的观念。

除了对 "民族性格 "的全面概括之外，该节目将人口增长确定为中国最大的问题，说它以 "低等人 "的形式产生了 "苦果"--这是一个通过拍摄贫穷的、满脸皱纹的、牙齿不齐的村民的脚本台词。

它说，只有市场才能纠正癌症医院的专科医生与在门口卖土豆的老太太收入相同的状况。

马克思敲响的资本主义的丧钟迟迟没有到来...... "剧本中这样说。

资本主义自我更新，当一些社会主义国家正在进行改革时，是时候让中国接受一种具有中国特色的激进的市场社会主义新形式了。

从本质上讲，这是对赵紫阳和幸存的改革者的主题的一个强烈的变化。

 

River Elegy lauded the Third Plenum of December 1978 as an ‘irresistible historic tide’ towards renewal. It warned the audience, however, that reform meant struggle, not just ‘changing from sweet potatoes to steamed buns’ or buying cars and refrigerators. In later years River Elegy was reclaimed as a manifesto for reform, but progressive Chinese in the twenty-first century would be uncomfortable with some of its ideas. It certainly did not fit into Western preconceptions about the rights of man and liberal humanitarianism. Apart from its sweeping generalisations about a perceived ‘national character’, the programme identified population growth as China’s biggest problem, saying it produced a ‘bitter fruit’ in the form of ‘low-grade people’ – a script line delivered over film of poor, wrinkled, gap-toothed villagers. It said only markets could remedy a state where specialist doctors in a cancer hospital earned the same as an old woman selling potatoes at the gate. ‘The death knell for capitalism sounded by Marx has been late in arriving …’ the script said sardonically. Capitalism renewed itself, and while some socialist countries were making reforms it was time for China to embrace a radical new form of market socialism with Chinese characteristics. In essence, this was a strident variation on the theme of Zhao and the surviving reformers.

 

该系列报道说，需要一场大洪水来清洗和更新中国。

它已经从太平洋到来。

在19世纪，从事国际海上贸易的 "天蓝色文明 "的扩张与忠于农业和官僚政府的 "黄色文明 "发生了冲突，"这种冲突就像冰与热煤的混合"。

最终，该系列作品为国家的集结和重生发出了嘹亮的号角，结论是黄河注定要流向蔚蓝的大海。

1980年，深圳在香港的海湾对面成立，终于把黄色文明带到了岸边，"把脸从陆地转向海洋"。

 

A great flood was needed to cleanse and renew China, the series said. It had arrived from the Pacific Ocean. In the nineteenth century an expanding ‘sky blue civilisation’ engaged in international maritime trade had clashed with a ‘yellow civilisation’ wedded to agriculture and bureaucratic government, ‘a clash like mixing ice with hot coals’. Ultimately the series offered a clarion call for national rallying and rebirth, concluding that the Yellow River was destined to flow into the azure sea. The foundation of Shenzhen in 1980 across the bay from Hong Kong had finally brought the yellow civilisation to the shore, ‘turning its face from the land to the ocean’.

 

河殇》在共产党领导层中引起了反响。

作家苏晓康和王鲁湘将矛头对准了古老的传统，而党本身早已将其称为 "封建"。

然而，对于中国知识分子来说，更深层次的意义是显而易见的，他们在剧本中看到了对专制统治的暗中批判。

党的思想家们也没有忘记这一点。

它加强了他们抵制危险变革的意愿。

中国政治改革的时间已经不多了。

 

River Elegy provoked a backlash among the Communist Party leadership. The writers, Su Xiaokang and Wang Luxiang, had taken aim at ancient traditions which the party itself had long labelled ‘feudal’. A deeper meaning, however, was clear to Chinese intellectuals, who saw in the script a coded critique of authoritarian rule. Neither was that lost on the party’s ideologues. It reinforced their will to resist dangerous changes. Time was running out for political reform in China.

 

1987年10月，资本主义制度经历了一次周期性的危机，世界各地的股票市场纷纷崩溃。

这一冲击波波及到了香港，但香港在四年前的货币危机中险些丧命后，已经做好了准备。

香港银行在支持金融当局方面发挥了关键作用。

它为支持本地股价注入了超过10亿港币，顺便为其投资银行部门带来了创纪录的利润。

 

In October 1987 the capitalist system went through one of its periodic crises when stock markets crashed around the world. The shock reached Hong Kong, but the territory was well prepared after its near-death experience during the currency crisis four years earlier. The Hongkong Bank played a key role in supporting the financial authorities. It pumped more than a billion Hong Kong dollars into supporting local share prices, incidentally leading to a record profit for its investment banking arm.

 

从北京向外看，全球商业周期似乎具有威胁性和不可预测性。

经过一段时间的经济过热和贸易赤字激增，经济改革者重新获得了信心。

他们取消了一些价格控制，允许为工人提供更多的激励计划，给予农民更多的权利，鼓励开放市场，并重新开放了上海的证券交易所，那里的股票价格被粉笔写在黑板上。

财产改革允许人们购买和出售长达30年的土地使用权。

到1987年底股市暴跌的时候，中国经济又开始扩张。

 

Looking out from Beijing, the global business cycle seemed threatening and unpredictable. After a period of overheating and of surging trade deficits, the economic reformers had regained confidence. They lifted some price controls, allowed more incentive schemes for workers, granted more rights to peasants, encouraged open markets and reopened the stock exchange in Shanghai, where stock prices were chalked on a blackboard. Property reform allowed people to buy and sell the right to use land for up to thirty years. By the time of the stock market crash in late 1987, the Chinese economy was expanding again.

 

赵紫阳和他的追随者的问题是，价格上涨得太快了。

在他的回忆录中，周南承认，政府在试图通过提高工人的工资来抵消价格的飙升来修补中央计划系统的过程中，搞砸了价格改革。

1987年，通货膨胀率上升到7%。

到了1988年春天，公众的恐慌情绪越来越大。

人们从银行取出他们的储蓄，急于购买商品。

到了春节期间，一些城市正在考虑恢复配给制，以应对肉类和鸡蛋的短缺。

政府的反应是保证储蓄率以保持银行的资金。

这场动荡动摇了信心，破坏了政治稳定。

银行挤兑和囤积商品导致了整体恐慌，这种恐慌以潮水般的力量袭来，"赵国栋事后沮丧地写道。

 

The problem for Zhao Ziyang and his acolytes was that prices were rising too fast. In his memoir, Zhou admitted that the government had bungled price reforms as it tried to tinker with a centrally planned system by raising workers’ wages to offset the surge in prices. In 1987, inflation rose to 7 per cent. By the spring of 1988 public alarm was growing. People pulled their savings out of banks and rushed to buy commodities. By the time of the spring festival, some cities were considering a return to rationing to deal with shortages of meat and eggs. The government responded by guaranteeing savings rates to keep money in the banks. The turmoil shook confidence and undermined political stability. ‘The bank runs and hoarding of commodities led to an overall panic which arrived with the force of a tidal wave,’ wrote Zhao in rueful hindsight.

 

赵紫阳曾计划在1988年取得巨大进步，将经济特区扩大到海南岛，扩大自由市场企业的规模，并研究股份制如何运作。

他会见了经济学家米尔顿-弗里德曼（Milton Friedman），并确信引入股份是 "深化国有企业改革 "的途径。

他着眼于香港，想把整个广东省变成一个巨大的市场改革实验。

 

Zhao had planned great advances for 1988, expanding the Special Economic Zones to include the island of Hainan, broadening the scale of liberal market enterprises and examining how a shareholding system worked. He had met the economist Milton Friedman and was convinced that introducing shares was the way to ‘deepen reform’ in state businesses. With an eye on Hong Kong, he wanted to turn the whole of Guangdong province into a gigantic experiment in market reforms.

 

香港的报纸最先报道了赵的野心遇到了麻烦。

强硬派总理李鹏和副总理姚依林通过国务院发布的一系列规则、法律和条例，夺回了经济的指挥权，所有这些都是为了扭转改革，恢复旧的方式。

在党委内部，赵紫阳为邓小平的意见争论不休。

但是，据他回忆，这位老人的听力很差。

权力从赵的手中溜走了。

当香港媒体开始说他被剥夺了真正的权力，并将失去作为共产党首脑的总书记的职位时，甚至邓小平也问他为什么报纸上充满了这样的谣言。

不久，他在最高领导机构--政治局常委会上面临着公开的批评，那里的恩怨情仇也公开化了。

改革派和反动派之间的斗争在政府和党的机构中成倍增加。

事实证明，1989年的黎明是长期以来埋下的危机种子开花结果的时刻。

这一年是法国大革命200周年，1919年五四运动70周年，该运动唤醒了中国青年对殖民主义不公正的认识，同时也是人民共和国成立40周年。

这本应是一个幸福的黎明，让我们活在其中。

 

Hong Kong newspapers were the first to report that Zhao’s ambitions had run into trouble. The hardliners Li Peng, the premier, and Yao Yilin, a vice premier, took back command of the economy through a series of rules, laws and regulations issued by the State Council, all meant to reverse reform and restore the old ways. Within the party councils, Zhao argued for Deng’s ear. But, as he recalled, the old man’s hearing was poor. Power slipped away from Zhao. When the Hong Kong press began saying that he had been stripped of real authority and would lose his post as general secretary at the head of the Communist Party, even Deng asked him why the papers were full of such rumours. Soon he faced open criticism in the Politburo standing committee, the supreme leadership body, where feuds and hatreds broke into the open. Battles between reformers and reactionaries multiplied across the government and party apparatus. The dawn of 1989 proved to be the moment when the seeds of crisis, long-planted, burst into bloom. The year marked the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution, the seventieth anniversary of the May Fourth movement of 1919, which had awakened China’s youth to colonial injustice, and the fortieth of the founding of the People’s Republic. It should have been a blissful dawn in which to be alive.

 

1989年4月15日，被推翻的党魁胡耀邦在北京去世，享年74岁。

七天前，他在一次政治局会议上突发心脏病。

他脸色苍白，起身准备离开，然后倒在椅子上。

他的同志们跳了起来，把他放在地上，在他的舌头下压了硝酸甘油片。

一个精英医疗小组将他送到医院，但他没有康复。

他作为一名忠诚的共产主义战士得到了党的适当纪念，并在人民大会堂举行了追悼会。

他的骨灰被安葬在北京的八宝山公墓，这是特权阶层最喜欢的休息场所。

胡耀邦的遗孀李昭毫不犹豫地指责邓小平和元老们对他的态度。

她后来要求将骨灰运回他的家乡。

 

On 15 April 1989, the ousted party leader, Hu Yaobang, died in Beijing at the age of seventy-four. Seven days earlier he had suffered a heart attack at a Politburo meeting. He turned ashen, rose to leave and collapsed in his chair. His comrades jumped to their feet, laid him on the floor and pressed nitroglycerine tablets under his tongue. An elite medical team took him to hospital but he did not recover. He was duly commemorated by the party as a loyal Communist fighter and granted a memorial service at the Great Hall of the People. His ashes were interred at the Babaoshan cemetery in Beijing, a favoured place of rest for the privileged. Hu’s widow, Li Zhao, did not hesitate to blame Deng and the elders for their treatment of him. She later pressed for the ashes to be removed to his hometown.

 

很少有普通中国人知道这些阴谋诡计。

但是，当胡耀邦去世的消息在首都的大学校园里传播开来时，掀起了自1976年4月5日周恩来去世以来从未见过的公众哀悼浪潮。

 

Few ordinary Chinese knew anything of these machinations. But as news of Hu’s demise spread around university campuses in the capital, it set off a wave of public mourning unseen since the death of Zhou Enlai on 5 April 1976.

 

根据后来在国外发表的内部报告，当学生们开始在校园里以传统的尊重形式悼念这位失去的领导人时，党的反应很慢：献花圈、举纪念旗帜和朗诵诗歌。

4月17日下午，他们游行到北京市中心，在天安门广场的人民英雄纪念碑下献上花圈。

一些人喊出了要求民主、自由和法治的口号。

从那时起，事件将以可怕的方式流向结局，这个故事在书本和电影中被讲述了无数次，但为了理解其后果，我们需要再次总结一下。

 

According to internal reports later published abroad, the party was slow to react when students began to mourn the lost leader on their campuses by traditional forms of respect: laying wreaths, carrying commemorative banners and reciting poetry. On the afternoon of 17 April, they marched into the centre of Beijing and laid wreaths at the foot of the Monument to the People’s Heroes in Tiananmen Square. Some chanted slogans calling for democracy, freedom and the rule of law. From then on, events would cascade in a terrible stream to their denouement, a story told countless times in books and films but one which needs to be summarised again in order to understand its consequences.

 

4月22日，党在大会堂举行了对胡耀邦的追悼会，邓小平和元老们都出席了，结果发现学生们跪在台阶上祈求，而他们的同学们则举行了模拟葬礼。

两天后，学生们呼吁抵制上课，并出现了一批学生会，挑战共产党对组织的垄断。

天安门广场成为一个永久的抗议营地。

海报、演讲和音乐吸引了成千上万的人。

人们创作了数以百计的挽联，被称为 "万联"，用来讴歌胡耀邦。

很快，语气转变为野蛮的言辞和对专制权力和腐败的讽刺。

根据北京市委的一份报告，学生们用 "反动的语言 "表达了七项政治要求。

 

The party staged its memorial service for Hu at the Great Hall on 22 April, with Deng and the elders in attendance, only to find students kneeling on the steps in supplication while their classmates staged a mock funeral. Two days later, students called for a boycott of classes and a group of student unions emerged to challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on organisations. Tiananmen Square became a permanent protest camp. Posters, speeches and music drew thousands. Hundreds of elegiac couplets, known as wanlian, were composed to eulogise Hu Yaobang. Soon the tone changed to savage rhetoric and satire against arbitrary power and corruption. The students voiced seven political demands in ‘reactionary language’, according to a report by the Beijing Municipal Party Committee, which listed them as follows:

 

自由和民主。

 

Freedom and democracy.

 

彻底摒弃 "消除精神污染 "的努力。

 

Completely repudiate efforts to ‘eliminate spiritual pollution’.

 

取消对报纸的所有禁令，实行新闻自由。

 

Lift all bans on newspapers and implement freedom of the press.

 

要求犯有严重错误的官员辞职。

 

Require officials to resign for serious mistakes.

 

让中央政府接受民众的信任投票。

 

Make the Central Government subject to popular votes of confidence.

 

公布领导人及其子女的收入情况。

 

Publicise the incomes of leaders and their children.

 

无条件地释放政治犯。

 

Release political prisoners unconditionally.

 

从中国各地涌入党中央的报告显示了大规模的抗议、罢工和破坏。

4月26日，强硬派利用正在对朝鲜进行国事访问的赵紫阳不在的机会，在《人民日报》上组织了一篇社论，反映邓小平的话，他曾告诉元老们，党面临着一个精心策划的阴谋，要把中国推向混乱。

这篇社论的标题是 "必须对动乱采取明确的立场"，它激怒了学生和其他抗议者。

这篇社论非但没有凝聚人心，反而提出了新的要求--驳斥社论--为运动注入了活力。

5月4日，学生团体举行了他们最大的示威。

两天后，一些抗议者开始了绝食抗议。

5月中旬，苏联共产党领导人米哈伊尔-戈尔巴乔夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）在登陆进行正式访问时，发现自己被示威者捧上了天，这让他面无表情的主人感到尴尬，他们面临着外交上的羞辱。

5月17日，据说有一百万人涌上了北京的街头。

在幕后，元老们在邓小平的家中召开会议，在那里，这位老人用他的决定性投票决定进行反击。

5月20日宣布了戒严令。

第二天，在邓小平家里召开了一次党的元老会议，决定解除赵紫阳的所有职务。

大局已定。

 

From all over China, reports flowed into the party centre of mass protests, strikes and disruption. On 26 April, the hardliners took advantage of the absence of Zhao Ziyang, who was on a state visit to North Korea, to organise an editorial in the People’s Daily reflecting the words of Deng, who had told the elders that the party faced a well-planned plot to throw China into chaos. Headlined ‘The necessity for a clear stand against turmoil’, the editorial outraged students and other protesters. Instead of rallying opinion, it created a fresh demand – for its repudiation – which energised the movement. On 4 May the student groups staged their biggest demonstration yet. Two days later, some protesters began a hunger strike. In mid-May, the Soviet Communist Party leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, having landed for an official visit, found himself lionised by the demonstrators to the embarrassment of his grim-faced hosts, who faced a diplomatic humiliation. A million people were said to have thronged the streets of Beijing on 17 May. Behind the scenes, the elders convened at Deng’s home, where, with his casting vote, the old man decided to fight back. Martial law was proclaimed on 20 May. The next day, a meeting of party elders convened at Deng Xiaoping’s home and decided to dismiss Zhao Ziyang from all his positions. The die was cast.

 

在香港，人们对1989年春天中国大陆发生的动乱感到惊讶、惶恐和希望。

5月21日的反戒严示威是几十年来殖民地最大规模的一次。

估计有60万来自各行各业的人参加了反对中国政府的游行。

他们的队伍包括学生、教师、工人、老人和宗教团体。

甚至还有一支来自新华社的队伍，这是北京在该市的非官方代表机构。

5月22日，北京的领导层获悉，来自香港的35名全国人民代表大会及其联系机构--中国人民政治协商会议的代表表示反对戒严。

这对共产党来说是一个不祥的信号。

 

In Hong Kong, the upheaval in mainland China during the spring of 1989 was followed with astonishment, trepidation and hope. The demonstrations against martial law on 21 May were the largest the colony had seen in decades. An estimated six hundred thousand people from all walks of life marched against the Chinese government. Their ranks included students, teachers, workers, the elderly and religious groups. There was even a contingent from the NCNA, Beijing’s unofficial representative office in the city. On 22 May, the leadership in Beijing learned that thirty-five delegates from Hong Kong to the National People’s Congress and its associated body, the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, had voiced their opposition to martial law. This was an ominous sign for the Communist Party.

 

资本家也感受到了压力。

当地股市因戒严令和赵紫阳被淘汰的消息而大幅下跌。

商业旅行和旅游业下降了。

络绎不绝的外国人和香港居民购买机票离开中国，到自由、法律和秩序保持不变的殖民地寻找安全。

5月26日，20万人参加了在维多利亚公园举行的集会，第二天为抗议者举办了一场马拉松音乐会。

 

Capitalists, too, felt the strain. The local stock market fell sharply on news of martial law and the eclipse of Zhao Ziyang. Business travel and tourism declined. A steady flow of foreigners and Hong Kong residents bought air tickets out of China to find safety in the colony, where freedom, law and order remained intact. Two hundred thousand people joined a rally in Victoria Park on 26 May and a marathon concert for the protesters was staged the next day.

 

不过，殖民地并不是一个单纯的旁观者。

6月1日，国家安全部提交给党的领导层的一份秘密报告指出，香港是美国和台湾的间谍活动中心，并详细列举了该市一些地方团体筹集资金和组织颠覆活动以 "利用 "抗议活动和 "破坏 "社会主义制度的例子。

在1989年席卷中国的大事件中，这些概念没有被国家安全的守护者们遗忘。

30年后，当香港爆发大规模政治抗议活动时，邓小平的继任者们对香港的看法与这些概念有很大的关系。

 

The colony was not a mere spectator, though. A secret report from the Ministry of State Security submitted to the party leadership on 1 June identified Hong Kong as a centre of American and Taiwanese espionage and detailed examples of local groups in the city which were raising funds and organising subversion to ‘exploit’ the protests and ‘sabotage’ the socialist system. Lost in the great sweep of the drama that convulsed China in 1989, these conceptions were not forgotten by the guardians of state security. They were to assume great relevance in the way the successors to Deng Xiaoping viewed Hong Kong thirty years later when the city’s own mass political protests erupted.

 

邓小平本人知道香港对他的政府有多大作用。

早在5月31日，他就提醒他的同事，他曾呼吁建立 "几个香港"，因为中国如果不开放就无法发展。

由于缺乏资本，它只能通过发展工业来增加就业和税收。

看看香港；看看我们从它那里得到的好处。

没有香港，我们就没有好的信息，这只是开始。

"他说。

然而，对国家安全部来说，在权衡殖民地对共产党政权大厦的威胁时，这些考虑是不重要的。

它在6月1日的报告中说，乔治-布什总统已经 "亲自命令 "美国驻香港总领事馆密切监视大陆的事件，并派出了一个专家小组，以提高其收集有关中国内部事务信息的能力。

它通知党的领导层，"台湾和香港的反动势力在这场动荡中肆意妄为"。

香港的某些人已经筹集了5100万港币来支持学生的绝食抗议，这些钱被分成小批量的钞票带入中国。

他们已经派出一个支持小组，带着100万港币前往北京。

除了现金，他们还送来了 "各种现代设备，如高倍望远镜、对讲机和帐篷--所有这些都是为了让坐在广场上的抗议者做好 "持久战 "的准备。

 

Deng himself knew how useful Hong Kong was to his government. As late as 31 May, he reminded his colleagues that he had called for the creation of ‘a few more Hong Kongs’, because China could not develop if it did not open up. Lacking capital, it could only increase employment and tax revenue by growing industries. ‘Look at Hong Kong; look at the benefits we get from it. Without Hong Kong we’d have no good information and that’s just for starters,’ he said. To the Ministry of State Security, however, such considerations counted for little when weighed against the perceived threat from the colony to the edifice of Communist power. Its report of 1 June said President George Bush had ‘personally ordered’ the US consulate general in Hong Kong to monitor events on the mainland closely and had dispatched a team of experts to boost its capacity to gather information on China’s internal affairs. It informed the party leadership that ‘reactionary forces in Taiwan and Hong Kong have run wild during this turmoil’. Certain people in Hong Kong had raised HK$51 million to support the student hunger strike, the money being carried into China in small batches of banknotes. They had already sent a support group to Beijing with one million Hong Kong dollars. As well as cash, they had sent ‘various kinds of modern equipment such as high-power binoculars, walkie-talkies and tents – all for the purpose of preparing the protesters sitting in on the Square for “protracted warfare”.’

 

国家安全报告指出香港快报、经济日报、南华早报和香港标准报的记者是 "许多歪曲和煽动性报道 "背后的麻烦制造者。

媒体对安全部队攻击其记者的行为作出了反应，致函新华社驻香港办事处主任许家屯，要求作出解释；报告总结说，这是为了在香港和中国煽动公众情绪。

文中最后写道："值得全文引用的是，它说明了来自中国安全国家堡垒内的世界观，今天与1989年写下的那天一样真实。

 

The state security report identified journalists from the Hong Kong Express News, the Economic Daily, the South China Morning Post and the Hong Kong Standard as troublemakers behind ‘many distorted and inflammatory reports’. The media had reacted to attacks on its journalists by the security forces with a letter to Xu Jiatun, the head of Xinhua in Hong Kong, demanding an explanation; this, concluded the report, was meant to fan the flames of public sentiment in Hong Kong and China. The text closed with a profession of faith that is worth quoting in full since it illustrates the world view from within the citadel of the Chinese security state, as authentic today as the day it was written in 1989:

 

许多事实表明，国际垄断资本家和敌对的反动势力一刻也没有放弃毁灭我们的意图。

现在很清楚，在他们的和平与友谊的抗议背后，一直潜伏着谋杀的意图。

一旦有机会，他们就会揭开伪装，露出真面目。

他们只有一个目标：消灭社会主义。

 

Many facts demonstrate that the international monopoly capitalists and hostile reactionary forces have not abandoned for a moment their intent to destroy us. It is now clear that murderous intent has always lurked behind their protestations of peace and friendship. When the opportunity arises they will remove the façade and reveal their true colours. They have only one goal: to annihilate socialism.

 

这场悲剧的其余部分刻在了香港和中国任何一个超过一定年龄的人的集体记忆中。

在5月29日和6月3日之间，邓小平和他的同志们制定了将抗议者赶出北京市中心的计划。

他们命令军队部队进入首都。

第三十八军军长徐勤先拒绝从保定市的基地派遣部队，被剥夺了指挥权，然后被送进医院。

党的内部文件叙述了一场强有力的意识形态 "思想工作 "运动，使下级军官团和官兵的决心更加坚定。

军队开始在北京的战略要地占据位置。

与此同时，学生和他们的支持者陷入了恐惧、怀疑和反抗的循环之中；许多人逃离了广场，而其他人则留在了自己的岗位上，在极端的压力下，分歧和争斗使运动瓦解。

 

The rest of the tragedy is etched on the collective memory of anyone in Hong Kong and China above a certain age. Between 29 May and 3 June, Deng and his comrades made plans to clear the protesters out of central Beijing. They ordered army units to move into the capital. The commander of the Thirty-Eighth Army, Xu Qinxian, refused to dispatch his troops from their base in the city of Baoding and was stripped of his command, then sent to hospital. The party’s internal documents recount a strong campaign of ideological ‘thought work’ which hardened the resolve of the junior officer corps and the rank and file. Troops began to take up positions at strategic points in Beijing. Meanwhile the students and their supporters fell into a cycle of fear, doubt and defiance; many fled the square, though others stayed at their posts while dissension and rivalries split the movement as it disintegrated under extreme pressure.

 

在最后的日子里，外国政府通过其情报部门了解到激烈的军事活动。

根据西方外交官的说法，分析家们追踪了邓小平的元老团，主要是人民共和国前主席杨尚昆，与主要军团的指挥官之间的交流。

这些交流表明，政府正在确保他们的忠诚度，并巩固对军事解决方案的支持。

邓小平亲自与将军们谈话，并召集解放军的老帅们，他们在用武力镇压异议人士时不需要什么说服力。

一位了解情况的外交官说："我们有好几天的警告，当时绝对清楚会发生什么。

 

In the final days, foreign governments became aware through their intelligence services of intense military activity. According to Western diplomats, analysts tracked communications between Deng’s group of elders, principally Yang Shangkun, the former president of the People’s Republic, and the commanders of key regiments. The exchanges showed that the regime was making sure of their loyalty and cementing support for a military solution. Deng personally spoke to generals and rallied the old marshals of the PLA, who needed little convincing when it came to putting down dissenters by force. ‘We had several days warning when it was absolutely clear what was going to happen,’ said a diplomat privy to the material.

 

西方国家发现自己处于道德困境。

没有证据表明他们试图通过外交渠道劝说该政权不要采取暴力行动--公平地说，邓小平和精英们甚至比平时更严密地隐居起来--或者采取措施保护自己在中国的公民。

为了保护其收集方法，这些情报没有被披露。

我们现在知道，大部分情报来自于一个英国监听站对中国军事通信的拦截，该监听站最初的代号为Demos-1，位于香港岛南面的覃汉角，那里有巨大的盘子坐落在岩石架上，可以俯瞰南中国海，用铁丝网围起来，由武装警卫巡逻。

在那里，破译员收集了解放军的信号情报、民用交通、卫星通信和来自中国西部沙漠中数千英里外的导弹试验的遥测数据。

该站由英国政府通信总部（GCHQ）控制，但它的 "收获 "远远超过了英国的需要。

它对英国的价值在于它对美国的价值。

这些数据与美国国家安全局共享，后者在詹姆霍克的设施上进行了大量投资。

正如这一问题的杰出历史学家理查德-J-奥尔德里奇所写的那样："香港是英国对美国国家安全局最有价值的一个收集站，在原本不平衡的英美情报关系中提供了补偿。

 

The Western powers found themselves in a moral dilemma. There is no evidence that they either tried to dissuade the regime from violence through diplomatic channels – to be fair, Deng and the elite were in even tighter seclusion than normal – or took steps to protect their own citizens in China. The intelligence was not disclosed in order to protect its collection methods. We now know that most of it derived from intercepts of Chinese military traffic by a British listening station, originally codenamed Demos-1, at Chum Hom Kok, on the south side of Hong Kong island, where huge dishes perched on a shelf of rock overlooked the South China Sea, fenced off by barbed wire and patrolled by armed guards. From there the codebreakers scooped up the PLA’s signals intelligence, civilian traffic, satellite communications and telemetry from missile tests thousands of miles away in the deserts of western China. The station was controlled by the British Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ) but its ‘take’ far exceeded the needs of the United Kingdom. Its value to Britain lay in its value to the United States. The data was shared with the US National Security Agency, which had heavily invested in the facilities at Chum Hom Kok. As the pre-eminent historian of the subject, Richard J. Aldrich, wrote: ‘Hong Kong was the single most valuable British collection station to NSA, providing offset in an otherwise unbalanced Anglo-American intelligence relationship.’

 

6月2日上午，邓小平、元老们和政治局常委们投票决定用武力清除天安门广场。

一些人表示，他们希望能够在没有人员伤亡的情况下完成这项工作，尽管有一个人，即王震，称抗议者为 "混蛋......任何试图推翻共产党的人都该死，没有埋葬。

邓小平本人回顾了鸦片战争，声称是西方国家剥夺了中国人民的人权。

 

On the morning of 2 June, Deng, the elders and the Standing Committee of the Politburo voted to clear Tiananmen Square by force. Some voiced their hope that it could be done without casualties, although one, Wang Zhen, called the protesters ‘bastards … anybody who tries to overthrow the Communist Party deserves death and no burial.’ Deng himself recalled the Opium Wars to claim that it was Western countries who had robbed the Chinese people of their human rights.

 

第二天，即6月3日，北京各地爆发了暴力事件，进入城市的戒严部队遇到了市民的激烈抵抗。

下午6时30分，国家媒体向所有人发出最后通牒，要求他们离开广场，留在室内。

在天安门以西三英里的木樨地大桥上爆发了一场激烈的战斗。

午夜时分，第一批装甲车冲进广场，遭到石块和汽油弹的袭击。

数以千计的军队对没有枪支的示威者展开了行动。

杀戮一直持续到周日凌晨，这一天将与其他许多臭名昭著的纪念日一起载入中国历史。

六四。

 

The next day, 3 June, violence broke out across Beijing as martial law troops entering the city encountered fierce resistance from citizens. At 6.30 p.m. the state media broadcast an ultimatum to everyone to leave the square and to stay indoors. A pitched battle erupted at the Muxidi Bridge, three miles west of Tiananmen. Around midnight, the first armoured vehicles crashed into the square, to be met with a hail of stones and petrol bombs. Thousands of troops went into action against demonstrators who had no firearms. The killing went on through the early hours of Sunday morning, a date that would live in Chinese history alongside so many other infamous anniversaries: June Fourth.

 

7.变化

7.The Change

 

 

6月4日上午，第27任香港总督卫奕信爵士在他的白色粉刷住宅中醒来，看到的是一个完全改变的世界。

从礼宾府的阳台上看，下面大都市的低沉的骚动听起来是典型的星期天，但这个城市却处于震惊状态。

 

On the morning of 4 June, the twenty-seventh governor of Hong Kong, Sir David Wilson, awoke in his white stucco residence to a possession that had changed utterly. From the verandahs of Government House, the muted stir of the metropolis below sounded typical of a Sunday, but the city was in a state of shock.

 

整个晚上，当地的广播电台和电视频道都在播放来自中国大陆的现场广播。

新闻摄影记者和摄像人员提供的图像构成了公众对事件的看法。

这是一个尚未广泛使用互联网或社交媒体的时代。

天亮后，人们抓起华文报纸的第一版，阅读北京记者的报道。

 

All night long, local radio stations and television channels had carried live broadcasts from mainland China. Images from press photographers and video camera crews framed the public perception of events. This was an age before widespread use of the internet or social media. After dawn, people grabbed the first editions of the Chinese-language newspapers to read the accounts from reporters in Beijing.

 

对于朴素的、接受过耶稣会教育的大律师李柱铭来说，六四的早晨是一个政治上的里程碑。

他是香港民主政治的领导人物。

他回忆说："我们知道中国共产党政府的性质，但这清楚地证明了他们的能力。

与该市其他民主政治家一样，李克强的本能是动员公众舆论。

人民将不得不为他们的未来而战。

第一批示威者很快出现在街头。

 

For Martin Lee, an austere, Jesuit-educated barrister, the morning of June Fourth was a political milestone. He was the leading figure in Hong Kong’s democratic politics. ‘We knew about the nature of the Chinese Communist government but this was clear proof of what they were capable of,’ he recalled. Like the rest of the city’s democratic politicians, Lee’s instinct was to mobilise public opinion. The people would have to fight for their future. The first demonstrators soon appeared on the streets.

 

邓小平使用武力的决定震动了殖民地政府和回到伦敦的外交政策机构。

自1984年以来，他们对《联合声明》充满信心，相信中国会履行其承诺。

但卫奕信从远处看到了北京的骚乱，并确信它将会有一个糟糕的结局。

对北京发生的事情越来越担心，因为我无法相信中国政府会容忍他们的首都中心被长期占领，"他回忆起1989年的春天，"我自己的感觉是，它不可能继续下去。

 

Deng’s decision to use force shook the colonial government and the foreign policy establishment back in London. Since 1984 they had placed their faith in the Joint Declaration and believed that China would honour its promises. But Wilson had watched from afar the tumult in Beijing and was convinced that it would end badly. ‘There was a growing worry about what was going on in Beijing because I could not believe that the Chinese government would tolerate the taking over of the centre of their capital for any length of time,’ he recalled of the spring of 1989, ‘my own sense was that it just could not go on.’

 

带着一种不祥的预感，卫奕信向他的老关系人打听消息。

中国驻伦敦大使冀朝铸当时正休假路过香港。

冀朝铸在哈佛大学接受教育，是一个成熟的内部人士，曾为毛泽东本人做过翻译。

卫奕信找到了他。

我邀请他来吃晚饭，并说："听着，我很担心，因为如果这件事像我看到的那样结束，那么，它将对香港产生非常严重的影响。

 

With a sense of foreboding, Wilson had turned to his old contacts for information. The Chinese ambassador to London, Ji Chaozhu, was passing through Hong Kong on leave. Educated at Harvard, Ji was a sophisticated insider who had interpreted for Mao Zedong himself. Wilson sought him out: ‘I invited him to come and have supper privately and said, “Look, I’m seriously worried because if this ends as it looks to me as though it’s going to, well, it’s going to have very serious repercussions on Hong Kong”.

 

'他说，"绝对不用担心。

中国政府不可能使用武力来处理这个问题"。

‘He said, “Absolutely don’t worry. There’s no question of the Chinese government using force to deal with this”.’

 

卫奕信仍然持怀疑态度。

 

Wilson remained sceptical.

 

在6月4日上午，这种事后诸葛亮的做法变得很有意义。

人们期待着总督能在这个时刻站出来。

在退休后，他记得他是多么迅速地意识到，从那时起，香港和中国之间的一切都将变得不同。

我可以告诉你，那是在礼宾府的半小时内。

我不知道白厅的情况。

我必须做出一个决定--我应该怎么做？- 瞬间。

 

On the morning of June Fourth such hindsight became academic. The governor was expected to rise to the occasion. In retirement, he remembered how quickly he realised that everything would be different between Hong Kong and China from then on. ‘I can tell you it was within about half an hour in Government House. I don’t know about Whitehall. I had to make a decision – what do I do? – instantly.’

 

卫奕信觉得他必须向公众讲话，依靠他自己对当地中国文化的了解，判断当地人对政府应该如何应对大屠杀的期望。

'于是我做了。

我在香港电台发表了有关声明。

我必须这样做。

我没有征求伦敦的意见。

很明显，直接说一些话是很重要的--对所发生的事情感到非常痛苦--但同时我们必须在香港保持冷静。

他认为，"对所发生的事情表示深切关注是绝对重要的"。

 

Wilson felt that he had to speak to the public, relying on his own knowledge of local Chinese culture and judging local expectations about how the government should react to the massacre. ‘So I did. I went out on Radio Television Hong Kong with statements on it. I had to do that. I didn’t consult London. It was clearly important to say something straight away – of great distress about what had happened – but also that we must keep ourselves calm in Hong Kong.’ It was, he felt, ‘absolutely central to express deep concern about what had happened’.

 

总督很快听说，大规模的和平示威活动正在该市展开。

他觉得这些活动'非常、非常令人印象深刻'。

庄严的游行队伍蜿蜒穿过关闭的商业区，没有遇到丝毫麻烦。

卫奕信想亲自看看发生了什么，但又不想引起注意："我坐上一辆没有标志的车，没有带旗子，去看发生了什么。

到了6月4日晚上，成千上万的香港人参加了贯穿全城的哀悼游行活动。

他们表现出的政治意识使精英们感到困惑，他们认为 "生计问题 "是人们的主要关切，甚至是唯一的关切。

 

The governor soon heard that massive, peaceful demonstrations were unfolding in the city. He felt they were ‘very, very impressive’. The solemn marches wound through the shuttered commercial districts without the slightest trouble. Wilson wanted to see for himself what was going on but did not wish to attract attention: ‘I took an unmarked car without my flag and went to watch what was happening.’ By the evening of June Fourth, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kongers had joined mournful processions through the city. Their display of political awareness confounded elite opinion, which held that ‘livelihood issues’ were the population’s main, if not solitary, concern.

 

周一早上，天气炎热，湿气缭绕，气氛紧张。

股票市场照常开盘交易。

股票迅速崩溃。

当天恒生指数下跌了22%，侵蚀了在对中国经济改革持乐观态度的气氛中取得的收益。

下午，数千人的游行队伍从中央金融区出发，沿着汇丰银行大楼后面的陡峭小路艰难前行，在半热带树冠下经过维多利亚时代的建筑，一直走到中央政府办公室。

在他们的队伍中，有几十个穿着夏季办公服的西方侨民，以及众多的中国中产阶级文员、出纳员、交易员、经纪人和商人、清洁工、服务人员和餐饮人员。

如果说这座城市的不同社区曾经走到一起，那就是在六四之后的日子里。

那些日子形成了一种街头政治的模式，这种模式在接下来的30年里成为香港的惯例：以高亢的语调吟唱口号，印有中国领导人獠牙滴血的离奇漫画的标语牌，装饰有黑色字体口号的横幅，在炎热中挥汗如雨的年轻人和老人，喝着水和运动饮料，耐心地在柏油路上跋涉。

如果说情绪是愤怒的，那也是克制的，也许是因为一种不祥的预感笼罩着人们。

 

Monday morning dawned hot, dripping with humidity and in an atmosphere of tension. The stock market opened for trading as normal. Shares promptly crashed. The Hang Seng Index fell by 22 per cent that day, eroding the gains made in a climate of optimism about Chinese economic reform. During the afternoon, a thousands-strong march made its way from the central financial district, toiling up the steep path behind the Hongkong Bank building, passing under a canopy of semitropical trees past the Victorian-era buildings and along to the central government offices. Within its ranks walked dozens of Western expatriates in summer office clothes alongside a host of Chinese middle-class clerks, tellers, dealers, brokers and traders, cleaners, service staff and caterers. If ever the different communities in the city came together, it was in the days after June Fourth. Those days forged a model of street politics that would become customary over the next three decades in Hong Kong: plangent, cadenced chanting of slogans in a high-pitched tone, placards bearing outlandish cartoons of Chinese leaders dripping blood from their fangs, banners adorned with slogans in black characters, a stream of young and old, sweating in the heat, swigging water and sports drinks, patiently plodding along the tarmac. If the mood was angry it was also restrained, perhaps because a sense of foreboding gripped the population.

 

今天市场很混乱，"一位和他的同事走在一起的交易员说，"这肯定是香港的末日。

像大多数参与者一样，他是有生以来第一次参加政治示威。

只需要几名身着轻便制服的警察向人群点头示意，这就表明了香港和人民共和国的不同。

这次游行，就像香港的其他抗议活动一样，在庄重的悲痛中展开。

 

‘The market was berserk today,’ said a trader walking with his colleagues, ‘for sure this is the end of Hong Kong.’ Like most of those participating, he had joined a political demonstration for the first time in his life. It was a token of the difference between Hong Kong and the People’s Republic that only a few police constables in light uniforms were needed to nod the crowd along. The march, like every other protest in the territory, unfolded in dignified grief.

 

在九龙发生了一些小规模的麻烦，疑似三合会的黑帮分子趁机打砸商店，抢夺货物。

警方迅速进行了干预。

卫奕信让首席秘书大卫-福特（David Ford）与当地活动家联系，以确保犯罪和大规模示威的结合不会导致公共秩序的崩溃，而抗议者以其特有的守法方式同意推迟游行，直到街道得到控制。

'组织者非常希望示威活动应该是和平的，并与政府合作。

大卫-福特有可能打电话给组织者，说 "取消今天的示威"，他们也这样做了。

有时，经典的殖民主义方法，即在幕后悄悄地说话，仍然起作用。

 

Some small-scale trouble broke out in Kowloon, where suspected Triad gangsters took advantage of the moment to smash into shops and loot goods. The police quickly intervened. Wilson got David Ford, the chief secretary, to contact local activists to make sure that the combination of crime and mass demonstrations did not lead to a collapse in public order, and in characteristically law-abiding manner, the protesters agreed to put off their marches until the streets were under control. ‘The organisers were very keen that demonstrations should be peaceful and to co-operate with the government. It was possible for David Ford to call the organisers and say “call off your demo for today” and they did so.’ At times the classic colonial method of the quiet word behind the scenes still worked.

 

在政府大楼，人们对殖民地人民以文明和负责任的方式应对北京的国家暴力感到欣慰。

随着对城市麻烦的担忧的减弱，卫奕信的想法转向了他能做些什么来阻止糟糕的情况变得更糟。

很多人没有意识到可能会发生什么。

所发生的事情在香港产生了绝对的戏剧性影响。

电视上连续几天都在报道。

它发挥了香港人对1997年可能发生的事情的所有潜在恐惧，所以对我们来说，这确实是一个非常、非常严重的问题。

有很多香港人参与了天安门广场的活动--参与其中并不十分聪明。

大量的资金和帐篷等从香港运入。

 

In Government House, there was relief at the civilised and responsible way in which the colony’s people had responded to the state violence in Beijing. As fears of trouble in the city abated, Wilson’s thoughts turned to what he could do to stop a bad situation getting worse. ‘A lot of people didn’t quite realise what was likely to happen. What did happen had an absolutely dramatic effect in Hong Kong. There was wall-to-wall TV coverage for days. It played to all the underlying fears of Hong Kong about what might happen in 1997 so it was really a very, very serious issue for us. There were a good many Hong Kong people involved in Tiananmen Square – not very clever to be involved. A good deal of money as well as tents and suchlike were going in from Hong Kong.’

 

殖民政府动用了为数不多的关系，将一批香港政治活动家从中国拉了出来，当时中国的安全部队正开始大规模围捕反对派。

这是卫奕信的官员和新华社的中国官僚之间的一次罕见的合作。

有一些来自香港的政治人物--在香港的新华社和北京的英国大使馆的帮助下，我们把他们救了出来，"卫奕信回忆说。

六四屠杀激怒了新华社的许多工作人员。

亲共媒体的工人和记者加入了蜿蜒于街头的示威活动。

中国大陆的政治斗争不可能被孤立，整个春天，香港的党员干部之间的不和也在增加。

早在大屠杀之前，5月21日，忠实的本地报纸《文汇报》打破常规，将其社论栏换成了含有四个汉字的空白处--"悲痛欲绝，苦大仇深"，以回应北京宣布的戒严。

从理论上讲，在新华社的控制下，该报在动乱期间无法被追究责任；惩罚是后来才有的。

 

The colonial government pulled the few strings it had to extract a group of Hong Kong political activists from China, where the security forces were beginning a mass roundup of opponents. It was a rare instance of co-operation between Wilson’s officials and the Chinese bureaucrats at the New China News Agency. ‘There were some political figures from Hong Kong – with help from the NCNA in Hong Kong and the British embassy in Beijing we got them out,’ Wilson recalled. The June Fourth massacre had enraged many of the NCNA’s own staff. Workers and journalists from the pro-Communist media joined the demonstrations winding through the streets. The political struggle in mainland China could not be isolated, and throughout the spring discord had grown between party cadres in Hong Kong. Well before the massacre, on 21 May, the faithful local newspaper Wen Wei Po broke ranks by replacing its editorial column with a blank space containing four Chinese characters – ‘deep grief, bitter hatred’ – in response to the declaration of martial law in Beijing. Theoretically under the control of the NCNA, the newspaper could not be held to account during the turmoil; punishment came later.

 

六四导致了香港共产党自1949年以来最严重的内部危机，尽管这在当时并不清楚。

在全国范围内，党的队伍中充满了震惊和混乱。

这使得许多持不同政见者在被逮捕前逃离了中国。

 

June Fourth led to the gravest internal crisis of the Communist Party in Hong Kong since 1949, although that was not clear at the time. Across the country shock and confusion reigned in the party’s ranks. That allowed many dissidents to flee China before the net closed on them.

 

在香港，当地的高级公务员召集了他们在大亨中的联系人。

他们通过富有同情心的商人，向中央政府在首都的港澳事务办公室说明，当这些麻烦的香港人离开时，视而不见比卷入逮捕、指控和审判的政治复杂问题更简单。

在大多数情况下，"滋扰价值 "的策略起了作用。

一批批目瞪口呆但又如释重负的乘客被允许从北京机场的老式石砌航站楼登上国泰航空公司的航班。

 

In Hong Kong, senior local officials in the civil service called in their contacts among the tycoons. Via sympathetic businessmen, they made the case to the central government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office in the capital that it would be simpler to turn a blind eye while the troublesome Hong Kongers left than to get involved in the political complications of arrests, charges and trials. In most cases, the ‘nuisance value’ tactic worked. Groups of stunned but relieved passengers were allowed to board Cathay Pacific flights from the old stone-built terminal at Beijing airport.

 

更大的冒险在等待着那些从首都和其他动荡城市溜走，前往珠江三角洲的逃亡者们。

香港政府和警方中讲粤语的官员与广东公安部的同行之间的个人联系从未公开披露。

目的是为了避免不必要的 "麻烦"，这个包罗万象的概念在中国普通话中被称为 "麻烦"。

 当时的一位西方情报官员说："贿赂也很有效，在中国南方，总是有村庄、家庭和宗族。

当地的关系永远存在，而北京的政府却一直很遥远。

此外，你已经有了一个走私者和跨境商人的网络，他们习惯于与海关和边防军进行安排。

我们这边的警察和廓尔喀部队被命令让它发生，让合适的人进来。

 

Greater adventures awaited the fugitives who slipped away from the capital and other turbulent cities to make their way to the Pearl River Delta. Never disclosed publicly, personal contacts took place between native Cantonese-speaking officials in the Hong Kong government and the police with their counterparts in the Ministry of Public Security in Guangdong. The aim was to avoid unnecessary ‘trouble’, that all-encompassing concept known in Mandarin Chinese as mafan. ‘Bribery worked as well,’ said a Western intelligence official serving at the time, ‘and in southern China there is always the village, the family and the clan. Local relationships are there for ever while the government in Beijing has always been far away. Plus you already had a network of smugglers and cross-border traders who were used to making their arrangements with the customs and the border guards. The police and the Gurkha units on our side were ordered to let it happen and to let the right people in.’

 

在六四之后的几个月里，香港的活动人士建立了一条地下铁路，即 "黄雀行动"，将持不同政见者偷运出中国，许多人最终被分散到加拿大和法国。

但在最初的几天里，越来越多的逃亡者能够通过渔船、卡车和火车离开广东，进入英国领土。

 

In the months after June Fourth, activists in Hong Kong set up an underground railroad, Operation Yellow Bird, to smuggle dissidents out of China, many ending up scattered from Canada to France. But in the first few days, a trickle of escapees were able to make their way by fishing boat, truck and train out of Guangdong and onto British territory.

 

对于戴维-卫奕信爵士来说，挑战在于弄清楚震动中国的动荡对未来意味着什么。

他是出乎意料地来到总督府的。

他基本上是一个儒家风格的学者-行政官，对中国文化的热爱和对中文的掌握无人能及，自早期谈判以来，他一直在英国的政策制定中发挥着作用。

他在香港学习中文，在北京担任年轻的外交官，然后离开政府机构，编辑《中国季刊》，这是一份著名的学术期刊。

他被珀西-柯利達爵士（Percy Cradock）吸引回外交部，他对柯利達爵士形成了终生的敬佩，并发现自己被派往香港担任总督麦理浩爵士的政治顾问。

正是这三个人在1979年会见了邓小平；柯利達爵士和卫奕信继续进行了会谈，并在1984年发表了《联合声明》，此后卫奕信在外交部消失了。

1985年，当赵紫阳来到唐宁街10号与撒切尔夫人共进晚餐时，他被安排在桌子的最底层。

 

For Sir David Wilson, the challenge lay in working out what the upheaval shaking China meant for the future. He had come unexpectedly to the governorship. Essentially a scholar-administrator in the Confucian style, possessing a love of Chinese culture and a mastery of the Chinese language rivalled by few, he had been on the inside of British policy-making since the early negotiations. He studied Chinese in Hong Kong, served as a young diplomat in Beijing, then left government service to edit the China Quarterly, a prestigious academic journal. He was lured back to the Foreign Office by Percy Cradock, for whom he formed a lifelong admiration, and found himself sent to Hong Kong as political adviser to the governor, Sir Murray MacLehose. It was these three men who had met Deng Xiaoping in 1979; Cradock and Wilson went on to conduct the talks which were crowned by the Joint Declaration in 1984, after which Wilson vanished into the wings at the Foreign Office. When Zhao Ziyang came to dine at 10 Downing Street with Mrs Thatcher in 1985, he was seated at the very bottom of the table.

 

然后，1986年12月5日上午，香港总督尤德爵士被发现死在英国驻北京大使官邸的房间里。

尤德当时正在对首都进行工作访问。

这位总督耗尽了他的精力，代表香港人进行了无数次默默无闻的白厅之战；他的粤语说得很好，在当地享有相当高的声誉。

但他的身体很虚弱，几年前曾做过心脏手术，他的朋友们把他的突然死亡归咎于无休止的工作和旅行带来的压力。

他的去世促使人们慌忙寻找替代他的人选，直到公务员的目光落在卫奕信身上。

事实证明，他是一位优秀的总督，但他没有得到应有的认可。

在他的五年任期内，卫奕信有条不紊地为香港的宪政发展、基础设施和高等教育奠定了基础，为香港回归后十多年的繁荣稳定铺平了道路。

他是一个品行无可指责、宗教信仰平静的苏格兰人；在经历了几十年的激烈争论后，他的继任者彭定康说，他无法想象卫奕信会做出任何不光彩的事情。

这一观点概括了大多数人对这位总督的看法。

按照公务员守则，他是一双安全的手。

 

Then, on the morning of 5 December 1986, the governor of Hong Kong, Sir Edward Youde, was found dead in his room at the residence of the British ambassador in Beijing. Youde had been on a working visit to the capital. The governor had worn out his energies and fought countless unsung Whitehall battles on behalf of the people of Hong Kong; he spoke Cantonese well and enjoyed considerable local esteem. But his health was weak, he had undergone cardiac surgery some years earlier, and his friends attributed his sudden death to the strain of ceaseless work and travel. His demise prompted a flustered search for a candidate to replace him, until the eye of the civil service fell upon Wilson. He would prove to be a good governor, one who has not received the recognition he deserved. In his five years in office, Wilson methodically laid the foundations of Hong Kong’s constitutional development, its infrastructure and its higher education, paving the way for more than a decade of prosperous stability after the handover. He was a Scot of irreproachable character and quiet religious convictions; looking back after decades of bitter controversy, his successor as governor, Chris Patten, said he could not imagine Wilson doing anything dishonourable. It was a view which summed up most people’s view of the governor. He was, in civil service code, a safe pair of hands.

 

卫奕信回忆说："我们没有讨论过任何关于总体战略的问题，比如我们是否会违背《联合声明》或类似的东西。

'绝对没有。

绝对没有，没有这样的问题。

这都是实际问题，比如你如何处理让香港人离开中国的问题。

‘We didn’t have any discussions about overall strategy, like would we go back on the Joint Declaration or anything like that,’ Wilson recalled. ‘Absolutely not. There was no question of anything like that. It was all practical, like how do you deal with getting Hong Kong people out of China.’

 

总督不是一个政治家，但他发现对他的政治要求越来越高。

起初，他以公务员的超然态度，将伦敦和世界各地的反应--"绝对不能接受，必须与中国断绝关系"--视为造成行政问题的因素。

'白厅决定暂停会议。

这是可以理解的，但对我们香港人来说没有什么帮助。

卫奕信认为，他有责任驾驭这场风暴，然后作出决定，以保障香港的未来。

'我们要做什么？机场是经典之作。

我非常强烈的观点是，我们继续前进，通过机场和高等教育的大规模扩张，表明我们对香港的未来有信心。

 

The governor was not a politician, but he found the political demands on him intensifying. At first, with a civil servant’s detachment, he regarded the reaction in London and around the world – ‘absolutely unacceptable, must break off with China’ – as something that created administrative problems. ‘Whitehall decided to suspend meetings. Understandable but not very helpful to us in Hong Kong.’ Wilson saw it as his duty to navigate the storm and then take decisions to safeguard the future of Hong Kong. ‘What were we going to do? The airport is the classic. My very strong view is we go ahead, we demonstrate we have confidence in the future of Hong Kong with the airport and a massive expansion of tertiary education.

 

我认为可以这样说，当我在1997年展望未来时，我希望能够为实现一个在所有关键方面都能通过主权转移而生存下来的香港做出贡献，在这个范围内，你可以尝试确保机构得到加强。

他笑着说："努力确保香港的基础设施能够继续下去。

我想说的是 "高度自治"，尽可能的独立，也就是说，不要在关键的交通方面依赖大陆。

'这就引出了机场。

‘I think it’s probably fair to say that as I looked toward the future in 1997 what I hoped to be able to contribute towards achieving was a Hong Kong which in all its key aspects survived through the transfer of sovereignty, to the extent you could try to make sure that the institutions are strengthened. Try to make sure that Hong Kong’s infrastructure enables it to go on,’ he said with a laugh. ‘I intend to say “with a high degree of autonomy”, with the greatest degree of independence possible, i.e. do not become dependent on the mainland for your key transportation. That leads on to the airport.’

 

位于大屿山附近的赤腊角的新机场是一项巨大的工程，需要多年才能完成。

政府没有几年的时间来防止优秀人才离开这个城市。

卫奕信回顾了这一挑战："我们正在失去相当多的优秀人才，特别是在天安门事件之后，香港的一些优秀人才由于对未来的担忧而迁出。

因此，他说，有必要尽可能地加强教育机构，增加大学学位的数量。

在这一点上，他取得了成功：香港科技大学坐落在清水湾海边一个青翠的校园里，于1991年10月向第一批700名学生开放。

 

The new airport at Chek Lap Kok off Lantau Island was a huge undertaking that would take years to complete. The administration did not have years to prevent an exodus of excellence from the city. Wilson recalled the challenge: ‘We were losing quite a lot of talented people, and particularly after the Tiananmen incident some of the talented people in Hong Kong [were] moving out because of their worries about the future.’ Therefore, he said, there was a need to strengthen as much as possible the educational institutions and increase the number of university places available. In this he succeeded: the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, set in a verdant campus by the sea at Clear Water Bay, opened its doors to the first group of 700 students in October 1991.

 

在精英阶层中，一些传统上占主导地位的中国商业王朝更倾向于让劳动力只接受所需水平的教育，以完成平凡的任务，这不是什么秘密。

对于某些亿万富翁可能会因为出现了一个有政治素养的、活跃的公民群体而指责他的想法，卫奕信一笑置之。

他们可能很好，但你需要更多而不是更少的受教育者......有意地，来自传统上没有接受过高等教育的家庭的人大量增加。

 

It was no secret among the elite that some of the traditionally dominant Chinese business dynasties preferred the idea of a workforce educated only to the level required for them to perform mundane tasks. Wilson laughed off the idea that certain billionaires might blame him for the emergence of a politically literate, active citizenry. ‘They may well, but you need more, not fewer, educated people … there was, deliberately, a huge increase in the people who were from families who weren’t traditionally going into tertiary education.’

 

这两项基础设施决定都带来了后果。

起初，是昂贵的新机场导致了多年的争论。

中国的谈判代表不时地宣称新机场没有必要，怀疑这是一个挥霍储备的阴谋，指责规划者阴谋将合同授予英国公司，并对每一项技术、地质和航空计算提出质疑。

该项目耗费了行政人员的时间，耗尽了双方的政治资本，最终在中国的勉强同意下才得以进行。

一旦机场建成并获得普遍赞誉，回报将是物质的和明显的。

但是，在他们出生前很久，总督就决定扩大大学和理工学院的学费，这创造了新的、自信的和热爱自由的一代香港人，他们将在这个城市的历史上写下新的一页。

 

Both infrastructure decisions were pregnant with consequences. At first it was the expensive new airport that led to years of argument. Chinese negotiators at intervals declared it unnecessary, suspected a plot to squander the reserves, accused the planners of scheming to award contracts to British firms and challenged every technical, geological and aeronautical calculation. The project consumed executive time and exhausted political capital on both sides before it finally went ahead, with grudging Chinese consent. The rewards would be material and manifest once the airport was completed to general acclaim. But it was the governor’s decision, taken long before they were born, to expand access to university and polytechnic tuition which created a new, assertive and freedom-loving generation of Hong Kongers who would write a fresh page in the city’s history.

 

北京的大屠杀和随之而来的中国各地的清洗唤起了许多人的深深恐惧，而英国人正是依靠这些人维持着香港的运转，直到1997年。

公务员、警察、商人和学者；任何与殖民统治结构有关的人都可能面临报复，如果一个正义和复仇的中国夺回主权。

事实是，他们中的许多人无处可去。

他们的一些祖先在革命后逃离了国际大都市上海，他们的许多父母为了躲避内战，跋山涉水离开了中国。

更多的人为了逃离毛主席的社会主义试验而越过边境，伴随着午夜的敲门声、当地窃听者的网络、言论自由和宗教的灭绝--所有秘密警察国家的装备。

香港曾经是一个天堂。

现在，许多人认为它是一个陷阱。

 

The massacre in Beijing and the ensuing purge across China awoke deep fear in many people on whom the British depended to keep Hong Kong running until 1997. Civil servants, policemen, business people and academics; anyone associated with the colonial ruling structure might face retribution if a righteous and vengeful China took back sovereignty. The fact was that many of them had nowhere to go. Some of their ancestors had fled cosmopolitan Shanghai after the revolution, many of their parents had trekked and sailed out of China to escape the civil war. Many more had crossed the border fleeing Chairman Mao’s experiment with socialism, accompanied as it was by the midnight knock on the door, a web of local eavesdroppers, the extinction of free speech and religion – all the accoutrements of a secret police state. Hong Kong had been a haven. Now many saw it as a trap.

 

他们恐惧的根源同样在于历届英国政府的移民政策。

即使是最爱国的英国行政人员也承认，这并不是一个让英国获得桂冠的领域。

这个故事漫长而复杂，但就其本质而言，它归结为以下几点。

 

The origins of their fear lay equally with the immigration policies of successive British governments. Even the most patriotic British administrators conceded that this was not a field on which the United Kingdom had crowned itself with laurels. The story was long and complicated, but in its stark essentials it came down to this:

在大英帝国时期，其臣民在君主的领地内来去无阻。

在帝国时代结束时，1948年的《英国国籍法》确立了联合王国和殖民地公民的地位，这包括香港人。

然而，从20世纪60年代初开始，随着殖民地的独立，英国政府开始限制移民，主要是通过1962年的《英联邦移民法》，这标志着政策的转折点，取消了香港公民在英国定居的权利。

 

Under the British Empire, its subjects had come and gone unfettered within the sovereign’s realms. At the waning of the imperial age, the British Nationality Act of 1948 established the status of Citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies, which included the people of Hong Kong. From the early 1960s, however, the British government began to restrict immigration as its colonies gained independence, chiefly through the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, which marked a turning point in policy and removed the right of Hong Kong citizens to settle in the United Kingdom.

 

1971年的《移民法》进一步限制了父母或祖父母在英国出生的人在英国的居留权。

10年后，1983年生效的《英国国籍法》的通过，使香港人成为英国附属领土公民，没有自动在英国居住的权利。

与中国的联合声明加强了这种区别，无论如何，中国的统治者将所有在香港的中国人视为他们的同胞。

 

The Immigration Act of 1971 further limited the right of abode in Britain to those with a parent or grandparent born there. The passing, ten years later, of the British Nationality Act, which came into force in 1983. made Hong Kong people British Dependent Territories Citizens with no automatic right to live in the United Kingdom. The distinction was reinforced by the Joint Declaration with China, whose rulers, in any case, saw all Chinese people in Hong Kong as their compatriots.

 

1985年，英国政府为殖民地居民设立了独特的英国国民（海外）公民类别，他们持有的护照只有权在香港居住；正如我们所看到的，这一类别本应在1997年随着英国的统治而消亡。

这是一条纤细的线，可以把对家庭、事业或一生的储蓄和财产的希望挂在上面。

作为移民控制的坚定支持者，撒切尔夫人对她拒绝为香港人提供例外的做法毫无悔意，无论她如何声称钦佩香港人的勤奋、节俭和家庭价值观。

1989年6月，这使得持有英国护照或有权获得英国护照的340万香港人失去了一个安全的避难所。

 

In 1985, the British government created the unique category of British National (Overseas) citizens for residents of the colony, holding passports which entitled them to live only in Hong Kong; this category, as we have seen, was supposed to die out with British rule in 1997. It was a slender thread on which to hang hopes for a family, a career or a lifetime of savings and property. A strong proponent of immigration controls, Mrs Thatcher was unrepentant about her refusal to allow an exception for the people of Hong Kong, however much she professed to admire their diligence, frugality and family values. In June 1989, that left 3.4 million people in Hong Kong, who were holding British passports or were entitled to them, without a safe haven.

 

卫奕信已经看到了人才的流失，因为聪明和积极的人把他们的钱带出了香港，在海外找到了居留权或公民权。

美国、加拿大和澳大利亚都拥有强大的粤语社区，是最受欢迎的目的地之一。

六四之后，官员们意识到，焦虑正在变得严重。

警方的犯罪（A1）部门和特别部门雇用了一些官员，他们的工作是监视和侦查与香港地下共产党有关的个人以及与大陆有政治联系的强大有组织犯罪集团。

海关和移民部门也向英国人提供重要的机密信息。

对官员来说，视而不见或改变忠诚度的诱惑是显而易见的。

此外，最低级的香港警察也知道成为边界另一边的公安局的仆人意味着什么。

一位研究香港警务史的专家黄锦程这样说。

党的领导认为 "专业 "警察是为革命目的服务的国家工具......在党的领导下，"官僚主义"、"法律 "和 "职业 "都不允许凌驾于党和群众之上...... "专业 "官员首先是革命干部。

 

Wilson had already watched the brain drain as bright and motivated people took their money out of Hong Kong and found residence rights or citizenship overseas. The United States, Canada and Australia, all of which had strong Cantonese-speaking communities, were among the favourite destinations. After June Fourth officials realised that anxiety was becoming acute. The police Crime (A1) Department and the Special Branch employed officers whose work entailed surveillance and detection of individuals connected to the underground Communist Party in Hong Kong and of powerful organised crime groups with political connections on the mainland. The customs and immigration departments also furnished the British with important classified information. The temptation for officers to turn a blind eye or to change loyalties was obvious. In addition, the most junior Hong Kong police officer knew what it meant to be a servant of the Public Security Bureau across the border. A specialist in the history of policing in Hong Kong, Kam C. Wong, put it like this: ‘The party leadership considers “professional” police an instrument of the state to serve revolutionary ends … with the Party in the lead neither “bureaucracy” nor “law” nor “profession” is allowed to stand above the Party and the masses … a “professional” officer is above all a revolutionary cadre.’

 

卫奕信行政委员会中的大人物和小人物都坚持认为必须有所作为。

该委员会的高级成员Lydia Dunn飞往伦敦，在唐宁街10号与撒切尔夫人对质，热情地呼吁所有有资格获得英国护照的香港人获得正式公民身份和在英国生活的权利。

她发现首相对大屠杀感到震惊，手里拿着一张照片，照片上一个人站在北京长安街上的坦克队伍中。

尽管撒切尔夫人的心被香港的困境折磨得支离破碎，但她仍然保持着坚毅的头脑，她将使她在殖民地最狂热的崇拜者中的一些人感到失望。

 

The great and the good on Wilson’s Executive Council were adamant that something must be done. The council’s senior member, Lydia Dunn, flew to London to confront Mrs Thatcher in 10 Downing Street with a passionate call for all Hong Kong people who were eligible for British passports to be granted full citizenship and the right to live in Britain. She found the prime minister appalled by the massacre and clutching a copy of the photograph of a single man standing in the path of a line of tanks on Chang’an avenue in Beijing. Although her heart was rent in twain by the plight of Hong Kong, Mrs Thatcher retained a hard head, and she was to disillusion some of her most fervent admirers in the colony.

 

六四之后不久，卫奕信前往伦敦会见首相，与官员们商谈，并向香港协会发表讲话。

总督认为，给予香港的英国护照持有人（实际上只有约125万人持有这种证件）在英国的居留权将是一项有益的保险政策，将大大增强人们的信心。

他认为，事实上，没有多少人会利用他们的权利在英国永久定居。

卫奕信发现自己陷入了困境。

他接受了为他治理的人民说话的道德责任，但他也是一个现实主义者。

很明显，要让数百万香港华人享有在英国生活的权利，会有激烈的政治阻力。

在最好的情况下，与撒切尔夫人的对话很容易陷入僵局。

 

Shortly after June Fourth, Wilson went to London to meet the prime minister, to confer with officials and to speak to the Hong Kong Association. The governor believed that giving the right of abode in the United Kingdom to Hong Kong’s British passport holders – only about 1.25 million actually held the documents – would be a helpful insurance policy which would greatly boost confidence. He felt that in fact, not many people would use their right to settle permanently in Britain. Wilson found himself in a predicament. He accepted the moral duty to speak up for the people he governed, but he was also a realist. It was obvious that there would be stiff political resistance to giving the right to live in Britain to millions of Hong Kong Chinese. Conversations with Mrs Thatcher were apt to be sticky at the best of times.

 

有一个勇敢的努力，从困境中挽回了一些荣誉。

6月21日，在上议院的一次辩论中，前港督麦理浩在退休后大声疾呼，告诉他的同僚们，他已经改变了对英国对其自1841年以来所治理的地区的义务的想法。

决定性的解决方案是修改《英国国籍法》，为香港的英国国民提供英国公民身份。

这样做的目的是为了鼓励他们留在香港工作的保险，因为大多数人都希望这样做。

在过去，我曾要求提供一个最后的家。

其他人则要求获得入境权或居留权。

这一切最终都归结为同一件事--公民身份。

 

There was a brave effort to salvage some honour from the predicament. From retirement, the former governor Murray MacLehose spoke out in a debate in the House of Lords on 21 June to tell his peers that he had changed his mind about British obligations to those it had governed since 1841: ‘The decisive solution would be to amend the British Nationality Act to provide Hong Kong British nationals with British citizenship. The object of doing that would be an insurance to encourage them to stay at their work in Hong Kong, as most wish to do. In the past I have asked for a home of last resort. Others have asked for the right of entry or the right of abode. It all comes down to the same thing in the end – citizenship.’

 

外交部部长格莱纳瑟勋爵对政府的回应是暗淡的："我们都很清楚，对这个国家来说，一个大规模的新移民承诺会带来非常实际的困难。

给予所有来自香港的人自动居留权不是一个现实的选择。

 

The government response from a foreign office minister, Lord Glenarthur, was bleak: ‘We are all well aware of the very real difficulties which would be posed by a massive new immigration commitment for this country. Granting automatic right of abode here to all people from Hong Kong cannot be a realistic option.’

 

最终找到了一个务实的解决方案。

1989年秋天，政府同意根据英国国籍甄选计划向五万名从事关键职业的人及其家人发放正式的英国护照，这一决定在1990年由议会法案正式确定。

申请人必须掌握一份32页的表格和一个复杂的积分系统才能获得资格。

教育、家庭关系和职业都被考虑在内。

有人抱怨说，这个过程被设计得如此令人生畏，以至于成为一种威慑。

但卫奕信认为这是一个 "经过深思熟虑的 "计划："五万个家庭是很多人。

重要的是，那些可能面临风险的人应该被纳入其中。

他说，一些公务员，如安全部门的官员，显然是属于 "必须要做的 "类别的候选人。

然后是企业家、商人、学术界人士、律师和其他专业人士。

我们需要制定一个计划，让那些对香港的未来很重要的人拥有一份保险，使他们不会离开香港。

这就是选择的指导原则。

 

A pragmatic solution was eventually found. In the autumn of 1989 the government agreed to issue full British passports to fifty thousand people in key professions, and their families, under the British Nationality Selection Scheme, a decision formalised by an Act of Parliament in 1990. Applicants had to master a 32-page form and a complicated system of points to qualify. Education, family ties and career were all taken into account. There were complaints that the process was designed to be so daunting that it acted as a deterrent. But Wilson defended it as ‘a remarkably well thought out’ scheme: ‘Fifty thousand families is a lot of people. It was important that people who might be at risk should be included in that.’ Some public servants, like officers in the security services, he said, were obvious candidates who fell in to the ‘got to be done’ category. Then there were entrepreneurs, business people, academics, lawyers and other professionals. ‘We needed to devise a scheme whereby people who were important for the future of Hong Kong should have an insurance policy so that they wouldn’t leave Hong Kong. That was the guiding principle for selection.’

 

中国政府反对这项计划，声称它违反了《联合声明》，无论英国怎么说，在香港的任何中国人后裔都是人民共和国的公民。

正如卫奕信所说，他们没有提出非常强烈的反对意见，该计划得以实施。

但这并不是一个光荣的结果，它失去了一个在英国和处于东亚经济复兴中心的数百万人之间建立永久联系的机会。

 

The Chinese government objected to the scheme, claiming that it breached the Joint Declaration and that, no matter what Britain might say, anyone of Chinese descent in Hong Kong was a citizen of the People’s Republic. As Wilson put it, they did not object very strongly and the plan went ahead. But it was not a glorious outcome, and it was a lost opportunity to create a permanent link between the United Kingdom and millions of people at the heart of the East Asian economic renaissance.

 

剥夺大多数香港人在英国定居的权利的政策将持续近30年。

当时，撒切尔夫人首先是作为一个国内政治家行事，被民众对大规模移民的恐惧所困扰。

但事实证明，总督在一个方面是正确的。

吸收的速度很慢，导致当地评论员得出结论：事实上，许多香港人并不希望搬到远离欧洲西北海岸的一个潮湿和寒冷的岛屿，那里的税收很高。

护照计划解决了眼前的危机。

据卫奕信回忆说："据我所知，实际搬迁的人数非常少。

在我看来，这是撒切尔夫人的巨大功劳，尽管她最初并不喜欢这个想法，但她是那个说 "我们必须这样做 "的人，并做到了。

 

The policy of denying most Hong Kong people the right to settle in Britain would remain in place for almost three decades. At the time, Mrs Thatcher had acted first and foremost as a domestic politician preoccupied by popular fears of mass immigration. But the governor was proved right in one regard. Take-up was slow, leading local commentators to conclude that many in Hong Kong did not, in fact, wish to move to a wet and cold island far away off the northwest coast of Europe, where taxes were high. The passport scheme solved the immediate crisis. As Wilson recalled: ‘As far as I know the number who actually moved was very small. To my mind it is an enormous credit to Margaret Thatcher that although she didn’t like the idea initially she was the person who said “we’ve got to do it” and did it.’

 

幸运的是，香港已经有了一份保险，即邓小平在1984年提出的《基本法》的形式。

这实际上是一部以《联合声明》及其附件为模板制定的宪法。

它将中国在 "一国两制 "下保证香港在1997年后50年的权利和自由的承诺写入法律文件。

 

By good fortune, Hong Kong already had an insurance policy, in the form of the Basic Law proposed in 1984 by Deng. This was, in effect, a constitution hammered out on the template of the Joint Declaration and its annexes. It put in a legal document the commitments made by China to guarantee Hong Kong’s rights and freedoms for fifty years after 1997 under ‘one country, two systems’.

 

基本法》是中国比较灵活时期的成果。

根据赵紫阳的指示，中国政府在1985年成立了一个起草委员会，并邀请了23名香港代表加入其36名大陆成员。

该委员会由姬鹏飞担任主席，姬鹏飞是一位在与英国的小规模冲突中饱经沧桑的谈判专家，也是一位有效的外交家。

中国方面甚至邀请了香港的民主人士李柱铭和司徒华参加讨论。

这些讨论自然是充满争议的。

香港代表试图最大限度地发挥 "两制 "的作用，以巩固民主和保护自由。

中国政府的目标是巩固 "一国 "的地位，尽量减少民主，集中精力消除 "颠覆"。

结果是一个严重偏向于中央政府的妥协方案。

尽管如此，在21世纪的背景下，反映出共产党在制定香港由自己的人民治理的过程中确实与其反对者进行了协商、谈判和辩论，这一点似乎很了不起。

 

The Basic Law was the fruit of a period of comparative flexibility in China. On the instructions of Zhao Ziyang, the Chinese government had set up a drafting committee in 1985 and invited twenty-three representatives from Hong Kong to join its thirty-six mainland members. The committee was chaired by Ji Pengfei, a battle-scarred negotiator from the skirmishes with the British and an effective diplomat. The Chinese even invited the Hong Kong democrats Martin Lee and Szeto Wah to join the discussions. Naturally these were fraught. The Hong Kong delegates sought to maximise ‘two systems’, to embed democracy and to protect freedom. The Chinese government aimed to cement ‘one country’ in place, to minimise democracy and to focus on eliminating ‘subversion’. The outcome was a compromise heavily weighted in favour of the central government. None the less, in the context of the twenty-first century it seems remarkable to reflect that the Communist Party did indeed consult, negotiate and debate with its opponents in the process of formulating the way that Hong Kong was to be governed by its own people.

 

谈判在中国和香港进行了近四年。

中国体制内对文本的争论与香港的律师和宪法专家对文本的争论一样激烈。

到1988年底，第一份草案已经公布，供公众咨询。

第二稿于1989年2月在深圳的一次会议上获得通过，当时中国的政治体制正处于混乱的边缘。

该草案被民主人士所反对，但鉴于中国的自由主义即将失败，它是一个值得抓住的奖品。

在四个月内，改革派被赶下了台。

1990年4月4日，全国人民代表大会批准了《基本法》--其官方中文文本长达七十三页。

 

The talks went on in China and in Hong Kong for almost four years. The text was argued over inside the Chinese system just as strongly as it was debated by lawyers and constitutional experts in Hong Kong. By late 1988 a first draft was published for public consultation. The second draft was approved at a meeting in Shenzhen in February 1989, just as the Chinese political system was poised on the brink of chaos. It was disliked by the democrats but, given the impending defeat of what passed for liberalism in China, it was a prize worth seizing. Within four months the reformers were driven from power. The Basic Law – its official text in Chinese running to seventy-three pages – was approved by the National People’s Congress on 4 April 1990.

 

这些关键点对香港的未来至关重要。

中国收回了主权，控制了外交事务，并将自费在该市驻扎军队。

作为一个特别行政区，香港将享有 "高度自治"。

其行政和立法机构将从永久居民中产生。

社会主义制度和政策将不被实施，"资本主义制度和生活方式将保持50年不变"。

私有财产、普通法和拥有最终裁决权的独立司法机构得到保障。

所有的土地都属于国家，就像在英国王室统治下一样，并被租赁给个人或公司。

中央政府的任何部门或任何省份都不得干涉香港事务。

所有居民 "有言论、新闻、出版的自由；有结社、集会、游行、示威的自由；有参加工会和罢工的权利和自由"。

这些都是人民共和国12亿公民所没有的权利。

 

The key points were vital to the future of Hong Kong. China took back sovereignty, controlled foreign affairs and would station a military garrison in the city at its own expense. Hong Kong would enjoy ‘a high degree of autonomy’ as a Special Administrative Region. Its executive and legislature were to be drawn from permanent residents. The socialist system and policies were not to be practised ‘and the capitalist system and way of life shall remain unchanged for fifty years’. Private property, the common law and an independent judiciary, with the power of final adjudication, were guaranteed. All land belonged to the state, as it had under the British Crown, and was leased to individuals or firms. No part of the central government, nor any province, might interfere in Hong Kong affairs. All residents ‘shall have freedom of speech, of the press and of publication; freedom of association, of assembly, of procession and of demonstration; and the right and freedom to join trade unions and to strike’. These were rights not available to the 1.2 billion citizens of the People’s Republic.

 

此外，《基本法》保护香港人免受任意逮捕、拘留、搜查、酷刑和 "非法剥夺生命"。

在没有法律许可的情况下，他们的家不能被搜查，通信自由和隐私受到保护，但必须符合 "公共安全的需要 "或刑事调查。

他们可以自由旅行，从事学术研究，信奉宗教，自由结婚和养家，接受社会福利，甚至可以将政府告上法庭。

 

In addition, the Basic Law protected Hong Kong people against arbitrary arrest, detention, searches, torture and ‘unlawful deprivation of life’. Their homes could not be searched without legal sanction, freedom and privacy of communications were protected subject to ‘the needs of public security’ or criminal investigation. They were free to travel, to engage in academic research, to practise religion, to marry and raise a family freely, to receive social welfare and even to take the government to court.

 

如果这一切听起来好得不像真的，那么还有一些重要的注意事项。

如果北京的全国人民代表大会宣布进入战争状态，或者如果香港的 "动乱 "危及到国家统一或安全，中央政府可以实行紧急状态和自己的法律。

香港当局可以 "在必要时 "调用解放军驻军以维持公共秩序。

在香港通过的法律受制于全国人大常委会的最终权力，可以被撤销。

对于涉及 "中央人民政府负责的事务 "或香港与大陆关系的法律，香港的终审法院不是最终的仲裁者：在这些问题上，第158条规定法官必须向全国人大常委会 "寻求解释"，这一规定注定会引发政治争议。

 

If all that sounded too good to be true, there were important caveats. In the event that the National People’s Congress in Beijing declared a state of war, or if ‘turmoil’ in Hong Kong endangered national unity or security, the central government could impose a state of emergency and its own laws. The Hong Kong authorities could call on the PLA garrison ‘when necessary’ to maintain public order. Laws passed in Hong Kong were subject to the ultimate authority of a standing committee of the NPC and could be revoked. The Court of Final Appeal in Hong Kong was not the ultimate arbiter of laws concerning ‘affairs which are the responsibility of the Central People’s Government’ or the relations between Hong Kong and the mainland: on these matters, Article 158 obliged the judges to ‘seek an interpretation’ from the standing committee of the NPC, a rule destined to set off political controversy.

 

所有这些在1990年似乎都是遥远的可能性。

但有一条规定，即第23条，规定了一项任务，在1997年后的头几十年里，没有一个香港政府能够完成。

第二十三条要求香港 "自行制定法律，禁止任何叛国、分裂、煽动、颠覆中央人民政府或窃取国家机密的行为"。

这种立法还必须禁止'外国政治组织或团体'开展活动，并应禁止本地政治组织与外国同行建立联系。

这一艰巨的要求，实质上是将香港置于中国现行的安全状态之下。

在当地人的激烈反对下，这一要求直到2020年仍未得到满足。

 

All these seemed remote possibilities in 1990. But one provision, Article 23, laid down a task which no Hong Kong government was able to fulfil in the first decades after 1997. Article 23 required Hong Kong to ‘enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People’s Government or theft of state secrets’. Such legislation must also ban ‘foreign political organisations or bodies’ from conducting activities and should forbid local political organisations from establishing ties with foreign counterparts. This formidable demand would, in essence, submit Hong Kong to the security state prevailing in China. In the face of fierce local opposition it remained unmet until 2020.

 

基本法》中概述的政治制度听起来很合理，但很模糊。

行政长官必须是40岁以上的中国公民，"通过选举或在当地协商产生"，但具体方法将根据 "循序渐进 "的原则，"根据实际情况 "确定。

最初，领导人将由北京任命的800人的选举委员会选出；其成员中只有不到四分之一是当地的民选政治家。

然而，"最终目标是在他们被提名后，通过普选选出行政长官"。

行政长官享有广泛的权力，但不是独裁者；如果他们不能通过立法会的法律，他或她可能会被要求辞职。

 

The political system outlined in the Basic Law was reasonable-sounding but vague. The chief executive, who must be a Chinese citizen aged over forty, ‘shall be selected by election or through consultations held locally’, but the exact method would be determined ‘in the light of the actual situation’ on the principle of ‘gradual and orderly progress’. Initially the leader would be chosen by an Election Committee of 800 people appointed by Beijing; less than a quarter of its members could be local elected politicians. However, ‘the ultimate aim is the selection of the chief executive by universal suffrage’ after their nomination. The chief executive enjoyed wide powers but was no autocrat; he or she could be obliged to resign if they failed to pass laws through the Legislative Council.

 

行政长官将继承殖民政府使用的双重管理结构。

将有一个指定的行政委员会来 "协助......制定政策"。

立法会将制定法律。

从1997年起，立法会任期为两年，此后任期为四年。

基本法》故意含糊其辞，说立法会'应通过选举产生'，一如既往地遵守难以捉摸的'循序渐进的原则'，其'最终目标'是所有成员都由普选产生。

 

The chief executive would inherit the dual governing structure used by the colonial administration. There would be an appointed Executive Council to ‘assist … in policy-making’. The Legislative Council would make laws. It would sit for two years from 1997 and thereafter for four-year terms. With deliberate ambiguity, the Basic Law said this council ‘shall be constituted by election’, subject, as ever, to the elusive ‘principle of gradual and orderly progress’ with the ‘ultimate aim’ that all of its members would be chosen by universal suffrage.

 

在六四之前，这听起来是一帆风顺的，让英国政府庆幸地放弃了自己的责任，带着一些破损的荣誉悄悄离开。

六四之后，这就不再可行了。

1989年12月，珀西-柯利達爵士爵士又一次秘密飞往北京。

陪同他的是外交部的汉学家罗宾-麦克拉伦，他认为罗宾是 "一位老朋友和伟大的专家，我可以完全信赖他的判断"。

这两人向新的中国领导人提交了撒切尔夫人的信息。

英国人希望在1991年的立法会选举中把直选席位增加一倍，从10个增加到20个，并在以后的选举中增加其数量。

他们寻求达成协议，在1995年的投票中当选的立法者将能够担任整个四年的任期。

这被称为 "直通车"，与1979年启用的香港和广州之间的不间断铁路相比较。

 

Before June Fourth this sounded like plain sailing, allowing the British government thankfully to relinquish its responsibility and creep away with some tattered honour. After June Fourth it was no longer tenable. In December 1989 Sir Percy Cradock once again flew to Beijing in secret. He was accompanied by the Foreign Office Sinologist Robin McLaren, whom he viewed as ‘an old friend and great expert, on whose judgement I could place complete reliance’. The duo presented the new Chinese leaders with a message from Mrs Thatcher. The British wanted to double the number of directly elected seats in the Legislative Council elections of 1991 from ten to twenty and to increase their number in later elections. They sought an agreement that legislators elected in the polls of 1995 would be able to serve a full four-year term. This was known as the ‘through train’, a comparison with the non-stop rail link between Hong Kong and Guangzhou inaugurated in 1979.

 

在他的回忆录中，柯利達爵士把与 "强硬和不屈 "的中国领导人进行的这些民主谈判说成是一场与困难作斗争的战斗。

他直接承认，英国不会允许香港被用作 "颠覆中国政府权威的基地"，尽管他无权扩大殖民地的独立法院和法官可能用来镇压这种不明确活动的法律。

他同意英国不会通过让美国或其他大国参与进来而使香港问题 "国际化"，这一点的可信度更高。

在作出这些让步后，柯利達爵士发现中国方面对他的其他论点无动于衷，一个不那么狡猾的人可能会把这些论点当作是如何不进行谈判的教训。

 

In his memoir, Cradock presented these negotiations on democracy with the ‘tough and unyielding’ Chinese leaders as a doughty battle against the odds. He conceded straight away that the British would not allow Hong Kong to be used ‘as a base to subvert the authority of the Chinese government’, although he had no authority to extend the laws which the independent courts and judges of the colony might use to suppress such unspecified activities. With somewhat more credibility he agreed that Britain would not ‘internationalise’ the question of Hong Kong by involving the United States or other powers. These concessions dispensed, Cradock found the Chinese side unmoved by his other arguments, which a less subtle intellect might have taken as a lesson in how not to conduct negotiations.

 

柯利達爵士认为，在讨价还价的背后，"中国方面对西式民主作为一种政治变革甚至混乱的力量有着深刻的怀疑。

对中国的新领导人江泽民和他的同事来说，'这与过去几个月他们的统治受到的威胁和来自香港的干扰有关'。

中国的权力大厦是脆弱的；直到1992年10月的党的十四大，江泽民和他的新政治局才对他们的权威感到自信，并得到了邓小平本人的公开批准。

中国人 "无中生有 "地提到了欧洲革命，并急于向中国说明，那些崩溃的政权是由红军建立的；而中国的共产主义是土生土长的，根基牢固。

柯利達爵士承认这一点是有道理的，尽管不断提及这一点 "证明了某种程度上的不自信"。

 

Cradock believed that behind the haggling ‘lay a profound suspicion on the Chinese side of Western-style democracy as a force for political change, even chaos’. To China’s new leader Jiang Zemin and his colleagues, ‘it was associated with the threat to their rule in the past months and with interference from Hong Kong.’ The edifice of Chinese power was fragile; it was not until the Fourteenth Party Congress of October 1992 that Jiang and his new Politburo would feel confident of their authority with the seal of public approval from Deng himself. The Chinese would refer ‘apropos of nothing’ to the European revolutions and hasten to make China’s case that the collapsed regimes had been set up by the Red Army; whereas Chinese Communism was home-grown and firmly rooted. Cradock admitted that there was something to this, although the constant need to mention it ‘argued a certain lack of confidence’.

 

中国外交部长钱其琛在自己的回忆录中说，柯利達爵士在这个场合是 "撒切尔政策的忠实使者"，尽管他不同意这些政策。

钱其琛与柯利達爵士和江泽民坐在一起，就香港的未来进行了两个小时的激烈争吵。

就在这时，柯利達爵士坦白了撒切尔夫人信息的真正含义；对于英中关系来说，不成功便成仁，在一个问题上的困难意味着在整体上难以取得进展......关于香港的谅解是恢复良好关系的先决条件，"钱老写道。

江总书记立即拒绝了来自英国方面的这种压力。

据钱其琛说，英国大使唐纳德'不厌其烦地向我们的工作人员解释，这些话只是根据伦敦的指示说的'，这种姿态很难向中国人传达英国方面的一致意见和决心。

 

In his own memoir, the Chinese foreign minister Qian Qichen said Cradock was ‘a faithful emissary of Thatcher’s policies’ on this occasion, even though he disagreed with them. Qian sat through a fraught two hours with Cradock and Jiang Zemin while the two sparred over the future of Hong Kong. ‘It was then that Cradock came clean about the true meaning of Mrs Thatcher’s message; that it was all or nothing for Anglo-Chinese relations and that difficulties on one issue meant difficulty in making progress as a whole … an understanding on Hong Kong was a precondition to restoring good relations,’ Qian wrote. ‘General Secretary Jiang immediately rejected this sort of pressure from the British side.’ According to Qian, the British ambassador, Alan Donald, ‘went out of his way to explain to our staff that these remarks were only made on instructions from London’, an overture which can hardly have conveyed to the Chinese unanimity and resolve on the British side.

 

在北京的最后一天，情绪低落的柯利達爵士向钱其琛坦言，他对没有取得突破感到失望，并问他应该向撒切尔夫人带什么信息。

钱其琛回答说，双方必须遵守《联合声明》的 "原则"，不应试图改变他们的协议。

据钱老说，正是在这次会议上，柯利達爵士交给他一封来自英国新任外交大臣道格拉斯-赫德的信，这是中英两国就香港未来安排秘密交换的七份外交文件中的第一份。

钱其琛认为，这封信引起了 "新的分歧......大大增加了要价"。

 

On his last day in Beijing a downcast Cradock confessed his disappointment to Qian that no breakthrough had been made and asked what message he should take back to Mrs Thatcher. Qian responded that the two sides must abide by the ‘principles’ of the Joint Declaration and should not try to change their agreements. According to Qian, it was at this meeting that Cradock handed him a letter from the new British foreign secretary, Douglas Hurd, the first of seven diplomatic documents on future arrangements in Hong Kong that were exchanged in secret between Britain and China. The letter, Qian felt, raised ‘fresh disagreements … raising the asking price significantly’.

 

当这些信件的存在后来被公开时，爆发了一场轩然大波，但在钱其琛看来，它们是常规的外交工具。

他将其描述为1990年1月18日至2月12日期间 "由驻北京大使传递的未署名书面信息"。

在不屈不挠的香港总督的帮助下，两国部长达成了谅解，他前往中国首都进行会谈。

 

When the existence of these letters later became public a furore erupted, but in Qian’s account they were routine instruments of diplomacy. He described them as ‘unsigned written messages delivered by the ambassador in Beijing’ between 18 January and 12 February 1990. The two ministers reached an understanding, helped along by the indefatigable governor of Hong Kong, who went to the Chinese capital for talks.

 

该协议规定，在1991年的投票中，60个席位中有18个由直接选举产生，到1997年增加到20个。

这也是中国在回归前所做的努力。

此后，直选议员的数量将在1999年增加到24个，2003年增加到30个，届时香港一半的法律制定者将由其选民选出。

柯利達爵士认为，"我们有明确的共识......保证稳步增长......香港不会立即实现全面的威斯敏斯特式的民主，但会朝着这个方向稳步发展，这也是关键的一点，中国人已经同意了。

他认为，如果坚持更多的要求，就会危及到整个谅解。

 

The deal provided for eighteen seats out of sixty to be chosen by direct elections in the 1991 polls, rising to twenty in 1997. That was as far as China would go until the handover. After that the number of directly chosen members would rise to twenty-four in 1999 and thirty in 2003, when half of those making laws in Hong Kong would be chosen by its electors. Cradock felt that ‘we had clear understandings … the assurance of a steady increase … there was not going to be full and instant Westminster-type democracy in Hong Kong but there would be steady progress in that direction which, and this was the crucial point, the Chinese had been brought to endorse.’ To insist on more, he argued, would have endangered the whole understanding.

 

钱其琛用以下的话总结了事关重大的事情--以及他所定义的中国胜利的性质。

当人们将来阅读外交文件时，他们会想，为什么双方会对一些直选席位如此激动......事实上，他们争夺的是香港回归后的主导政治制度。

他的意思是，中国已确保香港将继续由行政部门领导的制度，而不是由民主立法机构主导的制度；尽管行政部门将考虑公众意见，但它不会受制于公众。

在他自己的回忆录中，赫德对这一交流没有什么可说的，只是指出这些信件体现了关于如何在1991年进行选举的协议。

 这是一个真实的陈述，因为它承认在与中国的 "谅解 "中，有很多东西是模糊的，特别是在1990年和移交之间可能发生的事情。

 

Qian summed up what was at stake – and what he defined as the nature of China’s victory – in the following words: ‘When people read the diplomatic documents in future they will wonder why the two sides got so exercised about a number of directly elected seats … in fact, what they were fighting over was the dominant political system after the handover of Hong Kong.’ By this he meant that China had ensured that Hong Kong would continue to be governed by an executive-led system rather than one dominated by a democratic legislature; although the executive would take public opinion into account, it was not to be in thrall to it. In his own memoir Hurd had little to say on the exchange, noting only that the correspondence embodied the agreement on how to stage elections in 1991. This was a truthful statement in that it acknowledged that a great deal was left vague in ‘understandings’ with China, in particular over what might happen between 1990 and the handover.

 

中英两国的秘密会谈及时结束，全国人民代表大会于1990年4月在《基本法》上盖章。

香港对最后的草案表示不服气。

1997年，特别自治区的第一届立法会将有60名成员，但只有20名是由选区直接选举产生的。

10名由一个委员会选出，30名由 "功能组别 "选出，这是英国人留下的一个古老的公式，将席位分配给商业、专业和各种利益集团的代表，其中一些由少数选民选出。

在大多数民主国家，功能组别属于历史的灰烬，但在香港，它们将被延续下去。

 

The secret Anglo-Chinese talks concluded in time for the National People’s Congress to rubber-stamp the Basic Law in April 1990. Hong Kong greeted the final draft with resignation. The first Legislative Council of the Special Autonomous Region in 1997 would have sixty members but only twenty would be returned by direct elections in constituencies. Ten would be picked by a committee and thirty would be chosen by ‘functional constituencies’, an archaic formula bequeathed by the British which allocated seats to representatives of commerce, the professions and assorted interest groups, some chosen by a handful of electors. In most democracies, functional constituencies belonged on the ash heap of history, but in Hong Kong they were to be perpetuated.

 

至于 "直通车"，《基本法》警告说，1997年回归时的立法会只有在 "符合本决定的有关规定 "的情况下才可以继续开会。

只有那些 "拥护 "法律、宣誓效忠并经中国选定的委员会批准的议员才有可能继续任职。

这就是民主派和专制派在下个世纪的战场。

 

As for the ‘through train’, the Basic Law warned that the Legislative Council at the handover in 1997 might only continue sitting if it was ‘in conformity with the relevant provisions of this Decision’. Only those of its members who ‘upheld’ the law, pledged allegiance and were approved by a committee to be chosen by China could expect to continue in office. Such were the battlefields which lay ahead for democrats and authoritarians in the coming century.

 

在法律生效前的七年多时间里，法律的批准只是一个前奏，关于它的含义和如何应用的争论不绝于耳。

但它是防止绝对专制权力的堡垒，也是对任何需要国际认可的中国政府的一种约束。

在回归后的几十年里，关于该法律的争论将助长冲突，造成法律上的不确定性，并使持不同政见者加入到香港独立的悲惨事业中。

在1990年至1997年期间，该法仅凭其存在就为香港提供了良好的服务。

 

Approval of the law, more than seven years before it came into force, was just a prelude to ceaseless controversies over what it meant and how it was applied. But it was a bulwark against absolute arbitrary power and a restraint upon any Chinese government which required international acceptance. In the decades after the handover, arguments over the law would fuel strife, sow legal uncertainty and rally dissidents to the forlorn cause of Hong Kong independence. In the years between 1990 and 1997 it served the city well merely by its existence.

 

六四之后，中国的保证足以让香港人和外国政府满意。

美国已经明确表示，英国在公共外交方面只能靠自己，但乔治-布什总统告诉撒切尔夫人，他同情对香港的担忧。

作为一个对中国有经验的人和前中央情报局局长，布什不容易被震惊。

但在六四之后，中国的行为甚至让坚定的接触者质疑其在危机中的作用。

当布什试图给邓小平打电话时，中国外交部说，他们不清楚邓小平在哪里，无法联系美国总统。

布什随后派遣他的国家安全顾问布伦特-斯考克罗夫特执行秘密任务，与邓小平会面。

中国军队的空中交通管制员没有被他们的上级告知他的C-141 "星际 "飞机要来，并询问他们是否应该击落它。

这个请求一直传到了杨尚昆主席那里，他批准了飞机的降落。

7月2日上午，安全抵达的斯考克罗夫特会见了邓小平，邓小平认为布什的友好声明不够充分，没有多说什么就把他交给了李鹏和强硬派进行进一步的无益的会谈。

 

Assurances from China were enough to satisfy neither the people of Hong Kong nor foreign governments after June Fourth. The United States had made it clear that Britain was on its own in public diplomacy, but President George Bush told Mrs Thatcher that he sympathised with the fears for Hong Kong. As a veteran of China and a former head of the CIA, Bush was not easily shocked. But after June Fourth, China’s behaviour made even staunch advocates of engagement question its usefulness in a crisis. When Bush tried to put a phone call through to Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese foreign ministry said they were not clear where he was and could not connect the American president. Bush then dispatched his national security adviser, Brent Scowcroft, on a covert mission to meet Deng. Chinese military air traffic controllers were not told by their superiors that his C-141 Starlifter jet was coming and asked if they ought to shoot it down. The request went all the way to President Yang Shangkun, who cleared the plane for landing. On the morning of 2 July a safely delivered Scowcroft met Deng, who dismissed Bush’s avowals of friendship as insufficient and without much more ado handed him over to Li Peng and the hardliners for further, profitless talks.

 

邓小平与斯考克罗夫特会面的解密文本暴露了与中国谈判时最顽固和防守的现实，这正是柯利達爵士和卫奕信在紧张时刻发现的。

美国国会以418票对0票表决通过的全面制裁措施激怒了中国领导层，而美国媒体的报道则加剧了邓小平自己对推翻其政府的阴谋的怀疑，这并没有什么帮助。

坦率地说，这甚至可能导致战争，"邓小平说。

'美国对中国的利益提出了质疑，伤害了中国的尊严。

这就是问题的关键所在。

 

The declassified text of Deng’s encounter with Scowcroft laid bare the reality of negotiating with China at its most intransigent and defensive, exactly as Cradock and Wilson had found it at moments of stress. It did not help that a vote in the US Congress by 418 to 0 for comprehensive sanctions had infuriated the Chinese leadership, while the US media coverage intensified Deng’s own suspicions of a plot to overthrow his government. ‘To be frank, this could even lead to war,’ Deng said. ‘The United States has impugned Chinese interests, has hurt Chinese dignity. That is the crux of the matter.’

 

美国驻中国大使，中央情报局老兵James Lilley詹姆斯-利利警告说，双方必须找到一种退步的方式。

James Lilley并不抱有幻想。

早在20世纪70年代，亨利-基辛格的助手之一理查德-所罗门曾向他透露，基辛格在内心深处认为，"美国现在必须与中国人打交道，因为如果他们变得强大，他们将无法对付。

这也是尼克松的观点，2009年去世的James Lilley也逐渐认同这一观点。

 

The US ambassador to China, CIA veteran James Lilley, warned that the two sides had to find a way to step back. Lilley did not deal in illusions. Back in the 1970s, one of Henry Kissinger’s aides, Richard Solomon, had confided to him that Kissinger, deep down, believed that ‘America had to deal with the Chinese now, because if they ever got strong, they would be impossible to deal with.’ This was also the Nixon view, and Lilley, who died in 2009, grew to share it.

 

当中国被战略规模的挑战分心时，香港却在寻求自己的再保险之路。

这意味着1990年成为了一场意外变化的旋风，使之成为了将殖民地交还中国的协议和1997年契约本身之间最重要的时期。

事后看来，这是对卫奕信作为一个管理者的褒奖，他带头重塑了一个建立在不言而喻的假设和精心设计的模糊性之上的对华政策，而他也是该政策的主要制定者之一。

 

While China was distracted by challenges on a strategic scale, Hong Kong sought its own path to reinsurance. This meant that 1990 became a whirlwind of unexpected change, making it the most significant period between the agreement to hand back the colony to China and the deed itself in 1997. It was, in hindsight, a tribute to Wilson as an administrator that he led the way to reshape a policy towards China of which he had been one of the principal authors, one founded on unspoken assumptions and well-crafted ambiguity.

 

大屠杀的冲击摧毁了殖民地的一些管理者和商业王朝对延续低税率、有限代表权和尊重权威的制度所抱有的任何残存的希望。

这种希望建立在对广大民众的宗法式的、过时的看法上，认为难民心态、对谋生机会的感激和对混乱的恐惧会抵消任何对城市治理或税收使用有发言权的愿望。

 这一理论早已被扭曲得不可信。

1987年，当公众被邀请对一份专门针对代议制政府的咨询文件发表意见时，曾有过最后一次试图说服世界，即香港的中国人并不真正对代议制政府感兴趣。

为收集调查结果而成立的调查办公室得出的结论是，大多数人不想要直接选举。

这是一个官僚主义扭曲的杰作，通过对同情中国共产党的团体的集体意见的重视，而不是对公民个人的重视来设计。

香港的民主人士理所当然地认为这是一种玩世不恭的做法，甚至在殖民地政府内部，"咨询 "后来也作为一种尴尬被掩盖了。

最后一任总督认为这是不光彩的行为，但却将这一行为归咎于珀西-柯利達爵士爵士和他的追随者们。

六四事件彻底结束了香港人只关心赚钱而不关心政治的居高临下的正统观念。

 

The shock of the massacre destroyed any lingering hopes which some of the colony’s administrators and business dynasties had entertained of perpetuating a system of low taxation, limited representation and deference to authority. Such hopes were founded on a patriarchal, outdated view of the mass of the population which held that a refugee mentality, gratitude for the chance to earn a living and fear of disorder would offset any desire to have a say in how the city was governed or taxes were spent. The theory had long been stretched beyond credibility. In 1987, there had been a last attempt to persuade the world that Chinese people in Hong Kong were not really interested in representative government when the public were invited to comment on a consultation paper devoted to that subject. The survey office established to collect the findings concluded that the majority did not want direct elections. This was a masterpiece of bureaucratic distortion, engineered by according more weight to collective submissions from groups sympathetic to the Chinese Communist Party than to individual citizens. It was rightly dismissed by Hong Kong’s democrats as a cynical exercise, and even within the colonial administration the ‘consultation’ was later buried as an embarrassment. The last governor thought it verged on the dishonourable but blamed the exercise on Sir Percy Cradock and his acolytes. It took June Fourth to end once and for all the condescending orthodoxy that the people of Hong Kong were only interested in making money and not in politics.

 

1989年底，香港政府的法律专家起草了一份《人权法案》，并于1990年3月16日在官方公报上公布。

它纳入了《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》中的自由。

在政治上，这是一个精明之举。

根据《基本法》第39条，中国同意《公约》在1997年后仍然有效。

中国还在同一条款中同意《经济、社会、文化权利国际公约》以及国际劳工公约将继续适用，并 "通过新地区的法律予以实施"。

 

In late 1989, the Hong Kong government’s legal experts drafted a Bill of Rights, which was published in the official gazette on 16 March 1990. It incorporated freedoms enshrined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Politically, this was a shrewd move. China had agreed under Article 39 of the Basic Law that the Covenant would remain in force after 1997. It also accepted in the same article that the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, as well as international labour conventions, would continue to apply and ‘shall be implemented through the laws’ of the new region.

 

这些都是强大的壁垒，北京的新领导人回想起来对在自由主义的垂死挣扎中给予香港这样的让步感到不满。

总督飞往北京会见李鹏，这本身就是英国在外交上的一种让步。

他发现这位中国总理是个意志坚定的人，对批评不为所动，但没有公开威胁要推翻《人权法案》。

1990年3月，首席秘书大卫-福特爵士宣布计划在1991年的立法会选举中实行 "更直接的政府代表制度"。

根据与中国达成的协议，这将把60名直选议员的数量提高到18名。

4月，政府试图通过公布英国国籍计划来鼓舞士气。

这一年晚些时候，成年年龄从21岁降至18岁。

 

These were formidable bulwarks, and the new leaders in Beijing chafed in retrospect at the granting to Hong Kong of such concessions in the dying days of liberalism. The governor flew to Beijing to meet Li Peng, in itself something of a diplomatic concession by Britain. He found the Chinese premier, a man of grim resolve, unmoved by criticism but not overtly threatening to reverse the Bill of Rights. In March 1990 the chief secretary, Sir David Ford, announced plans for ‘a more directly representative system of government’ in the Legislative Council elections of 1991. In accordance with the deal reached with China, this raised the number of directly elected members to eighteen out of sixty. In April, the government sought to boost morale by unveiling the British nationality scheme. Later in the year, the age of majority was lowered from twenty-one to eighteen.

 

卫奕信为这一谨慎的政策辩护，声称需要得到中国人的同意，以确保香港的政治改革能够持续下去。

在我任职期间，图表的形状有了非常明显的增长，朝着更有代表性的制度发展，减少立法会中[任命的]官方成员的数量，增加民选成员的数量......然后试图确保我们与中国达成协议，这个过程不仅会持续到1997年，而且会继续下去。

这些举措得到了务实的信号的支持，当然也没有惹恼北京。

香港政府游说美国延长中国作为最惠国待遇伙伴的贸易地位，并欢迎布什总统在5月份做出的有争议的决定。

关于新机场的谈判虽然争吵不休，但为与中国的政治和经济和解带来了前景。

首席秘书大卫-福特爵士前往达沃斯世界经济论坛，宣传香港是通往大陆的门户，这表明香港的精英们已经准备好超越天安门危机和外国制裁造成的贸易低迷。

 

Wilson justified the cautious policy by asserting the need for Chinese consent to make sure that Hong Kong’s political reforms would endure: ‘There was during my time a very marked increase in the shape of the graph going upwards towards a more representative system, reducing the number of [appointed] official members of the Legislative Council, increasing the number of elected members … and then trying to make sure that we had an agreement with China that this process would not just last through 1997 but would continue beyond that.’ These moves were reinforced by pragmatic signals which certainly did not annoy Beijing. The Hong Kong government lobbied the United States to renew China’s trading status as a Most Favoured Nation (MFN) partner and welcomed President Bush’s controversial decision to do so in May. Talks on the new airport, though fractious, held out the prospect of a political and economic rapprochement with China. The chief secretary, Sir David Ford, went to the World Economic Forum in Davos to promote Hong Kong as a gateway to the mainland, a sign that elites in Hong Kong were ready to look beyond the slump in trade caused by the Tiananmen Square crisis and foreign sanctions.

 

这些都是难以驾驭的潮流。

香港最大的银行汇丰银行制定了一项计划，要接管英国的美联银行，并将其全球总部迁至伦敦，在那里注册一家控股公司。

此举有其合理的商业理由。

但时机却很糟糕。

总督警告银行主席威廉-珀维斯爵士，他必须提前告诉中国人。

这位朝鲜战争的老兵有一项不光彩的工作，那就是飞往北京向李鹏总理透露这个消息，在天安门流血事件之后，李鹏对大多数外国政要来说仍然是个异类。

我们被领到人民大会堂的一个大房间里，"珀维斯回忆说，"负责香港办事处的鲁平进来了，后面跟着李鹏。

总理没有带翻译，所以普维斯雇用的一名年轻女子承担了为双方翻译的艰巨任务。

 

These were tricky currents to navigate. The territory’s biggest bank, HSBC, had developed a plan to take over Britain’s Midland Bank and to move its global headquarters to London, where a holding company would be registered. There were sound business reasons for the move. But the timing was awful. The governor warned the bank’s chairman, Sir William Purves, that he must tell the Chinese in advance. The Korean War veteran had the unenviable job of flying to Beijing to break the news to Premier Li Peng, who was still a pariah for most foreign dignitaries after the bloodshed at Tiananmen. ‘We were ushered in to one of the bigger rooms in the Great Hall of the People,’ Purves recalled, ‘and in came Lu Ping who was in charge of the Hong Kong Office, followed by Li Peng.’ The premier did not bring an interpreter, so a young woman employed by Purves had the daunting task of interpreting for both sides.

 

会议开始得并不顺利，因为当我试图解释我们的计划时，总理插话说："哦，这对你们来说很容易--你们所做的只是在需要更多钱的时候印更多的钞票。

" 这不是中国领导人第一次误解汇丰作为香港发钞银行的角色。

他对金融事务的经验有限，"Purves说。

‘The meeting did not start well since as I tried to explain our plan, the Premier interjected “Oh it is easy for you – all you do is to print more notes when you need more money”.’ It was not the first time a Chinese leader had misunderstood HSBC’s role as a note-issuing bank in Hong Kong. ‘He had limited experience of financial matters,’ Purves observed.

 

所以我说："好吧，总理，我很抱歉，但这是不正确的，"然后继续试图解释。

他转向魯平--这是我的翻译后来告诉我的--并说："这个外国人说的是真的吗？" 我可以看到魯平在椅子上晃了晃，然后说："是的，他说的是实话。

" 李鹏变得相当脸红，我决定我最好退一步，软化我的做法，否则我可能当晚就无法离开北京。

‘So I said, “Well, Prime Minister, I’m sorry but that is not correct,” and went on to try to explain. He turned to Lu Ping – so my rather shaken interpreter told me later – and said “Is this foreigner telling the truth?” I could see Lu Ping shifting in his chair before saying “Yes, he is telling the truth.” Li Peng became rather flushed and I decided I had better back pedal a bit and soften my approach, otherwise I might not be leaving Beijing that evening.’

 

这位中国领导人对控股公司结构的技术问题没有什么把握和兴趣。

 

Purves说："他真正想听到的是，香港上海汇丰银行不会离开香港，其董事会和主席将继续留在香港。

 

The Chinese leader had little grasp of or interest in the technicalities of holding company structures. ‘All he really wanted to hear was that the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation was not leaving Hong Kong and that its board and chairman would remain in Hong Kong,’ said Purves.

 

会议在不到半小时后结束，两人走出去面对一群摄影记者。

李先生告诉他们，他已经得到保证，汇丰银行不会离开香港。

在他安全返回香港时，珀维斯有一个来自他的副主席李嘉诚的电话，他对李嘉诚表示赞许。

李鹏想要一个有用的信息，这就是他所听到的，"这位大亨告诉他。

根据Purves的说法，中国政府仍然担心英国人要从香港转移资产，"似乎认为银行的地下室里有一盆金子，这是毫无根据的"。

珀维斯说，香港政府在那里确实有一个金库，但它并没有存放一个秘密的囤积物。

这位银行家只见过李鹏一次，是在一次保险业高管的听证会上。

总理没有理会他。

 

The meeting ended after less than half an hour and the two men went out to face a crowd of photographers. Li told them that he had been assured that the Hongkong Bank was not leaving the city. On his safe return to Hong Kong, Purves had a call from his deputy chairman, Li Ka-shing, who was complimentary. ‘Li Peng wanted a helpful message and that is what he heard,’ the tycoon told him. According to Purves, the Chinese government still feared that the British were going to remove assets from Hong Kong and ‘seemed to think that there were pots of gold in the Bank’s basement, which was baseless’. The Hong Kong government did have a vault there, Purves said, but it did not hold a secret hoard. The banker only saw Li Peng once more, at an audience for insurance executives. The premier ignored him.

 

1991年，即卫奕信担任总督的最后一整年，变革的步伐加快了。

权利法案由法令规定并成为法律。

2月28日，英国护照计划在收到超过65,000份申请后结束。

香港人对自我管理表现出缓慢但日益增长的兴趣：3月3日，超过424,000人在区议会选举中投票，投票率为32%。

第二天，北京政府港澳事务办公室主任鲁平访问了殖民地，以评估那里的气氛。

他与总督友好相处，两人同意在深圳再次会面，这象征着与大陆的联系日益紧密。

 

In 1991, the last full year of Wilson’s governorship, the pace of change quickened. The Bill of Rights was enshrined by ordinance and became law. On 28 February the British passports scheme closed after more than 65,000 applications were received. Hong Kongers showed a slow but growing interest in ruling themselves: on 3 March more than 424,000 people voted in elections for the District Boards, a turnout of 32 per cent. The day afterwards, the head of the Beijing government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, Lu Ping, graced the colony with a visit to assess the mood. He got on cordially with the governor and the two agreed to meet again in Shenzhen, a symbol of the growing links with the mainland.

 

5月，393,000人在市议会选举中投票，投票率只有23%。

但在9月，当香港人在有史以来第一次立法会直接选举中投票时，有75万人参加了18个选区席位的投票，参与率为39%。

还有其他悄然进展的迹象。

香港当局开始拆除九龙城墙，这是一个由唐人街和小巷组成的巨大迷宫，在这个现代大都市的中心地带提醒着人们旧中国的存在。

11月，政府发行了第一批基础设施债券，为公共交通网络提供资金，这将使特别行政区成为世界上最高效的城市之一。

这些都是实质性的成就。

 

In May, 393,000 people voted in Municipal Council polls, a turnout of only 23 per cent. But in September, when Hong Kong people voted in the first ever direct elections to the Legislative Council, 750,000 people turned out to cast ballots in the eighteen constituency seats, a participation rate of 39 per cent. There were other signs of quiet progress. The Hong Kong authorities started the demolition of the Walled City of Kowloon, a gigantic warren of tenements and alleyways that stood as a reminder of old China in the heart of the modern metropolis. In November, the government issued its first infrastructure bonds to finance the web of public transportation that would make the Special Administrative Region one of the most efficient cities in the world. These were substantial achievements.

 

从1989年春天北京的第一次示威游行到1991年12月26日苏联解体，中国共产党面临的政治威胁不可能脱离香港问题。

起初，中国领导人带着兴趣、关注和忠于自己的不干涉原则关注社会主义集团的改革。

黯淡的理论家，他们对国家间的同志关系没有感情。

毛泽东曾研究过斯大林，但1950年代的中苏分裂迎来了一个带有种族成见的相互厌恶的时期。

1963年，苏联和美国甚至考虑采取联合行动来阻止中国的核弹。

 

It was impossible to divorce the question of Hong Kong from the political threat that faced the Chinese Communist Party between the first demonstrations in Beijing in the spring of 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union on 26 December 1991. At first, Chinese leaders followed reform in the socialist bloc with interest, concern and fidelity to their own principle of non-interference. Bleak theorists, they had no sentimental attachment to comradeship between nations. Mao had studied Stalin but the Sino-Soviet split in the 1950s ushered in a period of mutual loathing tinged with racial stereotypes. In 1963 the Soviet Union and the United States even considered joint action to stop the Chinese nuclear bomb.

 

六年后，当两个共产党大国在其有争议的边界上发生争执时，苏联领导人权衡了对中国进行核打击的详细计划。

莫斯科寻求与美国达成谅解，保持中立，以换取苏联对结束越南战争的帮助。

几十年后出版的一部中国官方历史认为，理查德-尼克松总统拒绝了这项交易，阻止了苏联的军事行动，而是选择了加速他对中国的历史性开放。

 

Six years later, the Soviet leadership weighed up detailed plans for a nuclear strike against China as the two Communist powers skirmished along their disputed border. Moscow sought an understanding with the United States to stay neutral in exchange for Soviet help in ending the Vietnam War. An official Chinese history published decades later credited President Richard Nixon with rejecting the deal, deterring the Soviets from military action and opting instead to accelerate his historic opening to China.

 

到1989年，马克思列宁主义世界的巨头们已经从冲突中退缩。

这是学生抗议活动的众多讽刺之一，年轻的中国人正在赞扬戈尔巴乔夫的改革，而老的中国领导人准备欢迎他进行国事访问，这本应标志着苏联和中国政党之间的历史性和解。

这一点早已被遗忘，而戈尔巴乔夫对北京的访问却被作为六四道路上的一个里程碑来纪念。

对学生来说，戈尔巴乔夫代表着 "为什么不呢？"对他们的长辈来说，答案是不言自明的。

 

By 1989 the giants of the Marxist-Leninist world had edged back from conflict. It was one of the many ironies of the student protests that young Chinese were praising Mikhail Gorbachev for his reforms while old Chinese leaders prepared to welcome him for a state visit that should have marked a historic rapprochement between the Soviet and Chinese parties. That has been long forgotten, while Gorbachev’s visit to Beijing is commemorated as a landmark on the road to June Fourth. To the students, Gorbachev stood for the question ‘why not?’ To their elders, the answer was self-evident.

 

中国的国家媒体以一种勤奋的方式追踪随后发生的意识形态灾难，如果说是困惑的话，那就是时间顺序。

在波兰的改革之后，是柏林墙的倒塌和东德国家的崩溃。

华沙条约组织解体了，而戈尔巴乔夫却在努力维持苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟的团结。

对中国老人来说，最有益的事件是罗马尼亚独裁者尼古拉-乔塞斯库的倒台，他被推翻，在初级军官的粗暴审判下，与他的妻子一起被行刑队枪决。

新华社关于他被捕和被处决的简短报道被刊登在《人民日报》的头版上，没有任何评论，没有必要。

在党内精英和军队中，流传着罗马尼亚可怕场景的视频，在那里，秘密警察被处以私刑，因为政权在敌对集团之间发生了分裂。

一位被视为中国朋友和盟友的领导人的死亡，他倒台后出现的混乱，以及科塞斯库失败的个人崇拜的阴影，给下一代中国领导人上了明确的课。

党的团结、集体领导和对安全国家的无情控制是他们的座右铭。

 

China’s state media tracked the ideological disasters that followed with an assiduous if bewildered chronology. Reform in Poland was followed by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the East German state. The Warsaw Pact disintegrated while Gorbachev fought to hold the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics together. To the Chinese elders, the most salutary episode was the fall of the Romanian dictator, Nicolae Ceauşescu, who was overthrown and shot by a firing squad alongside his wife after a crude show trial at the hands of junior army officers. Brief Xinhua news agency dispatches telling of his arrest and execution were printed on the front page of the People’s Daily without comment, none being necessary. Among the party elite and the army, videos circulated of the gruesome scenes in Romania, where secret policemen were lynched as the regime divided between rival groups. The demise of a leader viewed as a friend and ally of China, the chaos which followed his downfall and the spectre of Ceauşescu’s failed personality cult taught clear lessons to the next generation of Chinese leaders. Party unity, collective leadership and a relentless grip on the security state were their watchwords.

 

香港是一个旁观者，但共产党的分裂使其成为一个轰动和神秘的歌剧舞台。

1989年，来自江苏的许家屯是香港的头号中国人，尽管他以自由主义者的身份而闻名，但却是一个值得信赖的共产党人。

许家屯年轻时入党，在抗日游击队中担任政委。

他在毛主义中国的清洗中幸存下来，被任命为党委书记，后来又被任命为其家乡的书记。

1983年，当许家屯已经67岁的时候，党挑选他去香港担任新华社社长，成为北京在殖民地的高级代表。

 

Hong Kong was a sideshow, but the split in the Communist Party made it the stage for a sensational and mysterious operetta. In 1989 the top Chinese figure in Hong Kong was Xu Jiatun from Jiangsu province, a trusted Communist despite his reputation as a liberal. Xu had joined the party as a young man and served as political commissar in a guerrilla unit fighting the Japanese. He survived the purges of Maoist China to be appointed as party secretary and later as governor of his home province. In 1983, when Xu was already sixty-seven, the party picked him to go to Hong Kong as director of the New China News Agency, becoming the senior representative of Beijing in the colony.

 

1983年至1989年期间，许家屯在香港的形象令人放心。

他培养了党的同情者和反对者。

他与富豪建立关系，说服他的同志们，马克思主义者和超级富豪之间的联盟将有利于中国的利益。

这些都是典型的 "联合阵线 "战术，具有无可挑剔的意识形态血统。

他在北京的关系跨度很大，包括赵紫阳这样的改革者和杨尚昆总统这样的死硬派，所以他对香港的意见得到了尊重。

他对文学和新闻感兴趣，与各媒体的编辑和评论员交朋友。

他培养了电影制片人邵逸夫爵士，并享受他的 "颓废 "电影作品。

有一次，许家屯甚至像一个成熟的男模特一样出现在一个时装秀的T台上，穿着剪裁精良的毛泽东套装。

 

Xu cut a reassuring figure in Hong Kong between 1983 and 1989. He cultivated sympathisers and opponents of the party. He built relationships with tycoons, persuading his comrades that an alliance between Marxists and the super-rich would serve China’s interests. These were classic ‘United Front’ tactics of impeccable ideological lineage. His connections in Beijing crossed the spectrum to include reformers like Zhao Ziyang and diehards like the president Yang Shangkun, so his opinions on Hong Kong commanded respect. He was interested in literature and journalism, making friends with editors and commentators across the spectrum of the media. He cultivated the movie producer Sir Run Run Shaw and enjoyed his ‘decadent’ cinematic fare. Once Xu even appeared on a catwalk at a fashion show like a mature male model, sporting a well-cut Mao suit.

 

这些都不应该在他的任务上欺骗香港。

许家屯监督大陆资金通过顺从的大亨流向当地亲北京的政客。

他向大律师和活动家李柱铭提供资金以建立一个政党，但李拒绝了他。

他暗示，该党的现金支持司徒华，司徒华是一名工会组织者，后来背弃了工会，与李柱铭一起成为民主运动的创始者。

None of this should have deceived Hong Kong about his mission. Xu oversaw the flow of mainland money through compliant tycoons to local pro-Beijing politicians. He offered Martin Lee, the barrister and activist, money to found a party but Lee turned him down. Xu hinted that the party’s cash was supporting Szeto Wah, a trade union organiser who later turned his back on it to become, with Lee, a founding father of the democracy movement.

 

许家屯善于将软性外交与低调的威胁相结合。

他表示，中国已经悄悄地将5万人带入了香港，他们正在那里努力争取在公务员和专业领域有影响力的职位。

如果英国人在1997年之前撤走，这些人就会接管香港。

其含义很清楚：在新的香港，北京的反对者不可能希望得到恩惠或好处。

 

Xu was adept at combining soft diplomacy with understated menace. He suggested that China had quietly brought 50,000 people into Hong Kong, where they were working their way into positions of influence in the civil service and the professions. If the British pulled out before 1997 these people would take over. The implication was clear: no opponent of Beijing could hope for preferment or advantage in the new Hong Kong.

 

作为政委、行政长官和外交官，许家屯似乎是处理其主要任务的最佳人选，即管理香港的地下共产党。

该党从未公开过，也没有参加过选举。

它仍然可以有效地否认，被掩盖在纪律和秘密之中。

其未申报的党员是安置在有影响力职位上的资产。

许家屯后来吹嘘说，他可以安排大量的共产党员加入，从而控制一个亲北京的政党--民主建港联盟。

 

Commissar, administrator and diplomat, Xu appeared to be a sound choice to handle his main task, running the underground Communist Party in Hong Kong. The party had never become public or contested an election. It remained usefully deniable, cloaked in discipline and secrecy. Its undeclared members were assets to place in positions of influence. Xu boasted later that he could arrange for a large number of Communists to join and thus to control a pro-Beijing party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong.

 

然而，他的政治判断力却被蒙上了一层阴影。

许家屯向邓小平转达了一批香港超级富豪的建议，即向中国支付100亿港元，作为交换条件，香港可以在1997年后的十年内进行自我管理，这显然是为了让这些富豪们自己获利，这让纯粹主义者感到困惑。

在北京，人们越来越怀疑新华社社长已经屈服于资本主义的诱惑。

 

Yet there were clouds over his political judgement. Xu confounded the purists by relaying to Deng Xiaoping a proposal by a group of super-rich Hong Kong figures to pay HK$10 billion to China in exchange for which the city could govern itself for ten years after 1997, a period these worthies clearly meant to be profitable for themselves. Suspicions grew in Beijing that the director of the NCNA had succumbed to the temptations of capitalism.

 

1989年春天，许家屯曾建议领导层，和平解决大规模抗议活动符合中国和香港的最佳利益，但他和他在改革者中的赞助人被事件扫地出门。

在六四之后，当他的员工参加抗议活动时，他视而不见，也没有惩罚参加死者纪念活动的人。

到了秋天，许家屯的时间已经不多了。

党组织任命中英会谈的老将周南接替他的位置，周南性格沉郁，不善言辞。

然后，党面临着一个两难的局面，因为许家屯拒绝离开，认为如果他离开，香港的股票市场会下跌。

 

In the spring of 1989, Xu had advised the leadership that a peaceful solution to the mass protests was in the best interests of both China and Hong Kong, but he and his patrons among the reformers were swept aside by events. In the aftermath of June Fourth he had turned a blind eye when his staff joined the protests and did not punish anyone for attending memorials to the dead. By the autumn, Xu was on borrowed time. The party appointed the dour and implacable Zhou Nan, its veteran of the Sino-British talks, to replace him. Then it faced a dilemma because Xu refused to leave, arguing that the Hong Kong stock market would fall if he did.

 

党组织命令周南飞往香港。

两位干部进行了一次尴尬的会面，许家屯拒绝了住在南京的大房子里并有专车供他使用的诱惑。

他说他想住在深圳，靠近香港事务。

周南勉强同意了，两人出现在一个告别酒会上，脸上挂着蜡黄色的笑容。

他们的客人中包括英国总督。

对在场的人来说，很明显有些不对劲，因为这两位主人显然不在彼此的谈话范围内。

许家屯去了深圳。

在出发前，他交回了他的官方护照，并告诉香港的外交部签证处给他发一本普通护照，说他有一个 "特殊任务 "要完成。

 

The party ordered Zhou Nan to fly to Hong Kong. The two cadres had an awkward meeting at which Xu declined blandishments to live in a grand house in Nanjing with a chauffeured car at his disposal. He said he wanted to live in Shenzhen to be near Hong Kong affairs. Zhou grudgingly agreed and the duo appeared, faces fixed in waxen smiles, at a farewell drinks reception. Among their guests was the British governor. It was evident to those present that something was wrong because the two hosts were clearly not on speaking terms with one another. Xu went off to Shenzhen. Before departing, he handed back his official passport and told the Ministry of Foreign Affairs visa office in Hong Kong to issue him with an ordinary passport, saying he had a ‘special mission’ to fulfil.

 

1990年4月30日，许家屯离开深圳的新华大厦，像往常一样去散步。

他的一位家人也加入了他的行列。

这对夫妇前往罗湖边境点，在没有受到质疑的情况下进入了香港。

许家屯没有携带行李箱。

他戴着一顶高尔夫球帽，把脸拉下来，这样旅客就不会发现香港最容易识别的面孔之一。

然后他登上了一列本地火车。

他只坐了一站就到了位于新界农村的圣水站，然后沿着铁轨走了大约一百米。

香港一位亲共编辑的儿子金建一是许的老朋友之一，他在那里坐车等他。

金建一后来告诉《纽约时报》，他帮助策划了这次逃跑。

 

On 30 April 1990, Xu left the Xinhua building in Shenzhen for his usual evening walk. He was joined by a member of his family. The pair headed for the Lo Wu border point and crossed into Hong Kong unchallenged. Xu did not carry a suitcase. He wore a golf cap pulled down over his face so that travellers might not spot one of the most recognisable faces in the territory. Then he boarded a local train. Xu rode only one stop to the station at Sheng Shui in the rural New Territories and walked about a hundred metres along the tracks. Kam Kin-yat, the son of a pro-Communist editor in Hong Kong who was one of Xu’s old friends, was waiting there for him in a car. Kam later told the New York Times that he helped to plan the escape.

 

在逃亡过程中，时间就是一切。

许家屯没有早一分钟逃走。

当天晚上，北京向深圳的新华社办公室发出命令，没收他的护照。

当时，许家屯已经躲在英国殖民地的某个地方。

他给邓小平写了一封信，发誓不会泄露任何党的机密，并要求作为交换，他的家人应免于惩罚。

金建一将这封信寄给了新华社驻香港办事处。

很快，美国领事馆就给他签发了签证。

不久之后，启德机场一名眼尖的移民官员发现许家屯登上了飞往美国的航班，并向香港政府安全部门报告了他的离开。

这一消息使人们对中国的威信受到的打击感到惊讶和满意。

一位英国高级官员将此比作西方大使投奔俄国人。

 

In escapes, timing is all. Xu did not flee a minute too soon. That night an order came from Beijing to the Xinhua office in Shenzhen to confiscate his passport. By then Xu was in hiding somewhere in the British colony. He wrote a letter to Deng Xiaoping vowing that he would not reveal any party secrets and asked that in exchange his family should be spared punishment. Kam posted the letter to the NCNA office in Hong Kong. In short order the United States Consulate issued him a visa. Not long afterwards, a sharp-eyed immigration officer at Kai Tak airport spotted Xu boarding a flight to the US and reported his departure to the Hong Kong government security branch. The news caused a mixture of astonishment and satisfaction at the blow to Chinese prestige. One high-ranking British official compared it to a Western ambassador defecting to the Russians.

 

留给可靠的周南在他自己的回忆录中谴责许家屯，他的回忆录将这位流亡者描绘成一个好色、腐败的二流子，不太讨人喜欢。

据周南说，他的前任在到达香港后不久就 "屈服于对物质利益的崇拜"。

他说服中国总理赵紫阳提供1亿美元，成立一家贸易公司，而许的亲信和亲戚都在该公司中分享掠夺的利益。

据周南称，该公司正式破产，他说许的上司在北京召集他开了一个 "自我批评 "会议，但没有采取进一步行动。

 

It was left to the reliable Zhou Nan to condemn Xu in his own memoirs, which painted a less flattering picture of the exile as a womanising, corrupt dilettante. According to Zhou, his predecessor had ‘succumbed to the worship of material gain’ soon after his arrival in Hong Kong. He had persuaded the Chinese premier, Zhao Ziyang, to provide US$100 million to set up a trading company which Xu packed with cronies and relatives to share in the plunder. It duly went bankrupt, alleged Zhou Nan, who said that Xu’s masters in Beijing had called him in for a ‘self-criticism’ meeting but took no further action.

 

至于许的政治灵活性被视为一种美德，对于像周南这样强硬的共产党人来说，这只是犹豫不决和软弱。

20世纪80年代，在广东沿海的大亚湾建造核电站的计划引发了一场争论，激起了焦虑的香港人的请愿反对。

许向北京转达了他们的抗议，但却被邓小平本人狠狠地打了一巴掌，他粗暴地要求知道，如果他收到反对归还香港或澳门的请愿书，许会提出什么建议。

当1989年的抗议活动爆发时，周和他的同志们认为新华社主任在自己的干部中播下了混乱的种子，而不是遵循党的路线。

港澳办副主任李厚指责他 "个人独断专行，与外国人谈话，未经授权行事，在队伍中煽动情绪，提拔亲信，惩罚忠诚的干部"。

 

As for the political flexibility Xu saw as a virtue, to hardline Communists like Zhou Nan it was mere dithering and weakness. In the 1980s a controversy had broken out over plans to build a nuclear power plant at Daya Bay on the coast of Guangdong, provoking a petition against it by anxious Hong Kongers. Xu relayed their protests to Beijing, only to be slapped down by Deng Xiaoping himself, who brusquely demanded to know what Xu would recommend if he got a petition against the return of Hong Kong or Macau. When the 1989 protests broke out, Zhou and his comrades felt the NCNA director had sown confusion among his own cadres instead of following the party line. Li Hou, deputy director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, damned him for ‘arbitrary personal decisions, talking to foreigners, acting without authorisation, stoking emotions in the ranks, promoting cronies and punishing loyal cadres’.

 

因此，中国方面的说法是，许家屯因腐败而被调离香港，与持不同政见者打交道，以模糊其罪行的界限，当他逃跑时，正准备被一个特别调查小组逮捕。

周南--他自己也不是个好色之徒--讥讽地将许从深圳出逃视为抛弃妻子并与情妇私奔的一种方式，声称他将妻子和他们的行李送上了去南京的火车，并向她保证他将在一两天内回来。

'但在那之后，'周的结论是铿锵有力的，'他当晚就带着他的小妾跑了，他被西方反华势力收买去了洛杉矶，在那里他出卖了国家机密，背叛了党和人民。

无论这些丑闻指控的真实性如何，1991年，根据政治局的命令，许家屯被开除出党，香港事务则由廉洁的周南负责。

 

Thus the story from the Chinese side was that Xu had been removed from Hong Kong for corruption, had dallied with dissidence in order to blur the boundaries of his crimes and was on the point of being arrested by a special investigative team when he fled. Zhou Nan – no mean womaniser himself – sneeringly dismissed Xu’s flight from Shenzhen as a way to dump his wife and run away with his mistress, claiming that he had put his wife on a train to Nanjing with their luggage and assured her he would be back in a day or two. ‘But after that,’ Zhou concluded resoundingly, ‘he ran away with his concubine that very night, he was paid by Western anti-China forces to go to Los Angeles, where he sold state secrets and betrayed the party and the people.’ Whatever the truth of these scandalous allegations, Xu was expelled from the party on the orders of the Politburo in 1991 and Hong Kong affairs were left in the hands of the incorruptible Zhou Nan.

 

在流亡期间，许家屯写了他的回忆录，内容丰富，但没有启示性，他住在洛杉矶，2016年，在遭受肾衰竭和心脏问题后，他在医院去世，享年100岁。

在他自己看来，他仍然是一个爱国者和共产主义者，捍卫党的独裁统治，并警告说民主不是中国的答案。

他可能遵守了对邓小平的誓言，因为他的任何秘密都没有越过香港英国总督的桌子。

 

In exile, Xu wrote his memoirs, which were informative but not revelatory, and lived in Los Angeles, where he died in hospital at the age of 100 in 2016 after suffering kidney failure and cardiac problems. In his own eyes he remained a patriot and a Communist, defending the party’s dictatorship and warning that democracy was not the answer for China. He may have kept his vow to Deng, for none of his secrets ever crossed the desk of the British governor of Hong Kong.

 

现在是时候让殖民地政府进行一次鼓舞士气的信心展示了，就像其前任在第二次世界大战后同样不乐观的情况下完成的那种壮举。

其结果是成功地将香港转变为二十一世纪初最有效率的亚洲城市之一。

 

It was time for the colonial administration to pull off a morale-raising show of confidence, the kind of feat its predecessors had accomplished in equally unpromising circumstances after the Second World War. The result would be a success which transformed Hong Kong into one of the most efficient Asian cities early in the twenty-first century.

 

香港的荣耀和它成立的原因是港口。

一个多世纪以来，英国人一直为他们的深水港和自由贸易制度优于葡萄牙在澳门的属地而感到高兴，因为澳门的锚地较差，官僚机构是 "大陆"。

政府关于1991年的官方报告说："港口是香港的主要物质资产，香港的繁荣和它在世界上的地位将取决于未来，就像现在和过去一样，取决于如何精明和有远见地利用这一资产。

这位匿名作者带着官僚主义的诗意回顾说，在新界西部的青山海角，可以看到一个早已淤塞的古老港口，直到大约一千年前，外国船只还聚集在这里进行贸易，并有一座伟大的佛教寺院。

 

The glory of Hong Kong and the reason for its foundation was the harbour. For a century or more the British had congratulated themselves on the superiority of their deep-water port and their liberal free trade regime over the Portuguese possession at Macau, where the anchorage was poorer and the bureaucracy was ‘Continental’. ‘The harbour is the chief physical asset of the territory and the prosperity of the territory and its standing in the world will depend in the future, as now and in the past, on how shrewdly and far-sightedly this asset is exploited,’ said the official government report on the year of 1991. With a touch of bureaucratic poetry the anonymous writer recalled that the promontory at Castle Peak, in the western New Territories, looked out over an ancient harbour, long silted up, where until about a thousand years before foreign vessels had gathered to trade overlooked by a great Buddhist monastery.

 

规划者将香港与君士坦丁堡相提并论，指出现代伊斯坦布尔在2500年前最初是作为一个小殖民地建立的，在地中海东部的地位与香港在西太平洋的地位 "非常相似"，在其最辉煌的时代繁荣了半千年，然后进入缓慢但仍然富裕的衰退期。

最伟大的港口城市，特别是那些作为通往广阔大陆腹地的门户的城市，确实可以享受非常长的时间，"报告充满希望地指出。

政府官员们住在他们的海滨摩天大楼里，他们被提醒，早期的香港总督，在那些日子里，从礼宾府享有不受干扰的视野，可以通过计算港口的船只来衡量经济状况。

 

The planners compared Hong Kong to Constantinople, noting that modern Istanbul had been founded originally as a small colony 2,500 years earlier, held ‘a remarkably similar’ position in the east Mediterranean to Hong Kong’s place in the western Pacific and flourished in its most glorious era for half a millennium before entering a slow but still wealthy decline. ‘The greatest harbour cities, especially those so placed as to be gateways to vast continental hinterlands, can enjoy very long runs indeed,’ the report observed hopefully. Government officials, housed in their waterfront skyscrapers, were reminded that early governors of Hong Kong, enjoying in those days an uninterrupted view from Government House, could gauge the state of the economy by counting the vessels in the harbour.

 

到1991年，大胆转型的论据令人信服。

全球贸易的速度和规模证明了航运能力的巨大增长。

旧的港口依赖于装卸工人和由浮标和打火机服务的锚地。

新的港口是一个由起重机、成堆的集装箱和计算机控制的转移组成的森林。

该市位于启德的机场因其单一跑道的惊险刺激而闻名，已达到极限，每年处理2400万乘客。

它无法满足对航空货运的预期需求。

 

By 1991 the arguments for bold transformation were compelling. The speed and scale of global trade argued for huge increases in shipping capacity. The old port depended on stevedores and anchorage served by buoys and lighters. The new one was a forest of cranes, stacks of containers and computer-controlled transfers. The city’s airport at Kai Tak, renowned for that thrilling approach to its single runway, was at its limits, handling 24 million passengers a year. It could not meet the expected demand for air cargo.

 

起初，当有人提出建立新机场的想法时，中国政府没有提出反对意见。

但在1989年底，它已经成为一个政治问题。

邓小平坚持这样的观点，即英国人想通过剥夺新香港的国库来肥沃参与基础设施合同的英国公司的利润，从而使新香港陷入贫困。

中国的决策者们也意识到，这个项目给了他们对香港的影响力。

几乎一半的投资预计将来自私营部门，由于该项目跨越了回归时间，投资者需要得到中国认可的保证。

中国人还争取到了一个更大的战略利益。

1990年，撒切尔夫人下台，约翰-梅杰接任总理。

新总理被1990-1年的海湾战争和英国在欧洲的地位之争所困扰，但他不可避免地转向了更广泛的外交政策问题--中国政府渴望获得一位西方领导人的正式访问，以结束自天安门广场以来的孤立状态。

英国人想要机场项目，中国人想要政治回报；机场成为在共同利益基础上达成协议的一个不太可能的手段。

 

At first the Chinese government had raised no objection when the idea of a new airport was raised. But in late 1989 it had become a political issue. Deng Xiaoping clung to the notion that the British meant to impoverish the new Hong Kong by stripping its treasury bare to fatten the profits of British companies engaged in infrastructure contracts. It also dawned on Chinese policy-makers that the project gave them leverage over Hong Kong. Almost half the investment was expected to come from the private sector and since the project straddled the handover, investors needed an assurance that China approved of it. The Chinese also reached for a greater strategic prize. In 1990 Margaret Thatcher fell from power and was succeeded as prime minister by John Major. The new premier was preoccupied by the Gulf War of 1990–1 and by battles over Britain’s place in Europe, but it was inevitable that he should turn to broader foreign policy concerns – and the Chinese government yearned to secure an official visit from a Western leader to end its isolation since Tiananmen Square. The British wanted the airport project, the Chinese wanted a political reward; the airport became an unlikely means of forging a pact based on mutual interests.

 

1990年10月至1991年2月间的三轮会谈未能使中方从坚持为机场预留大量储备和中国应对其他大项目拥有否决权的立场上转移。

这是在提高游戏的一些技巧。

1991年4月，外交部长道格拉斯-赫德（Douglas Hurd）对北京的访问没有任何结果，尽管他的同行钱其琛记录说赫德作为 "一个熟悉中国事务并见过毛主席的人"，受到了最高礼遇。

 

Three rounds of talks between October 1990 and February 1991 failed to move the Chinese side from its insistence that large reserves be set aside for the airport and that China should have a veto on other big projects. This was raising the game with some skill. A visit by the foreign secretary, Douglas Hurd, to Beijing in April 1991 had no result, even if his counterpart, Qian Qichen, recorded that Hurd, as ‘a man who knew Chinese affairs well and had met Chairman Mao’, was accorded the highest courtesies.

 

是时候让珀西-柯利達爵士爵士这个不可言喻的人物从侧翼站出来了。

这位《联合声明》的设计师一直留在唐宁街，担任约翰-梅杰的外交政策顾问。

他已经过了60岁的正式退休年龄，也许不像过去那样对细节了如指掌，因为他回忆说，他计划乘坐斯堪的纳维亚航空系统的谨慎航班前往北京，这在告诉他的时候变成了由SAS飞机送他去的计划，这让他有些困惑。

特使于6月27日 "以正统方式 "抵达北京，他的老朋友罗宾-麦克拉伦（Robin McLaren）接见了他，他现在被任命为英国大使。

两人再次对中国领导人进行了巡视。

值得称赞的是，他让他们毫不怀疑，如果不能达成协议，英国将搁置整个项目，这将对香港的未来不利。

一个冷酷的交易的轮廓很快就变得清晰了。

总理李鹏说，如果约翰-梅杰能亲自飞到北京签署协议，他将达成协议。

梅杰在卢森堡参加一个繁忙的欧洲首脑会议时被征求意见，迅速表示同意。

 

It was time for the ineffable figure of Sir Percy Cradock to step forward from the wings. The architect of the Joint Declaration had remained in Downing Street as foreign policy adviser to John Major. He had passed the official retirement age of sixty and was not, perhaps, quite on top of the detail as in the past, for he recalled some confusion over his plan to go to Beijing on a discreet flight with the Scandinavian Airlines System, which was transformed in the telling into a plan for the SAS to fly him in. The envoy arrived ‘by orthodox means’ on 27 June to be met by his old friend Robin McLaren, now installed as British ambassador. Once more the duo made their rounds of the Chinese leaders. To Cradock’s credit, he left them in no doubt that if agreement was not reached the British would shelve the whole project, which would be bad for the future of Hong Kong. The outlines of a cold bargain soon became clear. The premier, Li Peng, said he would reach an agreement if John Major would fly to Beijing in person to sign it. Major, consulted while he was at a hectic European summit in Luxembourg, swiftly concurred.

 

对于柯利達爵士和麦克拉伦这对大师级的起草人来说，剩下的只是细节。

作为对财政保证和项目咨询的回报，中国方面同意支持机场，参与建设，并承认投资者在1997年后的权利。

双方将就合同和特许权进行联络。

香港政府在不向中国借贷的情况下可借贷的金额设定了一个上限。

留给1997年继任政府的财政储备得到了保证。

 

The rest was mere detail for a pair of master draftsmen like Cradock and McLaren. In return for financial assurances and consultation on the project, the Chinese side agreed to support the airport, to take part in building it and to recognise the rights of investors after 1997. The two sides would liaise on contracts and franchises. A ceiling was set on how much the Hong Kong government could borrow without reference to China. The fiscal reserves to be left to the successor government in 1997 were guaranteed.

 

柯利達爵士再一次通过在北京的复杂谈判达成了协议。

总督从香港写信感谢他，并回忆说他们都认为成功的机会不超过一半。

卫奕信认为，中国人终于明白，英国人对不达成协议就搁置该项目是认真的。

这是自信外交的一次罕见的成功。

 

Once again, Cradock had pulled off a deal by intricate negotiations in Beijing. From Hong Kong the governor wrote to thank him, recalling that they had both thought the chances of success no more than fifty-fifty. Wilson felt that the Chinese had finally been made to understand that the British were serious about shelving the project without a deal. It was a rare success for assertive diplomacy.

 

9月，当梅杰首相访问北京，在天安门广场检阅仪仗队并与李鹏握手时，代价已经付出了。

两人签署了机场协议。

英国方面向记者介绍说，梅杰在他们的闭门会议上大声提出了人权问题，但至少有一位在场的高级人士不记得听到他这样说。

当报道转为怀疑时，唐宁街说，梅杰对被中国的老手操纵着向北京公开磕头感到愤怒。

事实上，他并不是第一个去北京的G7领导人，这一事实没有被注意到。

(这一荣誉属于日本首相海富俊树，他在8月份就去了）。

 

The price was exacted in September when Prime Minister Major visited Beijing, reviewed a guard of honour in Tiananmen Square and shook hands with Li Peng. The two men signed the airport agreement. The British briefed journalists that Major had vociferously raised human rights in their closed-doors meeting, but at least one senior figure present did not recall hearing him do so. When the coverage turned sceptical, Downing Street put it about that Major was irate at being manoeuvred by the old China hands into a public kowtow to Beijing. The reality that he was not, in fact, the first G7 leader to go to Beijing passed unnoticed. (That honour belonged to the Japanese prime minister Toshiki Kaifu, who had gone in August.)

10月，总督能够告诉立法委员会，他的政府已经决定了一项大胆的战略。

在大屿山北岸的赤腊角将有一个全新的机场。

它的跑道将铺设在填海的土地上。

建设者们要把山顶刮掉，并把它们倒入海中，以打好地基。

据估计，必须移动2.5亿吨的土、岩石和海床沙。

该机场将配备技术，以指导飞行员在进场时，要求东面轨道上的进场飞机在香港的中心地带转弯，然后安全下降，经过山峰和一个军事射击场。

 

In October, the governor was able to tell the legislative council that his administration had decided on a bold strategy. There would be an entirely new airport at Chek Lap Kok off the north coast of Lantau Island. Its runways would be laid on reclaimed land. The builders were to shave off the tops of hills and dump them in the sea to make the foundations. It was estimated that 250 million tonnes of earth, rock and seabed sand must be moved. The airfield would be equipped with technology to guide pilots on an approach which required inbound planes on the eastern track to pivot over the heart of Hong Kong and then descend safely past mountain peaks and a military firing range.

 

卫奕信并没有就此罢休。

新机场只是一个总体计划的一部分，该计划旨在将香港的工业发展转向不那么拥挤、地理条件更优越的西部。

将会有一个新的港口、桥梁、高速公路、高速列车和一个渡轮码头，将赤鱲角连接成香港、中国和世界之间贸易和旅行的无缝矩阵。

通往大屿山的桥长约1,400米，可以抵御最猛烈的台风。

所有这一切都将是一个巨大的价格标签，总督认为，以1989年的价格计算，价格为1270亿港元或15.3亿美元。

 

Wilson did not stop there. The new airport was just part of a master plan to shift the development of industry in Hong Kong towards the less crowded, more geographically favoured west. There would be a new port, bridges, highways, a high-speed train and a ferry dock to link Chek Lap Kok into a seamless matrix of trade and travel between Hong Kong, China and the world beyond. The bridge to Lantau, spanning some 1,400 metres, would be built to withstand the fiercest typhoon. All this would come at a gigantic price tag, which the governor put at HK$127 billion or US$1.53 billion expressed in 1989 prices.

 

由柯利達爵士谈判并由李鹏签署的备忘录并没有解决所有的争端；相反，它证明了这样一句话：在中国，协议的签署只是真正谈判的开始。

中国和英国官员会在计划、预算和合同上争吵不休，直到移交为止，这一系列的谈判让参与者明显感到愤怒，似乎表明 "斗争外交 "对中国方面来说已经成为目的。

 

The memorandum negotiated by Cradock and signed off by Li Peng did not settle all the disputes; instead it became proof of the dictum that in China the signature of an agreement is only the beginning of real negotiations. Chinese and British officials would spar in bad-tempered sessions over plans, budgets and contracts right up to the handover, a set of negotiations which left the participants visibly embittered and seemed to suggest that ‘struggle diplomacy’ had become for the Chinese side an end in itself.

 

这并不是真正的钱的问题。

在90年代初，中国和世界其他国家的经济正在发生变化，而这种现象还不被称为全球化，其论据是对这种现象的预测。

苏联集团的瓦解，1991年海湾战争中对伊拉克的胜利，以及对全球经济在商定的规则下以自由贸易为基础而出现的信念：所有这些都给乐观主义者带来了信心，他们认为一个新的世界秩序就在眼前，一个建立在自由市场、民主国家的进步和独裁政权的退却之上的世界秩序。

有一段时间，他们是对的。

 

It was not really about the money. The arguments which swung the day for such expenditure were forecasts of the phenomenon – not yet known as globalisation – which was transforming the economies of China and most of the rest of the world at the outset of the 1990s. The collapse of the Soviet bloc, victory over Iraq in the Gulf War of 1991 and the belief that a global economy was emerging based on liberal trade under agreed rules: all lent confidence to optimists who thought that a new world order was at hand, one built on free markets, the advance of democracies and the retreat of dictatorships. For a while, they were right.

 

对香港来说，机会是显而易见的。

这个城市是作为一个转口港而建立的。

在1950年朝鲜战争开始时联合国实施禁运之前，它一直靠与中国的贸易为生。

然后，由于逃离上海的中国工业家的投资，香港自己的工业得到了发展。

从1949年到1976年，香港与中国的长期隔离是一个例外，而不是常规，在这一时期，香港 "几乎是一个离中国很远的太平洋岛屿"，据说 "除了食品和农产品，没有任何东西流出人民共和国，除了钱，没有任何东西流入"。

 

For Hong Kong the opportunity was obvious. The city had been established as an entrepôt. It had lived by trade with China until the UN embargo at the start of the Korean War in 1950. Then its own industry had grown up thanks to investments by Chinese industrialists who fled Shanghai. The long isolation of Hong Kong from China from 1949 to 1976 was an exception, not the rule, a period when the city ‘might almost have been a Pacific island miles from China’ and it was said that ‘nothing went out of the People’s Republic except food and agricultural products and nothing went in except money’.

 

规划者认为，在邓小平的领导下，中国的重新开放为香港提供了重塑其传统转口港角色的机会。

新经济意味着制造业向珠江三角洲的大规模转移；所带来的财富将不是 "希望为广州的灯卖油的商人的财富"，而是通过制造其他国家的人愿意购买的东西而创造的财富。

 

The planners believed that the reopening of China under Deng Xiaoping offered Hong Kong the chance of reinvention in its traditional role of entrepôt. The new economy meant a mass transfer of manufacturing to the Pearl River Delta; the wealth that came would not be ‘the wealth of traders hoping to sell oil for the lamps of Canton’ but wealth created by making things that people in other countries would want to buy.

 

这些都是改变世界的预言，而且有确凿的数据支持。

在香港的隔壁，广东省正准备起飞。

该省有6500万人口；1979年至1990年间，其国内生产总值平均每年增长12%。

1990年，它出口了价值106亿美元的货物，约占中国所有出口的五分之一。

当时，香港公司在广东雇用了300万名工人，是香港本身制造业雇用人数的四倍。

设在香港的公司占该省外国投资的70%。

 

These were world-changing predictions and they were bolstered by hard data. Next door to Hong Kong, the province of Guangdong was poised for takeoff. It had a population of 65 million people; its gross domestic product had grown by 12 per cent a year, on average, between 1979 and 1990. It exported US$10.6 billion worth of goods in 1990, around a fifth of all Chinese exports. By then Hong Kong companies employed three million workers in Guangdong, four times the number employed in manufacturing in Hong Kong itself. Companies based in Hong Kong accounted for 70 per cent of foreign investment in the province.

 

通常情况下，香港公司与广东实体签订 "合作生产协议"。

香港公司将原材料或半成品运往华南地区，中国公司将成品运回，然后香港再将其出口到世界各地。

这个系统是如此成功，以至于在1990年，75%的香港制造商已经在大陆建立了工厂。

香港名义上的出口中有62%实际上是在中国制造的。

超过四分之三的商品是传统的低端产品，如玩具、鞋子、旅行用品和手袋。

实际上，香港的工业经济已经包括了珠江三角洲的一系列工业。

 

Typically, a Hong Kong company signed a ‘co-operative production agreement’ with the Guangdong entity. The Hong Kong firm shipped raw materials or half-made products to south China, the Chinese counterpart sent back finished goods and Hong Kong then re-exported them to the world. The system was so successful that, in 1990, 75 per cent of Hong Kong manufacturers had set up factories on the mainland. Sixty-two per cent of Hong Kong’s nominal exports were actually made in China. More than three-quarters of the goods were traditional low-end items such as toys, shoes, travel goods and handbags. In reality, the industrial economy of Hong Kong had come to incorporate a swathe of industries in the Pearl River Delta.

 

中国正处于尖端制造业的早期阶段，但其雄心壮志的证明--习仲勋多年前提出的那些--是有目共睹的。

1988年至1990年间，广东的电子工业每年增长31%。

其他开始起飞的行业是通信设备、纺织品、服装和加工食品。

 

China was in the early phase of sophisticated manufacturing but the proof of its ambitions – those outlined years earlier by Xi Zhongxun – was there for all to see. Between 1988 and 1990 the electronics industry in Guangdong grew by 31 per cent a year. Other sectors which began to take off were communications equipment, textiles, garments and processed food.

 

香港和广东之间的联系逐年增加。

1978年，只有24,800名中华人民共和国的居民进入香港，130万香港居民进入中国。

到1990年，这一数字分别为37万和1600万。

1990年，两者之间的贸易额估计为4000亿港元，比12年前高出50倍。

当香港的旧工业衰落，其劳动力学会转向服务行业时，珠江三角洲的小企业在1985年至1990年期间每年增长20%，在此后的五年里，这一比率翻了一番。

对于中国公司来说，香港提供了资本、基础设施、熟练的管理和进入世界市场的机会。

它的货币与美元挂钩，保证了价格的稳定，这对商人来说是一个无以伦比的礼物。

在古典经济学家眼中，香港的好处是利润流向该城市的企业，以及当地经济和劳动力市场的发展。

工会和左派人士警告说，这种转变加速了不平等，降低了工资，使许多人失去了工作。

然而，根据官方统计，劳动力供应仍然紧张，失业率为2.1％。

实际上，香港的工人无力阻止这场混乱的浪潮，而中国的工人则准备从中获益。

 

Links between Hong Kong and Guangdong grew by the year. In 1978 only 24,800 residents of the People’s Republic entered Hong Kong and 1.3 million Hong Kong residents crossed into China. By 1990 the numbers were 370,000 and 16 million respectively. Trade between the two in 1990 was estimated to be worth HK$400 billion, fifty times higher than twelve years earlier. While Hong Kong’s old industries declined and its workforce learned to move into services, small businesses in the Pearl River Delta grew by 20 per cent a year between 1985 and 1990, and the rate doubled in the five years after that. For a Chinese company, Hong Kong offered capital, infrastructure, skilled management and access to the world market. Its currency peg to the US dollar guaranteed price stability, a peerless gift to traders. The benefits to Hong Kong, in the eyes of classical economists, were the flow of profits to the city’s enterprises and the development of its local economy and labour market. Labour unions and leftists warned that this transformation accelerated inequality, drove down wages and put many out of work. Yet according to the official statistics the labour supply remained tight with an unemployment rate of 2.1 per cent. In reality, workers in Hong Kong were powerless to stem the wave of disruption and workers in China were poised to reap gains from it.

 

1991年，中国通过对南方的开放以及对香港资本和管理的接纳，开始推动全球经济的巨大变化。

珠江三角洲成为出口导向型增长的火车头。

它拉来了投资，抽出了制成品。

在接下来的几年里，这种惊人的扩张将吸引更多的世界上最大的公司和银行，使香港变得更加富有，因为他们设立了办公室，使用了服务并支付了当地的税收。

然而，当时殖民地的许多人担心1997年，寻求对不确定性的保险，并过度关注他们认为是北京政治风险的曲折。

对共产党垮台的预测是中国家庭饭桌上、记者和外交官交流八卦的酒吧里以及外籍人士乡村俱乐部午餐会上的主要内容。

事实上，人民共和国即将进入一个稳定的时代，这个时代将持续20年之久。

 

China began to drive great changes in the global economy in 1991 through its opening up of the south and its embrace of capital and management from Hong Kong. The Pearl River Delta became a locomotive for export-led growth. It pulled in investment and pumped out manufactured goods. In the next few years this phenomenal expansion would attract more of the world’s biggest companies and banks, making Hong Kong much richer as they set up offices, used services and paid local taxes. At the time, however, many people in the colony worried about 1997, sought to insure against uncertainty and focused excessively on what they thought were the twists and turns of political risk in Beijing. Predictions of the downfall of the Communist Party were a staple around Chinese family dinner tables, in bars where journalists and diplomats exchanged gossip, and at expatriate country club lunches. In fact the People’s Republic was about to embark on an era of stability that would endure for the next two decades.

 

在伦敦，政治考虑也很重要。

撒切尔夫人认为，在英国统治的最后阶段，最好由一位重量级的政治人物担任总督。

她开始明白，将数百万人交给一个共产主义国家是一个充满不确定性的行为，无论国际条约对它的保障有多强。

六四之后，她的继任者约翰-梅杰所承受的压力越来越大，他在与李鹏等中国领导人的接触中认识到，错误可能是致命的。

在职的卫奕信也认为，最后阶段需要改变风格，尽管他希望最后一任总督可以退居幕后，而地方政治家可以挺身而出。

六四之后，中国与香港民主派之间的政治紧张关系使这一做法充满了风险，而且可以说，如果有一位肩膀宽厚的总督能够承受可能发生的打击，那么该市的民主派政治家可能会得到更好的保护。

 

The political considerations also weighed in London. Mrs Thatcher had believed it would be best to have a heavyweight political figure as governor for the last stage of British rule. She came to understand that handing over millions of people to a Communist state was a deed fraught with uncertainty, however strongly it was underwritten by an international treaty. The pressure on her successor, John Major, had grown after June Fourth along with the realisation, fostered by his encounters with Chinese leaders like Li Peng, that mistakes could be deadly. For his part, the incumbent, David Wilson, also believed that the last phase required a change of style, although he had hoped that the last governor might step back while local politicians stepped forward. Political tensions between China and the democrats in Hong Kong after June Fourth made that a risky course, and it was arguable that the city’s democratic politicians might be better insulated by a governor whose broad shoulders could take the blows which were likely to fall.

 

出于所有这些原因，伦敦政府决定在卫奕信的五年任期结束时替换他。

众所周知，约翰-梅杰并不喜欢他对中国的访问，并认为他是被他的顾问珀西-柯利達爵士爵士弹了出来。

卫奕信承认，"有很多政治流言蜚语围绕着他有多不喜欢这次访问。

但外交大臣道格拉斯-赫德（Douglas Hurd）在其回忆录中说，他在1991年6月北京之行前就已经决定，下一任也是最后一任香港总督应该是一位英国政治家。

这个消息是在1990年12月底宣布的，当时政府说卫奕信将获得贵族身份并在12个月内退休。

他的继任者的选择被推迟到1992年英国大选之后。

赫德写道："卫奕信是一个专注且经验丰富的苏格兰人，他和他的妻子娜塔莎在香港很受欢迎。

他们代表了英国明智的中国学生传统的最后花朵之一，他们非常尊重中国人民，而不欺骗自己与中国政府打交道的困难。

 

For all those reasons, the government in London decided that at the end of Wilson’s five-year term he should be replaced. It was known that John Major had not enjoyed his visit to China and felt that he had been bounced into it by his adviser, Sir Percy Cradock. ‘There was a lot of political gossip around how much he disliked it,’ Wilson conceded. But in his memoir, Douglas Hurd, the foreign secretary, said he had decided by June 1991, before the Beijing visit, that the next and last governor of Hong Kong should be a British politician. The announcement was made at the end of December 1990, when the government said Wilson would receive a peerage and retire within twelve months. The choice of his successor was put off until after the British general election of 1992. There was no criticism of Wilson, Hurd wrote: ‘A dedicated and experienced Scot, David Wilson and his wife Natasha were popular in Hong Kong. They represented one of the last flowerings of that tradition of wise British students of China, who enormously respected the Chinese people without deceiving themselves about the difficulties of dealing with its Government.’

 

在香港和伦敦，卫奕信被他的批评者描述为在与中国的外交交往中过于软弱。

但这并不是中国人自己的印象。

在谈判桌的另一边，总督无可挑剔的语言技巧和礼貌的坚持被视为危险的资产。

在每次谈判中，我们都与卫奕信争论不休，"他的对手之一、在香港的新华社长期任职的張浚生说。

'卫奕信的中文说得很好，你可以用中文而不是英文与他交谈，但尽管他是一个相对明智的人，他却在执行政府的政策。

他在诸如《人权法案》等问题上与我们有许多争论和冲突。

 

Wilson was depicted by his critics in Hong Kong and London as too soft in his diplomatic dealings with China. But that was not the impression among the Chinese themselves. From the other side of the negotiating table, the governor’s impeccable language skills and polite persistence were seen as dangerous assets. ‘In every negotiation, we fought with Wilson,’ said one of his opponents, Zhang Junsheng, a long-serving figure at the New China News Agency in Hong Kong. ‘Wilson spoke Chinese so well that you could talk to him in Chinese instead of English but although he was a relatively sensible man, he was carrying out his government’s policies. He had many arguments and conflicts with us over such things as the Bill of Rights.’

 

然而，中国人足够信任卫奕信这个公正的观察家，邀请他在六四之后对珠江三角洲的城市进行私人访问，以亲眼看到改革和开放将继续下去。

'当时不仅是香港媒体，社会各界，包括许多爱国人士，都对中国的政策心存疑虑，'張浚生承认。

殖民地总督被认为是让香港人放心的最可靠的证人，这很奇怪，但却是事实。

中央政府给予了许可。

卫奕信在中国呆了大约一个星期。

他流利的中文使他能够与高级官员进行坦诚的交谈，其中一位官员用成熟的俚语倾诉，政府把自己的后院搞得一团糟。

 

However, the Chinese trusted Wilson enough as an impartial observer to invite him on a private visit to the cities of the Pearl River Delta after June Fourth to see for himself that reform and opening up would continue. ‘At that time not only the Hong Kong media but all sectors of society, including many patriots, were suspicious of China’s policies,’ admitted Zhang. It was bizarre but true that the colonial governor was deemed the most reliable witness to reassure Hong Kong. Permission was granted by the central government. Wilson spent about a week in China. His fluent Chinese allowed him to have frank conversations with senior officials, one of whom confided in ripe slang that the government had made a total mess of its own backyard.

 

作为这些动荡岁月的重要见证者，張浚生回忆说，卫奕信离职的消息让他感到震惊。

当天晚上，張浚生接到亲共的【大公报】总编辑曾德成的电话。

曾德成说，谣言已经在伦敦泄露了，报纸应该如何处理？没有来自北京的指示。

如果是真的，他们不报道，就会显得很傻。

如果是假的，就会显得是故意要把总督赶走。

这种两难境地令人烦恼；因此，这条新闻被尽可能不显眼地刊登在头版的底角，并被贴上 "外国新闻 "的有毒标签。

对这两名犹豫不决的干部来说，幸运的是，当晚在伦敦证实了这一消息的泄露。

 

Zhang, who was an important witness from a Chinese perspective on these turbulent years, recalled that the news of Wilson’s exit came as a shock. On the evening in question Zhang got a call from the editor-in-chief of the pro-Communist daily Wen Wei Po, Zeng Decheng. The rumour had leaked out in London, Zeng said, how should the newspaper handle it? There had been no instructions from Beijing. If it was true and they did not report it, they would look like fools. If it was false it would look like a deliberate attempt to drive the governor out. The dilemma was vexing; so the item was published as inconspicuously as possible in the bottom corner of the front page and given the toxic label of ‘foreign news’. Fortunately for the two dithering cadres, the leak was confirmed in London later that night.

 

中国的观点是，这显示了西方政府的 "功能失调 "性质。

張浚生是这样看的。

'他怎么能在最后几个月里运作？世界是冷暖自知的，当他还在那里履行职责时，你已经宣布了他的调职，所以他将没有威信。

 

The Chinese view was that this showed the ‘dysfunctional’ nature of Western government. Zhang saw it like this: ‘How could he operate in his last months? The world is hot and cold, you have announced his transfer while he is still there to carry out his duties, so he will have no prestige.’

 

来自一个从未公开达成政治决定的系统，張浚生可能误解了议会民主制度的运作。

但他对西方大多数决策者如何误解中国有敏锐的分析："六四事件之后，1990年东欧发生了剧变，1991年苏联解体。

但英国人误判了形势，认为包括中国在内的社会主义国家会像多米诺骨牌一样倒下。

他们的内部评估是，认为共产党在中国的统治会持续到1997年是不明智的。

张说，正是这个错误，使他们认为可以改变对香港的态度。

 

Coming from a system in which political decisions were never reached in public, Zhang may have misunderstood the workings of parliamentary democracies. But he had a perceptive analysis of how most decision-makers in the West got China wrong: ‘The June Fourth incident was followed by the dramatic changes in eastern Europe in 1990 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. But the British misjudged the situation, thinking that the socialist countries, including China, would fall like dominoes. Their internal assessment was that it was unwise to think that Communist Party rule in China would last until 1997.’ It was this error, said Zhang, that made them think they could change their tune on Hong Kong.

 

中国政府不会对下一任总督的威信有任何顾虑。

世界即将开始一项伟大的国际贸易实验，这将使中国受益匪浅，而香港也即将利用其在这一过程中的特权角色，尝试自己的民主实验。

这些实验相互交织在一起，在它们解开的过程中，出现了一个不同的城市，一直到2020年。

 

The Chinese government would have no tender concern for the prestige of the next governor. The world was about to embark on a great experiment in international trade which would benefit China enormously, and Hong Kong was about to exploit its privileged role in that process to try an experiment of its own in democracy. The experiments were intertwined, and in their unravelling there emerged a different city in the years up to 2020.

 

8.两段旅程

8.Two Journeys

 

 

1992年1月22日上午，香港一家亲共产党的日报《大公报》的读者在早餐粥中看到一条新闻，这条新闻在其通常毫无生气的版面中显得格外引人注目。

该报报道说，邓小平正在访问深圳，这位元老在那里视察了发展情况并赞扬了改革。

这是他一年多来首次露面。

在那段时间里，党内的反对派阻碍了改革，新的领导层缺乏推进的信心，经济处于停滞状态。

因此，邓小平在八十八岁的时候开始了 "南巡"，以重新掌握政治主动权。

这次旅行是他留给中国和世界的遗产。

 

On the morning of 22 January 1992, readers of Ta Kung Pao, a pro-Communist daily newspaper in Hong Kong, were treated over their breakfast congee to a news item which stood out from its usually lifeless pages. The paper reported that Deng Xiaoping was on a visit to Shenzhen, where the patriarch had inspected development and praised reform. It was his first conspicuous appearance for more than a year. During that time opponents in the party had blocked change, the new leadership had lacked the confidence to advance and the economy was in limbo. So Deng set off on a ‘southern tour’ at the age of eighty-eight to retake the political initiative. The trip was his legacy to China and the world.

 

中国国家媒体上没有出现一个字。

然而，在几天之内，香港的报纸就充满了这个消息。

第二家亲北京的日报《文汇报》回应了来自深圳的第一篇报道，该市其他媒体也屏住呼吸地跟进。

香港再次成为一个窗口，世界通过它来了解这个地球上人口最多的国家正在发生的事情。

报纸记录了邓小平在珠江三角洲城市珠海的进展，然后是中山和顺德的工业化地区。

 

Not a word appeared in the Chinese state media. Within days, however, the newspapers in Hong Kong were full of the news. A second pro-Beijing daily, Wen Wei Po, echoed the first reports from Shenzhen and the rest of the city’s media breathlessly followed suit. Once again Hong Kong had become the window through which the world craned to get a look at what was happening in the most populous nation on earth. The papers chronicled Deng’s progress as he moved on to the Pearl River Delta city of Zhuhai, then to the industrialising zones of Zhongshan and Shunde.

 

从1月17日邓小平在北京站登上一列私人火车的那一刻起，他的旅行就披上了一层欺骗的外衣，同行的还有他的16个大家庭成员。

他们的行程是由人民解放军安排的，有人说这位老政治家要在农历新年前享受一个家庭假期。

包括总书记江泽民在内的政治局成员都不知道其目的。

 

A cloak of deception shielded the tour from the moment Deng boarded a private train at Beijing station on 17 January, accompanied by sixteen members of his extended clan. Their journey was arranged by the People’s Liberation Army and it was put about that the elder statesman was to enjoy a family holiday before the Lunar New Year. Members of the Politburo, including Jiang Zemin, the general secretary, were kept in the dark about its purpose.

 

橄榄绿油漆的车厢连夜南下，前往中国中部的武汉市，当地的党政领导在车站平台上等待邓小平。

邓小平对这次旅行毫不畏惧，他对他们进行了严厉的批评，指出有太多的繁文缛节，有太多的会议，而行动却太少。

他以一个四川农民的成熟态度说，中国官僚机构中的文件比牛身上的毛还多。

火车驶向长沙，毛泽东的家乡湖南的省会。

在那里，邓小平向站台上的政要们传达了类似的信息，这些政要们急忙向他报告丰收的消息，并站在微笑中。

他告诉他们要继续开放农业经济，使人们能够富裕起来。

 

The olive green-painted carriages went south overnight to the city of Wuhan in central China, where the local party leader and the governor awaited Deng on the station platform. Undaunted by the journey, Deng treated them to a sharp dressing down about too much red tape, too many meetings and too little action. There were, he said with the ripeness of a Sichuan peasant, more documents in the Chinese bureaucracy than there were hairs on a cow. The train rolled on to Changsha, capital of Mao Zedong’s home province of Hunan. There Deng delivered a similar message to the dignitaries attending him on the platform, who had hastened to give him news of a good harvest and stood wreathed in smiles. He told them to get on with opening up the farming economy so that people could be prosperous.

 

1月19日，当邓小平的火车驶入深圳时，他的赌注已经传到了北京的领导人耳中。

很明显，这位前领导人并不是在休养生息，而是踏上了前往经济特区的朝圣之旅，为他们传教，并斥责那些在他眼中会剥夺中国恢复其大国地位的左派。

 

By the time Deng’s train pulled into Shenzhen on 19 January, word of his gambit had reached the leaders in Beijing. It was clear that, far from a restful family break, the former leader had embarked on a pilgrimage to the Special Economic Zones to evangelise on their behalf and to rebuke the leftists who, in his eyes, would deny China the means to regain its status as a great power.

 

1992年初，传统的马克思主义者控制了信息，压制了国家媒体中不符合他们心意的新闻和评论。

在过去一年的大部分时间里，最高领导人一直被当作历史人物来写。

只是到了1991年底，他的支持者们才有足够的力量来改变语气，使他再次被视为一个能够发布指令的人。

邓小平的南巡意在成为一个不可忽视的象征性姿态。

仅就这一点而言，它就像1966年7月毛泽东在长江中著名的游泳，这一壮举表明主席还活着，充满活力和灵感；它预示着他的文化革命开始了。

南巡是一种冒险，"作家杨继盛在谈到邓小平的旅行时写道，"他没有正式的职务。

他只是共产党的一个普通党员。

他已经八十八岁了，他的日子已经不多了。

他的一些谈话是批评性的。

他知道风险，但他对他周围的人说："如果你不抓住机会，你就什么都做不了"。

 

In early 1992 the traditional Marxists had control of the message, suppressing news and commentary that was not to their liking in the state media. For most of the previous year, the paramount leader had been written about as a historical figure. It was only towards the end of 1991 that his partisans were powerful enough to change the tone so that he was once again seen as a man capable of issuing directives. Deng’s southern tour was meant to be a symbolic gesture that could not be ignored. On that level alone it was like Mao’s famous swim in the Yangtze in July 1966, a feat which showed that the chairman was alive, vigorous and inspirational; it heralded the onset of his Cultural Revolution. ‘The southern tour was a risk,’ wrote the author Yang Jisheng of Deng’s trip, ‘he had no formal position. He was just an ordinary member of the Communist Party. He was eighty-eight years old and his days were numbered. Some of his talk was critical. He knew the risks but he said to those around him “if you don’t take a chance you can do nothing”.’

 

邓小平没有毛泽东的精力，他在跳入长江时，还年轻了15岁。

他通过在上午与官员们一起外出，与随行人员共进午餐，并在下午小憩，来配给自己的能量。

然而，每当他说话的时候，他就会变得兴致勃勃。

他来到广东，是广东领导干部推行其计划所需的心理动力。

 

Deng did not have the energy of Mao, who had been fifteen years younger when he plunged into the Yangtze. He rationed his energy by going out with officials during the morning, lunching with his entourage and taking an afternoon nap. Whenever he spoke, however, he fizzled with vim. His arrival in Guangdong was the psychological boost its leadership cadres needed to pursue their plans.

 

邓小平去了工厂，走过了商场，抬头看了看建筑工地，对戴着硬帽子在桥梁和公路上劳作的工人报以善意的微笑。

人们认出他是 "邓叔叔"，甚至是 "邓爷爷"，为他欢呼和鼓掌。

尽管当地媒体保持沉默，但他出现的消息还是传开了。

香港电台和电视台在珠江三角洲拥有大量听众，因此数百万人关注他们的粤语新闻简报。

邓小平完成了他的宏伟姿态，前往上海迎接猴年，猴年在中国十二生肖中与毅力、狡猾和敏捷有关。

他留下了一个正在发酵的地区。

 

Deng went to factories, walked through malls, peered up at construction sites and beamed benignly upon hard-hatted workers toiling on bridges and roads. He was cheered and clapped by people who recognised him as ‘Uncle Deng’ and even ‘Grandpa Deng’. Word spread of his presence, despite the silence in the local media. Hong Kong radio and television stations had a mass audience in the Pearl River Delta, so millions followed their news bulletins in Cantonese. His grand gesture done, Deng headed off to Shanghai to see in the Year of the Monkey, a sign associated in the Chinese zodiac with perseverance, guile and agility. He left behind a region in ferment.

 

党内的争执要对公众保密。

政策之争也是一场宣传之争。

但改革派，如果可以这么说的话，很快就利用邓小平不可质疑的权威所带来的信息来进行党内争论。

自1979年以来，邓小平一直在说他希望中国成为一个小康社会或 "小康 "社会，通过消费和贸易使人民的生活水平提高。

江泽民和他的盟友开始在演讲、社论和声明中加入邓小平路线的内容。

 

Disputes in the party were to be kept from the general public. The battle over policy was also a battle over propaganda. But the reform faction, if it may be called that, was quick to use the message laid down by Deng’s unchallengeable authority for their internal party arguments. Since 1979 Deng had spoken of his aspiration for China to become a society of Xiaokang or ‘small prosperity’ which gave its people a higher standard of living through consumption and trade. Jiang Zemin and his allies began to seed speeches, editorials and statements with the Deng line.

 

起初，小规模的冲突是以密码进行的。

2月下旬，国家媒体刊登了一篇经济学教授方晟的文章，赞扬 "资本主义的用途"，认为 "所谓的资本主义措施和方式不属于任何阶级，资本主义或社会主义都可以使用"。

在私下里，党的官员正在研究中央委员会的一份文件，其中谈到了 "中国特色社会主义"。

主要的地区性报纸《深圳特区报》从2月20日至3月6日连续发表社论，表达了邓小平讲话的主要内容，甚至借用了他的话，但没有注明作者。

人民日报》则接过了这面旗帜，呼吁进行更大胆的改革，该报开始转载各省相同主题的社论，这是一种向北京受众介绍政治变革的古老策略。

3月12日，政治局的一份公报将新的重点放在经济建设上，并批评了左派；公报也没有提到邓小平的名字。

 

At first the skirmishes were conducted in code. In late February the state media carried an article praising ‘the uses of capitalism’ by an economics professor, Fang Sheng, which argued that ‘so-called capitalist measures and ways do not belong to any class and can be used by either capitalism or socialism’. In private, party officials were studying a document from the Central Committee which talked about ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’. The key regional newspaper, the Shenzhen Special Zone Daily, ran a sequence of editorials from 20 February to 6 March expressing the key lines of Deng’s speeches and even borrowing his words without attributing them to their author. For its part, the People’s Daily picked up the banner with a call for bolder reform and the paper began to reprint provincial editorials on the same theme, a time-honoured tactic to introduce political changes to the audience in Beijing. A communiqué from the Politburo on 12 March formalised the new emphasis on building the economy and criticised the Left; it, too, refrained from mentioning Deng by name.

 

左派进行了反击。

党的理论刊物《求是》的副主编吴江国抨击了那些赞成 "私有化......这与人民所有权不相容 "的人。

陈云，这位资深的经济霸主和革命价值观的守护者，提醒他的同志们，'外国资本家仍然是资本家'。

后来，他优雅地借用了毛泽东最喜欢的唐代诗人李商隐的一句话，大意是'雏凤的声音比老凤的声音更清晰'。

李商隱《韩冬郎即席为诗相送一座尽惊他日余方追吟连宵侍坐裴回久之句有老成之风因成二绝寄酬兼呈畏之员外·其一》

朝代：唐代

 

作者：李商隱

原文：

十歲裁詩走馬成，冷灰殘燭動離情。

桐花萬里丹山路，雛鳳清於老鳳聲。

 

The Left pushed back. The deputy editor of the party’s theoretical journal, Seeking Truth, Wu Jiangguo, attacked those favouring ‘privatisation … which is incompatible with ownership by the people’. Chen Yun, the veteran economic overlord and guardian of revolutionary values, reminded his comrades that ‘a foreign capitalist is still a capitalist.’ Later, he elegantly borrowed a quotation from the Tang dynasty poet Li Shangyin, a favourite of Mao’s, to the effect that ‘the sound of the young phoenix is clearer than that of the old one.’

 

但老凤凰已经飞起来了，对毛泽东来说已经太晚了。

3月26日，《深圳特区报》发表了关于邓小平的行程的报道，并附有照片。

四天后，《人民日报》毫不掩饰地将其作为 "新闻 "予以转载。

即使按照这个标题的标准，在一个重要事件发生两个月后才报道，也是一个专业记录。

同一天，3月31日，中国人民终于在电视上看到了他们的最高领导人，国家电视台播放了一部长篇纪录片。

这只猫从袋子里出来了。

 

But the old phoenix had flown and it was too late for the Maoists. On 26 March, the Shenzhen Special Zone Daily published a reportage of Deng’s journey, complete with photographs. Four days later the People’s Daily unblushingly reprinted it as ‘news’. Even by the standards of that title, reporting an important event two months after it had taken place marked something of a professional record. On the same day, 31 March, the Chinese people finally saw their paramount leader on television in a long documentary broadcast by state television. The cat was out of the bag.

 

对邓小平历程的更全面的描述，以及他的演讲和讲话的授权版本的出版，将需要多年时间。

因此，对中国国内舆论没有立即产生影响。

然而，他对政策的影响是直接而深刻的。

 

It would take years for a fuller account of Deng’s journey to emerge and for an authorised version of his speeches and remarks to be published. There was, therefore, no immediate effect on Chinese domestic opinion. His influence on policy, however, was direct and profound.

 

有一些证据表明，邓小平在南方时曾寻求再保险。

香港的《诚明》杂志报道了邓小平在珠海召开中央军事委员会会议的传闻，该委员会控制着武装力量。

事实证明，这些传言是准确的。

这次会议挤满了高级别的政委和参谋人员。

负责安全事务的政治局常委乔石也出席了会议，他享有暂缓改革者的声誉。

邓小平的忠实盟友杨尚昆主席和他同父异母的兄弟杨白冰将军也在现场，以保证军队的忠诚度。

他们是在决定冲击天安门广场时与他站在一起的老家伙。

给江泽民和他的同伙的信息是强调的。

为了防止政治局有任何疑问，3月14日《解放军报》的一篇社论将其力量投向了邓小平思想的旗帜。

对于一个有成就的桥牌手来说，这一定是一个令人满意的回合。

 

There is some evidence that Deng sought reinsurance while he was in the south. The Hong Kong magazine Chengming reported rumours that Deng had convened a meeting of the Central Military Commission, which controlled the armed forces, in Zhuhai. The rumours turned out to be accurate. The meeting was packed with high-level commissars and staff officers. It was graced by the presence of Qiao Shi, the Politburo standing committee member in charge of security, who enjoyed a reputation as a tentative reformer. Deng’s faithful allies, President Yang Shangkun and his half-brother, General Yang Baibing, were there to guarantee the loyalty of the army. They were the old men who had stood by him in the decision to storm Tiananmen Square. The message to Jiang Zemin and his cohorts was emphatic. In case the Politburo was in any doubt, an editorial in the Liberation Army Daily on 14 March threw its weight behind the flag of Deng Xiaoping’s thought. For an accomplished bridge player, this must have been a satisfying round.

 

对这些人来说，中国的爱国主义并没有因为 "改革开放 "而受到质疑。

回过头来看，邓小平的话并非都像外国投资者急于假设的那样令人欣慰。

例如，他反驳了陈云的批评，说中国对外资企业有完全的政治权力，并将确保它们为中国的利益服务。

在一次乘船旅行中，邓小平在一个帝国政府大楼的废墟上沉思，他说，如果中国掌握了科学技术，就不会再落后，也不会再被帝国主义者羞辱。

邓小平从未忽视他的国家议程；只是他的外国崇拜者选择了他的政策中听起来最令人放心的方面。

 

For none of these men was Chinese patriotism put in question by ‘reform and opening up’. In retrospect, not all of Deng’s words were as comforting as foreign investors hastened to assume. For example, he had rebutted Chen Yun’s criticism by saying that China had complete political authority over foreign-owned companies and would make sure they served its interests. On a boat trip, later lavishly covered in accounts of the tour, Deng mused on the ruins of an imperial government building, saying that China would never again be backward if it seized science and technology and would never again be humiliated by imperialists. Deng never lost sight of his nation’s agenda; it was just that his foreign admirers chose to pick and choose what aspects of his policy sounded most reassuring.

 

对中国人来说，杨继盛的判断是，邓小平阻止了经济改革的逆转，但却放弃了1980年和1986年作出的政治变革承诺。

在中国境外，随着参观知识的传播，人们一致认为中国对外国投资是开放的，跨国公司通过进入中国进行生产和销售，将获得几乎无限的利润。

但邓小平并不这么看。

他的标准演讲稿的全文在一个适当的间隔后公布。

它规定了他的继承人将忠实遵循的路线。

 

For the Chinese, Yang Jisheng’s verdict was that Deng had prevented the reversal of economic reform but had abandoned the promises of political change made in 1980 and 1986. Outside China, the consensus as knowledge of the tour spread was that China was open to foreign investment and that multinational companies would reap virtually limitless profits by entering the country, both to manufacture and to sell. But Deng did not see it that way. The full text of his standard stump speech was published after a decent interval. It laid out the line that was to be followed faithfully by his heirs.

 

邓小平在深圳说："改革和开放必须更加大胆，你们需要试验，而不是像女人一样束手束脚，"深圳的重要经验是敢于向前冲。

这些话对那些想把中国推向市场经济的热衷于改革的人来说，听起来就像音乐。

相比之下，邓小平认为市场是一种工具，而不是目的。

他说，标准是它是否 "发展了社会主义社会的生产力，增强了社会主义社会的综合国力，提高了人民的生活水平"，他指出，中国的经济特区是以 "社会主义 "而非 "资本主义 "为前缀的。

 

‘Reform and opening up must be more daring, you need to experiment, not be like women with bound feet,’ Deng said in Shenzhen, ‘the important experience of Shenzhen is to dare to rush forward.’ Such phrases sounded as music to the ears of the ardent reformers who wanted to push China towards a market economy. Deng, by contrast, saw the market as a tool, not an end. The criteria, he said, were whether it ‘developed the productive forces of a socialist society, enhanced the overall national strength of a socialist society and raised the living standards of the people’, He pointed out that the Chinese term for the Special Economic Zone was prefixed by the term ‘socialist’ not ‘capitalist’.

 

他说，中国吸引外国资本的目的是硬性规定的。

'有些人认为更多的外国资本意味着更多的资本主义......是的，外国商人总是想赚钱。

但国家可以拿回税收，工人可以拿回工资，我们可以学习技术和管理，我们可以获得信息，我们可以打开市场。

外资企业受到中国政治和经济条件的限制，它们是为社会主义经济的利益服务的，归根结底是有利于社会主义的。

 

China’s aim in attracting foreign capital was hard-headed, he said. ‘Some people believe more foreign capital means more capitalism … and yes, foreign businessmen always want to make money. But the state gets its taxes back, the workers get their wages back, we can learn about technology and management, we get information and we can open markets. Foreign-funded enterprises are restricted by China’s political and economic conditions, they are serving the interests of the socialist economy and in the final analysis are beneficial to socialism.’

 

这并不是在西方董事会向股东介绍情况时强调的那种引言。

一些人认为，由于少数中国商人变得富可敌国，而大规模的贫困仍然存在，这个国家的精英们已经冷酷地抛弃了马克思主义，迫不及待地想成为另一个印度或巴西。

领导层并不这么看。

事实上，邓小平和他的继任者，江泽民和胡锦涛，都把不平等放在马克思主义的框架内：这是通过 "中国特色社会主义 "通往共产主义道路上的一个必要阶段。

邓小平自己也承认，中国永远不可能符合纯粹的马克思主义理论，原因是中国从未发展出一个庞大的工业无产阶级，仍然是一个主要的农业国家。

农民和工人在党的宣传中地位平等，毛泽东将中国革命设想为第三世界的农村现象，因此它早期对殖民地、受压迫者和农民群众有吸引力。

 

This was not the sort of quotation highlighted in presentations to shareholders in Western boardrooms. It was assumed by some that because a few Chinese businessmen were becoming fathomlessly rich while mass poverty still existed, the country’s elite had cynically jettisoned Marxism and could not wait to become another India or Brazil. The leadership did not see it like that. In fact Deng and his successors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, all put inequality in a Marxist framework: that it was a necessary phase on the pathway to Communism via ‘socialism with Chinese characteristics’. Deng himself admitted that China could never conform to pure Marxist theory, for the reason that it had never developed a big industrial proletariat and remained a mainly agrarian country. Peasants and workers ranked equally in the party’s propaganda and Mao had conceived of the Chinese revolution as a rural Third World phenomenon, hence its early appeal to the colonised, the downtrodden and the peasant masses.

 

到了邓小平南巡的时候，党的路线已经成熟。

邓小平在讲话中承认，在通往社会主义的道路上会有不平等现象。

一些地区会比其他地区发展得更快，但如果富人更富，穷人更穷，社会主义制度就应该进行干预。

中国根深蒂固的问题来自于左派，但党也会对右派保持警惕。

 

By the time of Deng’s southern tour, the party line had matured. In his speech, Deng admitted that there would be inequalities on the path to socialism. Some regions would develop faster than others, but if the rich got richer and the poor poorer the socialist system should intervene. China’s deep-rooted problems came from the Left, but the party would also be vigilant against the Right.

 

邓小平对与香港接壤的地区的成功感到高兴。

他说，在未来二十年内，仅广东就可以成为继香港、新加坡、韩国和台湾之后的第五只亚洲虎。

他承认："回顾过去，我最大的错误之一是没有把上海加入经济特区的名单中。

他继续说，在20世纪80年代末，中国的工业产出每年增长近22%，普通农民的家里有 "四大件"--自行车、缝纫机、收音机和手表，而一些人可以购买更昂贵的消费品。

他说，现在是时候为通货膨胀、债务发行和投机性建筑踩刹车了，但这正是国家的作用，'纠正这种情况'。

他认为这其中没有任何矛盾之处。

'对于像我们这样的发展中大国来说，经济不可能以更快的速度增长，也不可能始终保持平静和稳定。

 

Deng exulted in the success of the regions bordering Hong Kong. Within the next twenty years, he said, Guangdong alone could become the fifth Asian tiger after Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. ‘Looking back, one of my biggest mistakes was not adding Shanghai to the list of Special Economic Zones,’ he admitted. China’s industrial output had increased by almost 22 per cent a year at the end of the 1980s, he continued, and the homes of ordinary farmers had the ‘four big items’ – bicycles, sewing machines, radios and watches – while some could buy more expensive consumer goods. It was time to put the brakes on inflation, debt issuance and speculative building, he said, but this was what the state was for, ‘to rectify the situation’. He saw nothing contradictory in this. ‘For a big developing country like ours, it is impossible for the economy to grow at a faster pace and always be calm and steady.’

 

经济学的内容就这么多。

邓小平在演讲中转向了政治和国家战略，提出了一个只有在未来几十年里才会被中国的经济对手看清的路线图。

他说，中国应该利用开放的国际环境，发挥其社会主义制度的优势：其调动资源的能力，推动现代化和承担大型项目。

政府将逐渐把农村剩余劳动力转移到工业中，中国将攀登发展的阶梯。

他很早就看到，它必须抓住科学和技术来实现其目的。

每条线都有明确的战略目标，我们必须在高科技领域取得胜利，中国才能在世界上占有一席之地......知识分子是工人阶级的一部分，我希望所有在国外学习的人都能回来，尤其是年长的科学家。

不管他们过去的政治态度如何，他们都可以回来，并做出适当的安排。

 

So much for the economics. Deng turned in his peroration to politics and national strategy, laying out a roadmap that would only become clear to China’s economic rivals in decades to come. China, he said, should take advantage of the open international environment to exploit the strengths of its socialist system: its ability to mobilise resources, to drive for modernisation and take on large-scale projects. Gradually the government would transfer the surplus rural workforce to industry and China would climb the development ladder. He saw early on that it must capture science and technology to achieve its ends. ‘Each line has a clear strategic objective and we must win in the field of high technology for China to take its place in the world … intellectuals are part of the working class and I hope all the people studying abroad will return, especially the older scientists. Whatever their past political attitudes they can come back and make the appropriate arrangements.’

 

邓小平没有提出政治变革的前景。

他说，党应该反对 "资产阶级自由化 "至少20年，一直到新千年："基本路线必须坚持100年，不能动摇。

中国仍处于'社会主义初级阶段'，巩固社会主义制度需要一个漫长的历史时期。

这将需要'我们几代、十几代、甚至几十代人的不懈努力'。

 

Deng held out no prospect of political change. He said the party should oppose ‘bourgeois liberalisation’ for at least twenty years, well into the new millennium: ‘The basic line must be adhered to for a hundred years with no vacillation.’ China was still in the ‘primary stage of socialism’ and to consolidate the socialist system required a long historical period. It would take ‘the unremitting efforts of several, more than a dozen, even dozens of generations of our people’.

 

邓小平对中国的专制制度持有一种毫不含糊的马克思主义观点。

他告诉他的听众，共产党在1949年革命的三年内消灭了 "吸毒、卖淫和经济犯罪 "等 "腐朽 "的东西。

资本主义做不到这一点，'但共产党可以摆脱所有丑陋的东西'。

它的第一批领导人是老人；现在它将培养第三、第四和第五代。

邓小平把那些必须接受教育的人按这样的顺序排列：军队、专政机关、共产党员、人民和年轻人，这很说明问题。

 

Deng held an unapologetically Marxist view of the Chinese dictatorship. He told his listeners that the Communist Party had wiped out ‘decadent’ things like ‘drug taking, prostitution and economic crimes’ within three years of the 1949 revolution. Capitalism could not do that, ‘but the Communist Party can get rid of all that is ugly’. Its first leaders were old men; now it would train a third, fourth and fifth generation. It was telling that Deng ranked those who must be educated in this order: the army, the organs of dictatorship, Communist Party members, the people, and young people.

 

邓小平往往以挑战中国人对年龄的传统敬畏来结束他的谈话。

老人有优点，但也有很大的弱点。

老人往往很顽固。

另一方面，你的年龄越大，最后犯的错误越少。

你越是年长，你就越是谦虚。

我们必须选择和训练年轻的同志。

然后他说了这么一句话。

 

Deng tended to finish his talks by challenging the traditional Chinese reverence for age. ‘Old people have strengths but also great weaknesses. Old people tend to be stubborn. On the other hand, the older you get the less mistakes you make in the end. The older you get, the more humble you become. We must select and train younger comrades.’ Then he said this:

 

'马克思说，他真正的发明不是阶级斗争，而是无产阶级专政。

历史经验证明，刚刚夺取政权的新兴阶级在一般情况下总是比敌对阶级的力量要弱，因此他们必须通过专政来巩固自己的权力。

这就是人民的民主专政'。

 

‘Marx said that his real invention was not the class struggle, it was the dictatorship of the proletariat. Historical experience has proved that the newly emerging classes who have just seized power are in general always weaker than the forces of the rival classes and therefore they must consolidate their power by means of dictatorship. This is the people’s democratic dictatorship.’

 

换句话说，专政不是一个短暂的东西，随着中国的富裕、新阶级的增多和社会的复杂化而被抛弃。

专政是为了加强新兴的阶级和由全球化产生的新的繁荣的中国群体。

它是国家复兴的关键。

它是永远的。

 

In other words, dictatorship was not a transitory thing to be sloughed off as China grew richer, its new classes multiplied and its society became more complex. Dictatorship was to strengthen the emerging classes and the newly prosperous Chinese groups created by globalisation. It was the key to national renewal. It was for ever.

 

就这样，这位老人离开了中国政治的中心舞台。

在中国，没有人可以说他的信息是不明确的。

在国外，没有人可以说他们没有被告知，如果他们有心去听的话。

 

With that, the old man left the centre stage of Chinese politics. Nobody in China could say his message was unclear. Nobody abroad could say they were not told, had they bothered to listen.

 

英国于1992年4月9日星期四举行了大选。

出乎人们意料的是，保守党以21个议会席位的微弱多数获胜，约翰-梅杰被选为首相。

然而，伤亡者中包括克里斯-彭定康，他是梅杰的朋友，也是保守党胜利的设计师，他失去了他在繁荣的温泉镇巴斯的席位。

在选举之夜，彭定康在宣布他的失败时流下了眼泪。

然而，很少有人相信这是他职业生涯的终点。

 

The United Kingdom held a general election on Thursday, 9 April 1992. To widespread surprise, the Conservatives won with a reduced majority of twenty-one parliamentary seats and John Major was returned as prime minister. Among the casualties, however, was Chris Patten, the party chairman, a friend of Major’s and an architect of the Tory victory, who lost his seat in the prosperous spa town of Bath. On election night, Patten shed tears as his defeat was announced. Yet few believed this was the end of his career.

 

年仅47岁的彭定康是一个温和的保守派，是一个具有世界性品味的天才沟通者。

他有一个全球关系网，这是他在巴利奥尔学院学习后培养出来的，巴利奥尔学院是牛津大学的古老基金会，除了四位英国首相外，还培养了一位德国总统和一位日本皇后。

1965年，他曾为约翰-林赛的共和党竞选纽约市长工作，这一经历让他对政治 "情有独钟，如痴如醉"。

如果彭定康保住了他的席位，首相计划让他成为财政大臣，负责国家的财政。

在失败中，很明显他仍有政治前途。

 

Aged only forty-seven, Patten was a moderate conservative, a gifted communicator with cosmopolitan tastes. He had a network of global connections which he had cultivated since studying at Balliol College, the ancient foundation of Oxford University that in addition to four British prime ministers had educated a president of Germany and an empress of Japan. In 1965 he had worked on John Lindsay’s Republican campaign to be mayor of New York, an experience which left him ‘smitten, head over heels infatuated’ with politics. Had Patten kept his seat, the prime minister planned to make him chancellor of the exchequer, in charge of the nation’s finances. In defeat it was evident that he still had a political future.

 

投票前一周，彭定康带着预测保守党将赢得选举的研究报告拜访了首相。

他还向梅杰展示了一份该党将失去的选区名单，包括他自己在巴斯的席位。

梅杰看了看，挑了挑眉毛。

彭定康说："我已经想了18个月了，'我已经告诉你了，但你只是认为我是个厄运者。

 

A week before the poll, Patten called on the prime minister with research that predicted the Conservatives would win the election. He also showed Major a list of constituencies which the party would lose, including his own seat in Bath. Major looked through it and raised his eyebrows. ‘I’ve thought that for eighteen months,’ said Patten, ‘I’ve told you but you just think I’m a doomster.’

 

现在他的担心成真了，彭定康得到了几个建制派的解决方法。

一个有责任心的国会议员可能会被说服从一个安全的席位上退休。

根据英国的宪法安排，政府可以让他成为贵族，在上议院拥有一个席位，这将为他获得部长职位打开后门。

彭定康不喜欢所提出的任何想法。

因此，就在选举后的一天，梅杰问他这位沮丧的朋友是否愿意成为香港的最后一任总督，用一个内阁席位换取一个载入史册的位置。

 

Now that his fears had come true, Patten was offered several establishment fixes. An obliging Member of Parliament might be persuaded to retire from a safe seat. Under Britain’s constitutional arrangements, the government could make him a peer with a seat in the House of Lords which would open a back door to a minister’s job. Patten did not like any of the ideas put forward. So, just one day after the election, Major asked his downcast friend if he would like to be the last governor of Hong Kong, exchanging a seat in cabinet for a place in the history books.

 

梅杰已经决定，必须换掉香港总督大卫-卫奕信。

各方都热衷于说，这并不反映他的能力，人们对他对中国语言的学术性掌握和他的整体风度表示敬佩。

然而，梅杰和彭定康都认为卫奕信被 "耍了"。

他们认为，首相和总督在机场交易问题上被中国人羞辱了，这项工作需要一个大的政治人物。

两人都开始不相信外交部的汉学家团队所奉行的理论。

甚至中国方面的人也告诉首相，英国需要一个能够做出艰难决定的政治重量级人物。

那么彭定康会接受这份工作吗？

 

Major had already decided that David Wilson must be replaced as governor of Hong Kong. All sides were keen to say that this was no reflection upon his skills, and there was admiration for his scholarly command of the Chinese language and his overall decency. Both Major and Patten, however, felt Wilson was ‘played out’. They believed that the prime minister and the governor had been humiliated by the Chinese over the airport deal and that the job needed a big political figure. Both men had come to distrust the doctrines practised by the Foreign Office’s corps of Sinologists. Even people on the Chinese side had told the prime minister that Britain needed a political heavyweight who could take hard decisions. So would Patten take the job?

 

彭定康记得，"我说，'就这么办'"。

不过，首先，他必须和他的妻子拉文德谈谈，她是他的伙伴、朋友和顾问。

他们溜到他们在塔恩的法国乡村别墅里仔细考虑。

不可避免的是，在英国中产阶级殖民的法国西南部的一个角落里，他们碰上了一群度假的政治家。

其中有戴维-欧文，他的工党外交部长生涯在他自己雄心勃勃的中国政策计划启动之前就已经中断了。

彭定康对他们的想法深信不疑。

他们都说："你不会想去香港的，那里没什么可做的，一切都已经决定了，你会无聊透顶的"，他笑着说。

'他们不知道。

 

‘I said “Like a shot”,’ Patten remembered. First, though, he had to talk to his wife, Lavender, who was his partner, friend and counsellor. They slipped away to their French country house in the Tarn to think it over. Inevitably, in a corner of southwest France colonised by the British middle classes, they bumped into a clutch of holidaying politicians. Among them was David Owen, whose career as a Labour foreign secretary had been cut short before his own ambitious plans for China policy could get off the ground. Patten was left in no doubt what they thought. ‘They all said, “You don’t want to go to Hong Kong, there’s nothing to do there, it’s all been decided and you’ll be bored out of your mind”,’ he laughed. ‘Little did they know.’

 

彭定康意识到，此举对他的妻子来说很艰难，她刚刚开始了成功的家庭大律师生涯。

这对夫妇有三个女儿，爱丽丝、劳拉和凯特，她们的教育和福利必须得到考虑。

另一方面，还有政府大楼的生活前景，那里有56名细心的工作人员，总督在新界粉岭的乡村度假地，他的司机劳斯莱斯和他那艘闪闪发光的白色27米长的官方机动船--莫琳夫人号。

273,000美元的工资比英国首相的工资还高，而且是免税的。

帕滕斯夫妇是中产阶级，生活舒适，但并不富裕。

他们的决定并没有花很长时间。

 

Patten appreciated that the move would be tough on his wife, who had just embarked on a successful career as a family barrister. The couple had three daughters, Alice, Laura and Kate, whose education and welfare had to be considered. On the other hand there was the prospect of life at Government House with its fifty-six attentive staff, the governor’s rural retreat at Fanling in the New Territories, his chauffeured Rolls-Royce and his gleaming white 27-metre official motor vessel, the Lady Maurine. The salary of US$273,000 was larger than that of the British prime minister, and it was tax free. The Pattens were middle-class comfortable but not rich. Their decision did not take long.

 

俱乐部里有一些人在抱怨，说一个地毯式的政治家踏上了过去从学者和士兵队伍中抽调出来的、沉浸在中国的礼仪和习俗中的行政人员的神圣地盘。

新任总督被派去像一个学生一样阅读和吸收几代人积累的智慧。

这门课程由外交部门的负责人，即常设副部长大卫-吉尔摩掌握。

彭定康形容他是 "极大的支持"，当一个官僚被命令为首相的亲密朋友准备工作时，这也许是可以预期的。

 

There was some harrumphing in clubland about a carpetbagging politician treading on the hallowed turf of administrators drawn in the past from the ranks of scholars and soldiers immersed in the manners and customs of China. The new governor was sent like a student to read and absorb the accumulated wisdom of generations. The course was in the hands of the head of the diplomatic service, or permanent under secretary, David Gilmore. Patten described him as ‘immensely supportive’, as perhaps might have been expected when a bureaucrat is ordered to prepare a close friend of the prime minister for a job.

 

彭定康回忆说："我被安排在外交部一楼的一间小办公室里......还有成堆的文件，香港部门的负责人彼得-里奇特（Peter Ricketts）把一份又一份文件推过来。

这一切都写得非常好。

很好的简报，做得很巧妙，大量的简报，而基本的论点一直是：

"你必须避免与中国发生争执，但同时你必须坚持我们在《联合声明》中所主张的。

这一切都有一种先发制人的危机感。

‘I was given a little office on the ground floor of the Foreign Office … and piles of files and the head of the Hong Kong department, Peter Ricketts, wheeling in file after file,’ Patten recalled. ‘It was all very well written. Good briefing, cleverly done, huge amounts of it and the underlying argument all the time was, “You have to avoid having an argument with China but at the same time you have to stand up for what we asserted in the Joint Declaration”. There was a sort of pre-emptive cringe about it all.’

 

随着学生工作的进展，"一连串的大人物 "来向他介绍情况。

 

David Gilmore和Peter Ricketts组织了一连串据说知道他们在说什么的人过来见我。

除了鄧蓮如等一两位行政委员会成员外，几乎没有来自香港的人。

 

A ‘succession of grandees’ came to brief the student as he progressed in his labours. ‘David Gilmore and Peter Ricketts organised a succession of people who allegedly knew what they were talking about to come in and see me. Hardly anyone from Hong Kong apart from one or two members of the Executive Council like Lydia Dunn.’

 

打电话的人中有Percy Cradock爵士。

彭定康的第一印象是，这位外交政策顾问和联合情报委员会的负责人，实际上是国家秘密的守护者，是一个'聪明'和'傲慢'的人。

珀西-柯利達爵士给我上了一堂非常枯燥的课，他说一切都已经决定了，没有什么可以决定的了，你只需要适当地实施它。

我认为他不喜欢我，更多是因为我是对他处理中国问题的想法的一种智力挑战，他的想法基本上是在每一个点上尽可能缓慢地投降。

 

Among the callers was Sir Percy Cradock. Patten’s first impression was that the foreign policy adviser and head of the Joint Intelligence Committee, in effect the keeper of the nation’s secrets, was a ‘clever’ and ‘arrogant’ man. ‘I was given a very dry lecture by Percy Cradock who said it had all been decided, there was nothing left to decide, you just had to implement it properly. I think his dislike of me had more to do with the fact that I was a sort of intellectual challenge to his idea of how you dealt with China, which was basically to surrender as slowly as possible at every point.’

 

这位新任总督是每个在某一领域工作了几十年的专家的噩梦的化身，他们确信一点知识就是一件危险的事情。

彭定康和梅杰开始相信，在与一个历史、文化、官僚机构和统治者都是错综复杂的外国势力打交道时，过多的知识也可能成为一种负担。

顾问提供建议，但政治家必须作出决定，这句格言对他们来说很重要；特别是当你的对手的行为表明，不作为总是最安全的政策。

 

The new governor personified the nightmare of every specialist who has laboured in a field for decades and is sure that a little knowledge is a dangerous thing. Patten and Major had come to believe that too much knowledge could also be a burden when dealing with a foreign power whose history, culture, bureaucracy and rulers exemplified the intricate. The adage that advisers advise but politicians must decide weighed upon them; particularly when the behaviour of your opponent suggested that inaction was always the safest policy.

 

事实上，彭定康并不是远东地区的新秀。

1979年，他作为一名年轻的议员，随一个代表团访问了香港，调查越南船民的状况，这些船民乘着漏水、拥挤的船沿中国南部海岸航行，冒着风暴和海盗，在英国殖民地的临时营地里栖息。

在这个过程中，他们看到了殖民政府如何未能满足年轻的、受教育程度更高的和更繁荣的当地人口的愿望。

年轻的彭定康与工党政治家泰德-罗兰兹（Ted Rowlands）一起，向总督默里-麦克利什爵士施压，要求在该地区引入地方一级的民主。

这是一次轻快的谈话，总督让他的来访者对遥远的东方事务有了正确的认识。

这些政客被带到了启德机场，并被送上了回国的飞机，毫无疑问，政府大楼里传来了叹息声，因为又有一群不知情的外来者被送上了路。

 

In fact Patten was no neophyte in the Far East. In 1979 he had visited Hong Kong as a young parliamentarian with a delegation investigating the conditions of Vietnamese boat people who had sailed in leaky, crowded boats along the southern Chinese coast, braving storms and pirates to fetch up in makeshift camps in the British colony. In the process they got a look at how colonial government was failing to match the aspirations of a young, better-educated and more prosperous local population. The young Patten joined an old hand, the Labour politician Ted Rowlands, to press the governor, Sir Murray MacLehose, to introduce democracy at a local level in the territory. It was a brisk conversation in which the governor put his visitors right about matters in the distant East. The politicians were duly conducted to Kai Tak airport and ushered onto their plane home, no doubt to sighs of relief in Government House that yet another group of ill-informed outsiders had been sent on their way.

 

1986年至1989年，彭定康作为英国的海外发展部长，将他的好奇心和智慧用于中国的增长模式。

1989年5月，当亚洲开发银行在北京举行年会时，他正担任该银行的副主席。

发展部长代表团发现自己身处一个政治示威风起云涌的首都，而安全部队却袖手旁观。

对他们中的一些人来说，这就像一场狂欢节，空气中弥漫着乐观的气氛。

 

As Britain’s minister for overseas development from 1986 to 1989, Patten had applied his curiosity and intelligence to the Chinese growth model. He was serving as vice chairman of the Asian Development Bank in May 1989 when the bank held its annual meeting in Beijing. The delegation of development ministers found themselves in a capital seething with political demonstrations while the security forces stood back. It felt to some of them like a carnival, and there was optimism in the air.

 

彭定康和他的同事们与赵紫阳面对面，像大多数局外人一样，不知道这位共产党的领导人即将在权力斗争中失败。

'我们被要求去见赵紫阳，而我们一直是周围这些不寻常事件的旁观者。

这就像身处法国大革命的中间。

这是不寻常的，不寻常的，如此令人兴奋。

我们坐在那里，每个人都在和他谈论农村电气化计划和初级卫生保健以及女性死亡率；过了一会儿，我说，党委书记，我们和你谈论的一切都非常重要，但是你不会介意我问你一个关于我们周围可以看到的事情。

 

Patten and his colleagues came face to face with Zhao Ziyang, unaware, like most outsiders, that the leader of the Communist Party was about to lose his struggle for power. ‘We were asked to go and see Zhao Ziyang, and we’d been spectators at these extraordinary events around us. It was like being in the middle of the French Revolution. It was extraordinary, extraordinary, so exciting. We’re sitting around there and everybody’s talking to him about rural electrification schemes and primary health care and female mortality rates; and I said after a bit, everything we’ve been talking to you about, Party Secretary, is very important but you won’t mind if I ask you a question about the things we can see around us.

 

彭定康回忆说，"这时他从口袋里拿出一张卡片。

这位共产党领导人宣读了他的谈话要点：领导层和党与学生一样关注腐败问题，有一种方法可以合法地解决他们的要求，他希望这些要求会被听到，其他领导人会倾听，绝食会结束。

这是赵紫阳后来通过扩音器向天安门广场上的抗议者发表的告别演说的预演。

 

‘At which point he produced a card from his pocket,’ Patten recalled. The Communist Party leader read out his talking points: the leadership and the party shared the students’ concerns about corruption, there was a way to resolve their demands legally, he hoped the demands would be heard, that other leaders would listen and that the hunger strikes would end. It was a preview of Zhao’s valedictory remarks which he later made through a megaphone to the protesters in Tiananmen Square itself.

 

他是一个有魅力的人，我记得他穿着一套西服，一套看起来非常便宜的浅灰色西服，他穿着长裤，你可以看到他的裤腿下面。

‘He was a charming man and I remember he was wearing a Western suit, a very cheap looking light grey Western suit, and he was wearing long johns which you could see below his trouser leg.’

 

在英国大使馆，彭定康听取了艾伦-唐纳德爵士的意见，他是一名汉学家，走的是典型的职业道路--在北京的初级职位，香港总督的政治顾问，在伦敦的高级职位，以及在担任驻中国大使之前的一系列大使职位。

他回忆说："艾伦-唐纳德的观点......是，这都是中国人正在玩的一个伟大的孙子游戏的一部分，不会有任何暴力，这将被管理，因为中国人总是以非常复杂的方式管理这些事情。

当时的香港总督卫奕信从他杰出的中国客人那里听到的也是这句话。

彭定康回忆说，饭桌上的一群 "顽固 "的记者，如《观察家报》的记者乔纳森-米尔斯基，并不相信。

他们说，"你在开玩笑。

他们要把坦克送进去。

 

At the British embassy, Patten heard the views of Sir Alan Donald, a Sinologist who had trodden the classic career path – a junior posting in Beijing, political adviser to the governor of Hong Kong, a high-level job in London and a clutch of ambassadorships before the prize posting as ambassador to China. ‘Alan Donald’s view … was that this was all part of a great Sun Tzu game that the Chinese were playing and that there wouldn’t be any violence and this would be managed as the Chinese always managed these things with great sophistication,’ he recalled. It was the same line that David Wilson, the governor of Hong Kong at the time, had heard from his distinguished Chinese visitor. Patten recalled that a group of ‘hard-bitten’ journalists at the dinner table, like Jonathan Mirsky, the correspondent of The Observer, were not convinced. ‘They said, “You’re joking. They’re going to send the tanks in”.’

 

大使用他自1950年代以来观察中国所积累的智慧进行了一番驳斥："艾伦说，我记得，你不知道你在说什么，如果你看一下警察，他们穿着棕色的运动鞋，如果你要磨练抗议者，你不会穿运动鞋。

彭定康没有忘记这个英国外交专长的例子。

1992年他出发去香港的时候，亚洲的专制主义者已经改写了剧本，将邓小平派遣坦克的决定解释为明智、勇敢、甚至富有同情心：这一举措牺牲了少数人的利益，为多数人赢得了稳定和繁荣的未来。

 

The ambassador delivered a put-down with the accumulated wisdom he had absorbed watching China since the 1950s: ‘Alan said, I remember, you don’t know what you’re talking about, if you look at the police they’re wearing brown plimsolls and if you’re going to grind the protesters you don’t wear plimsolls.’ Patten did not forget this example of British diplomatic expertise. By the time he set off for Hong Kong in 1992, authoritarians in Asia had rewritten the script to interpret Deng’s decision to send in the tanks as wise, brave, even compassionate: a move that sacrificed a few to gain stability and a prosperous future for the many.

 

在路上，彭定康在新加坡停留，听取了李光耀的建议，他在脱离英国独立后领导了这个城市国家。

两人在政治上争论不休，"总是争论不休"，但相处融洽。

从非常不同的角度来看，他们对政治有着共同的迷恋。

李光耀对天安门抗议活动的解决方案很简单，他告诉彭定康：中国人 "应该在广场上放点天花"。

 

On his way Patten stopped over in Singapore to hear the counsel of Lee Kuan Yew, who had led the city-state after its independence from Britain. The two sparred over politics and ‘always argued’ but got on well. From very different perspectives, they shared a fascination for politics. Lee’s solution for the Tiananmen protests was simple, he told Patten; the Chinese ‘should just have introduced a bit of smallpox in the square’.

 

彭定康询问了香港总督可以采取的不太激烈的政策。

李光耀的建议是，他应该把总督的职位当作一个政治职位，就像他刚刚赢得了一场响亮的选举。

彭定康回忆说："你应该确定你在未来五年内要做的事情，制定你的优先事项，然后坚持下去。

'而且，他说，不要破坏条约。

不要破坏《联合声明》，而只是填补空白。

我认为这是非常好的建议，总的来说，这也是我努力去做的。

 

Patten enquired about the less drastic policies available to the governor of Hong Kong. Lee’s advice was that he should treat the governorship as a political office and as if he had just won a resounding election. ‘You should set out what you’re going to do over the next five years, make your priorities and then stick to it,’ Patten recalled him as saying. ‘And, he said, don’t break the treaties. Don’t break the Joint Declaration but just fill in the gaps. I thought it was extremely good advice and, by and large, it was what I tried to do.’

 

新任总督于1992年7月9日抵达香港，这一天天气炎热，由第一位华人首席法官杨铁樑爵士主持宣誓就职。

慕蓮夫人號将彭定康、他的家人和他的随行人员送过维多利亚港参加仪式。

总督身穿灰色西装，白色衬衫和有图案的领带。

殖民地时代的鸵鸟翎、奖章和白色礼服制服已不复存在。

一些外籍人士感到愤慨。

中国人民怀着好奇和某种戒心看着他们最新的统治者。

 

The new governor arrived in Hong Kong on 9 July 1992, a sweltering day, and was sworn in by the first Chinese chief justice, Sir Ti-liang Yang. The Lady Maurine conveyed Patten, his family and his entourage across Victoria Harbour to the ceremony. The governor wore a grey suit, white shirt and patterned tie. Gone were the ostrich plumes, medals and white dress uniform of the colonial era. Some expatriates were outraged. The Chinese population watched their latest ruler with curiosity and a certain wariness.

 

这个工作实际上是一个繁荣的大城市的市长，管理一个高薪的公务员队伍，监督雄心勃勃的项目。

香港总督将这一角色与通常由政府首脑履行的职责结合起来；在这种情况下，他们以一个遥远的主权国家元首的名义进行管理。

这是一个奇怪的混合体。

卫奕信爵士以其低调的方式，成长为一个独特的香港代表，前往北京、深圳和伦敦参加外交会谈，与联合国和越南就船民问题进行谈判，介入推动贸易谈判，并在政策辩论中为殖民地发声。

然而，从一开始，彭定康就被政治所困。

 

The job was in effect to be mayor of a big, prosperous city, running a well-paid civil service and overseeing ambitious projects. Governors of Hong Kong combined this role with the duties normally carried out by a head of government; in this case one governing in the name of a distant sovereign who was head of state. It was a curious hybrid. In his understated way, Sir David Wilson had grown into a distinct representative of Hong Kong, travelling for diplomatic talks to Beijing, Shenzhen and London, negotiating with the United Nations and Vietnam over the boat people, intervening to nudge trade talks forward and speaking up for the colony in policy debates. From the outset, however, Patten was trapped by politics.

 

对中国官员来说，从与卫奕信这样的行政官员打交道到与彭定康这样的政治家打交道的变化是不受欢迎的，尽管共产党自己的意识形态戒律是，政治必须永远占据主导。

驻香港的有影响力的官员张浚生的反应很典型："彭定康是一个典型的西方政治家。

在西方，政治家和政治家这两个词差别不大，但在中国却有很大差别。

政治家有良好的品格，有出色的服务能力，能为国家和社会做出成绩。

而政治家则是一个善变的、两面三刀的、不诚实的人，为了个人利益而行事。

彭定康只是一个政客'。

 

To Chinese officials the change from dealing with an administrator like Wilson to handling a politician of Patten’s calibre was unwelcome, despite the Communist Party’s own ideological precept that politics must always take command. The reaction of Zhang Junsheng, the influential official stationed in Hong Kong, was typical: ‘Patten was a typical Western politician. In the West, the words politician and statesman do not differ very much but in Chinese there is a big difference. A statesman has good character, excellent ability to serve and to achieve things for the country and society. A politician, on the other hand, is a fickle, double-dealing, dishonest person who acts for personal gain. Patten was just a politician.’

 

张浚生引用了一位早期总督亚历山大-格兰瑟姆爵士的话，他说，虽然殖民地官员为他们所治理的地方尽心尽力，但最终他们的利益是祖国的利益，而不是殖民地的。

'这就是事实，'他说。

'彭定康没有说实话。

他总是谈及香港的利益。

事实上，他充满了旧的殖民主义思想，不知道世界上文化的多样性。

他很固执，对中国充满了偏见。

他对中国的印象来自魏京生等人的书，他甚至把一些充满诽谤毛泽东的捏造的书说成是 "爆炸性的"。

在这些话中，张浚生用与外交部和商业机构中批评他的人相同的术语分析了新总督的做法，他们认为，在声称将香港放在首位的同时，他通过与中国对抗将香港置于危险之中。

 

Zhang cited the words of an earlier governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, who said that while colonial officials did their best for the places they governed, in the end their interests were those of the motherland, not the colony. ‘This was the truth,’ he said. ‘Patten did not tell the truth. He always talked about Hong Kong’s interests. In fact he was full of old colonialist ideas and did not know the diversity of cultures in the world. He was stubborn and full of prejudice about China. His impressions of China were drawn from books by Wei Jingsheng and others and he even described some of the made-up books full of slander against Mao Zedong as “explosive”.’ In these words Zhang analysed the new governor’s approach in the same terms as his critics in the Foreign Office and the business establishment, who argued that while claiming to put Hong Kong first he was putting it in jeopardy by confronting China.

 

毋庸置疑，彭定康并不这样认为。

他认为在1997年之前加强香港的最好办法是建立政治机构，以承受不可避免的回归压力。

做到这一点的方法是扩大 "港人治港 "的作用，这个口号在形式上得到了共产党的认同。

不同的是，彭定康希望通过自由选举来实现这一目标，而共产党对这一前景感到厌恶。

在他的总督回忆录中，他引用了一位前香港公务员的话："彭定康完全误解了他们。

他们并不像他所担心的那样想操纵选举。

他们只是想提前知道结果。

Needless to say, Patten did not see it that way. He believed the best way to strengthen Hong Kong before 1997 was to build political institutions that would withstand the inevitable pressure of reunification. The way to do that was to expand the role of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong’, a slogan that was formally shared by the Communist Party. The difference was that Patten wanted to do it by free elections, a prospect which the party found abhorrent. In his memoir of the governorship, he quoted a former Hong Kong civil servant as saying: ‘Patten has got them completely wrong. They don’t want to rig the elections as he fears. They just want to know the results in advance.’

 

任何给予香港更多民主的计划都受到了数学和外交的限制。

殖民地的选举制度非常复杂，所以值得记住一个简化方案。

1995年，将有一个由60名成员组成的新立法会。

20名议员将由 "地理 "选区的直接选举产生。

30人将从代表行业和专业的 "功能 "选区选出。

剩下的10人由选举委员会选出。

除了这个大纲之外，还有很多地方是模糊的。

 

Any plan to give Hong Kong more democracy was constrained by mathematics and diplomacy. The colony’s electoral system was absurdly complicated, so it is worth keeping a simplified scheme in mind. In 1995 there would be a new Legislative Council of sixty members. Twenty were to be chosen by direct elections in ‘geographical’ constituencies. Thirty would be drawn from ‘functional’ constituencies representing trades and professions. The remaining ten were to be picked by an Election Committee. Beyond that outline, much was vague.

 

地方选区很简单。

他们采用得票最多者当选的制度，胜者为王。

正如我们所看到的，功能选区是殖民时代在不放弃行政权力的情况下扩大代表权的努力的遗留物，有些人认为这种方法适合亚洲的和谐与共识概念。

彭定康的观点是西方民主政治家的观点；他认为功能组别是一种憎恶。

设计这些制度的人一定对英国18世纪议会历史上最糟糕的弊端有很好的了解，并可能得出结论，这种制度会吸引香港的商业大亨，就像两个世纪前吸引英国人一样。

 

The geographical constituencies were simple. They used a first-past-the-post system in which the winner took all. The functional constituencies, as we have seen, were relics of a colonial-era effort to broaden representation without surrendering executive power, a method some thought suitable for Asian concepts of harmony and consensus. Patten’s views were those of a democratic Western politician; he thought functional constituencies an abomination. ‘Whoever had devised them must have had a good working knowledge of the worst abuses of British eighteenth-century parliamentary history, and had presumably concluded that such a system would appeal to the business barons of Hong Kong as it had to those of Britain two centuries before.’

 

它还向中国共产党发出了呼吁。

选民的数量受到限制。

在一个席位上，只有不到50人投了票。

像中国商会这样组织严密的团体，可以指望他们站在党的立场上。

在许多选区，情况甚至更简单，因为只有一个候选人，所以投票是没有争议的。

这个制度不透明，以赞助人为主导，容易产生腐败，它可能是为党的统战部门设计的，自1930年代以来，统战部门一直善于渗透到中国的这类机构中。

 

It also appealed to the Chinese Communist Party. The number of voters was restricted. In one seat fewer than fifty people cast a vote. Well-regimented groups such as the Chinese Chamber of Commerce could be counted on to toe the party line. In many constituencies it was even simpler because only one candidate ever stood, so the vote was uncontested. Opaque, patronage-driven and prone to corruption, the system might as well have been designed for the party’s United Front department, which had been adept at infiltrating such institutions in China since the 1930s.

 

香港非民主的第三个支柱是选举委员会，该委员会有十个席位。

中国官员和殖民地行政长官都设想了一个由精心挑选的重要人物组成的委员会，这些人可以被信任，可以提供正确的结果。

在这里，党作为影响者也是最娴熟的，并喜欢这种想法。

 

The third pillar of non-democracy in Hong Kong was the Election Committee, which had ten seats in its gift. Chinese officials and colonial administrators alike envisaged a committee of handpicked worthies who might be trusted to deliver the right results. Here, too, the party was at its most skilful as an influencer and liked the idea of it.

 

这是一个多层面的难题。

彭定康组建了一个团队，在他第一个炎热的夏天努力解决这个难题。

他把两名特别顾问带到了香港。

 

Martin Dinham，他在担任海外发展部长时曾是他的私人秘书，还有一位聪明的政治家Edward Llewellyn，他来自保守党，总督意识到，他的人脉关系无处不在。

但是，正是香港公务员的智慧和专业知识创造了这个城市的第一个可信的大众民主实验。

幕后策划者是政制事务局局长施祖祥，他领导了一批以起草能力见长的本地官员。

香港政府中最优秀和最聪明的人都被召集来完成这项任务。

 

It was a puzzle in multiple dimensions. Patten assembled a team that worked over his first sweltering summer to solve the conundrum. He brought two special advisers to Hong Kong: Martin Dinham, who had been his private secretary when he was overseas development minister, and a smart political operator called Edward Llewellyn, who had come from the Conservative Party and was, the governor realised, ubiquitously well-connected. But it was the brains and expertise of the Hong Kong civil service that created the city’s first credible experiment in mass democracy. The mastermind was Michael Sze, the Secretary for Constitutional Affairs, who led a group of local officials distinguished by their drafting skills. The best and the brightest of the Hong Kong administration were summoned to the task.

 

彭定康回忆说："我们立即同意，我们不能改变直选议席的数量，这已经写在石头上。

这是两年前中英双方谈判的核心问题，双方都把注意力集中在直选议席上，也许双方都忘记了在选举的其他方面留有回旋余地。

彭定康团队开始寻找缺口，"尽可能用法治和民主的可能性来填补这些缺口"。

他们的建议是激进的，而且在中国官方看来是故意颠覆的。

简而言之，最后一个殖民时期的香港政府提议推翻几十年来的渐进式变革，并在一个几乎不了解民主现象的城市中支持大众民主政治。

 

‘We straight away agreed that we couldn’t change the number of directly elected seats, that was written in stone,’ Patten recalled. This had been the crux of negotiations between the British and the Chinese two years earlier, and so concentrated was the focus on directly elected seats that perhaps both sides had forgotten to look at the room thus left for manoeuvre in other parts of the electoral landscape. The Patten team began to look for the gaps, to ‘fill the interstices with rule of law and democratic possibilities wherever one could’. Their proposals were radical and, to the official Chinese mind, deliberately subversive. In short, the last colonial Hong Kong government proposed to overturn decades of incremental change and to throw its weight behind mass democratic politics in a city that had barely known the phenomenon.

 

投票年龄从21岁降至18岁。

通过废除所有的委任席位，在低层政府、区议会和市议会的选举中建立了充分的民主。

立法会的地方选区选举将以一票选出一名议员的方式进行，取代了每个选民有两票、每个选区有两名议员的旧方式。

 

The voting age was cut to eighteen from twenty-one. Full democracy was established in elections to the lower tiers of government, district boards and municipal councils, by abolishing all appointed seats. Elections from geographical constituencies to the Legislative Council would be conducted by one vote for a single member, replacing the old way of each elector having two votes and two members serving for each constituency.

 

激进的做法是对21个功能区的特权进行攻击。

彭定康没有试图废除这一制度，而是通过创建九个新的选区来稀释它。

公司投票被取消，改为每个部门的个人投票，使老板们更难为中国提供集团投票。

通过这一举措，超过一百万的新选民加入了选民队伍，1995年的选举中共有2,572,124人登记。

 

The radical stroke came in an assault on the privileges of the twenty-one functional constituencies. Instead of trying to abolish the system, Patten diluted it by creating nine new constituencies. Corporate voting was abolished in favour of individual votes within each sector, making it harder for bosses to deliver bloc votes for China. More than a million new voters joined the electorate by this move, yielding a total of 2,572,124 people registered for the 1995 elections.

 

不民主的选举委员会有10个席位要分配，这个问题通过从区议会的民选议员中挑选成员来解决。

为了使问题进一步复杂化，他们将使用单一的可转移投票来选择立法者。

作为对北京的一个姿态，取消了对香港全国人民代表大会代表参加选举的限制。

 

The problem of the undemocratic Election Committee, with its ten seats to allocate, was solved by choosing its members from elected councillors of the district boards. Just to complicate matters further, they would use a single transferable vote to pick legislators. As a gesture to Beijing, restrictions on delegates from Hong Kong to the National People’s Congress standing in elections were removed.

 

总督将保留他的行政顾问委员会，包括来自政府的官方成员和来自地方机构的非官方成员。

没有当选的政治家在其中任职，从而将立法机关与行政机关分开。

彭定康曾想过任命李柱铭为该小组成员，但这一想法对中国是一种挑衅，因此被放弃了。

尽管执委会在形式上没有权力，但它却很有影响力。

彭定康本人认为这一制度是 "日落殖民主义的混乱的宪法后果"，但这是他所坚持的制度。

这个计划是复杂而大胆的，但也是一种妥协。

 

The governor would keep his Executive Council of advisers, comprising official members drawn from the administration and unofficial members from the ranks of the local establishment. No elected politicians were to serve on it, thus separating the legislature from the executive. Patten had thought of appointing Martin Lee to the group, but the idea was provocative to China and it was dropped. Although Exco was formally powerless, it was influential. Patten himself regarded the system as ‘a messy constitutional consequence of sunset colonialism’, but it was the one he was stuck with. The plan was intricate and audacious but it was also a compromise.

 

彭定康说："它受到了来自两方面的攻击。

'它在香港受到了民主党的攻击，他们说它走得不够远。

其次，它受到了中国的攻击，因为我们没有首先与他们达成一致，我们公开说我们必须在香港进行会谈，然后再与他们会谈。

这当然违反了他们的基本原则之一--如果是原则的话--即香港的未来与香港人无关。

 

‘It was attacked from two sides,’ Patten said. ‘It was attacked in Hong Kong by the Democrats who said it didn’t go far enough. Secondly it was attacked by China because we hadn’t agreed with them first and we’d publicly said we had to talk in Hong Kong before we talked to them. This of course contravened one of their basic principles – if principle it is – that the future of Hong Kong had nothing to do with the people of Hong Kong.’

 

一方面，人们对英国在第二次世界大战后为促进香港的民主所做的工作如此之少感到自责和遗憾。

1946年，总督楊慕琦爵士从囚禁中返回，他在1941年12月向日本人投降了该殖民地。

他意识到这次战败打击了英国人的威信，认为现在是树立新观念的时候了，并认为 "领土上的居民可以在管理自己的事务中得到更充分和更负责任的份额"。

杨设想 "将迄今为止由政府行使的某些内部管理职能移交给一个在充分代表的基础上组成的市政委员会"。

他认为，将政府的部分职能移交给这样一个理事会可能是 "一种适当和可接受的方式，使香港所有社区有机会通过其负责任的代表更积极地参与领土的管理"。

 

On one side, there was recrimination and regret that Britain had done so little to promote democracy in Hong Kong after the Second World War. In 1946, the governor, Sir Mark Young, had returned from captivity, having surrendered the colony to the Japanese in December 1941. He was conscious that the defeat had shattered British prestige, felt it was time for a new outlook and believed that ‘the inhabitants of the Territory can be given a fuller and more responsible share in the management of their own affairs’. Young envisaged ‘handing over certain functions of internal administration, hitherto exercised by the Government, to a Municipal Council constituted on a fully representative basis’. He felt that transferring part of government to such a council might be ‘an appropriate and acceptable means of affording to all communities in Hong Kong an opportunity of more active participation, through their responsible representatives, in the administration of the Territory’.

 

这些改革建议在当时具有深远的意义。

在不可避免的地方游说和拖延之后，送到伦敦的 "青年计划 "设想了一个议会，其中三分之二的席位将通过直接选举产生，其余三分之一由机构任命。

所有成年人都将有投票权，这是香港历史上从未考虑过的对选举权的彻底扩展。

立法会将进行改革，使其更具代表性，尽管其成员的投票权只保留给英国国民。

楊慕琦还呼吁将有才能的中国公务员提拔到高级职位。

 

These proposed reforms were far-reaching for the period. The ‘Young Plan’ sent to London after the inevitable local lobbying and procrastination envisaged a council in which two-thirds of the seats would be chosen by direct elections, the remaining one-third being appointed by institutions. All adults would have a vote, a radical extension of the franchise never contemplated before in the history of Hong Kong. The Legislative Council would be reformed to make it more representative, although voting for its members was reserved for British subjects. Young also called for the promotion of talented Chinese civil servants to senior positions.

 

但是，杨的健康因日本人的虐待而受到损害，日本人把他运到台湾、日本，最终运到满洲里的一个营地。

1947年，他把权力交给了葛量洪爵士，他是桑德赫斯特和剑桥大学的学生，战前在殖民地服役的经历使他对香港的看法产生了变化。

葛量洪赞成仁慈的专制制度，不喜欢把选票给中国人的花哨想法。

杨氏计划在这个过程中被扼杀了，而伦敦的工党政府则拖着后腿，直到1949年共产党的胜利使一百万难民从中国涌入殖民地。

随着1950年朝鲜战争的爆发和冷战的开始，香港成为西方的一个孤立的前哨。

1952年，政治改革因 "不合时宜 "而被搁置。

这些改革在几十年内都是 "不合时宜的"。

 

But Young’s health had been undermined by ill-treatment at the hands of the Japanese, who had shipped him to Taiwan, Japan and eventually to a camp in Manchuria. In 1947 he handed over to Sir Alexander Grantham, a product of Sandhurst and Cambridge whose view of Hong Kong was coloured by his pre-war military service in the colony. Grantham favoured benevolent autocracy and disliked fancy ideas about giving votes to the Chinese. The Young Plan was duly smothered in process, while the Labour government in London dragged its heels until the Communist victory in 1949 brought a million refugees pouring into the colony from China. With the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 and the start of the Cold War, Hong Kong became an isolated outpost of the West. Political reforms were shelved in 1952 as ‘inopportune’. They would remain ‘inopportune’ for decades.

 

对许多香港人来说，无论他们是厌恶作为殖民者的英国人，还是尊重作为管理者的英国人，彭定康改革的突然出现，都有一种良心上的追溯，或者是为了在未来的岁月里逃避谴责的仓促尝试。

对于最杰出的民主党政治家李柱铭来说，这些改革太少太晚了。

多年来，英国政府采取绥靖政策，当然是从珀西-柯利達爵士开始，通过故意视而不见的方式进行绥靖，已经造成了损害。

绥靖政策一直被采用到彭定康。

他推动了适度的民主改革。

他得到了这些。

因此，他最重要的成就是让香港人尝到了部分民主的滋味，从而点燃了，如果你愿意，民主的火焰。

 

To many Hong Kong people, whether they loathed the British as colonialists or respected them as administrators, the sudden advent of the Patten reforms smacked of a retrospective attack of conscience or a hasty attempt to escape censure in the years to come. For Martin Lee, the most prominent Democratic politician, the reforms were too little, too late. ‘The damage has been done throughout the years by the British government adopting a policy of appeasement, of course starting with Percy Cradock, appeasement by deliberately turning a blind eye. Appeasement was adopted all the way to Patten. He pushed for moderately democratic reforms. He got them. His most important achievement therefore was to allow the Hong Kong people to have a taste of partial democracy, thereby igniting, if you like, the flame of democracy.’

 

在这最后一点上，如果没有其他问题，中国政府同意李柱铭的观点。

 

On this last point, if no other, the Chinese government agreed with Martin Lee.

 

在一位精力充沛的政治家的推动下，现在事情的进展与中英两国官员已经习惯的正式和秘密外交的庄严节奏不同。

从1992年夏末开始，事情就进入了碰撞的阶段。

在这一过程中，彭定康在香港获得了巨大的成功。

他的诋毁者说这是一个残酷的幻觉。

无论从什么角度看，这一系列事件对香港此后发生的一切都至关重要，这就是为什么双方都热衷于为其涂上最好的光泽。

 

Driven by an energetic politician, things now moved at a different pace from the stately rhythm of formal and secret diplomacy to which both Chinese and British officials had become accustomed. From the late summer of 1992 things were on a collision course. In the process, Patten became a popular success in Hong Kong. His detractors said it was a cruel illusion. From whatever perspective, the sequence of events was critical to everything that has happened since in Hong Kong, which is why both sides are keen to put their best gloss on it.

 

总督本人在准备工作中运用了他相当高的社交技巧，或者说他是这么认为的。

他邀请从未访问过香港的中国驻伦敦大使馬毓真在回家休年假的路上经过殖民地。

彭定康回忆说："马大使是一个很好、很有礼貌的人。

总督在晚上带他乘坐直升机游览香港，在长洲的离岛上降落。

在那里，他们登上Maurine夫人号，在海上享用自助晚餐。

彭定康说："我向他说明了我要做什么。

他觉得信息已经传达到了。

 

The governor himself deployed his considerable social skill in preparing the ground, or so he thought. He invited the Chinese ambassador to London, Ma Yuzhen, who had never visited Hong Kong, to pass through the colony on his way home for annual leave. ‘Ambassador Ma was a good and silky and sophisticated fellow,’ Patten recalled. The governor took him on a helicopter tour of the territory at night, landing on the outlying island of Cheung Chau. There they boarded the Lady Maurine for a buffet dinner at sea. ‘I set out for him in terms what I was going to do,’ said Patten. He felt the message had got through.

 

9月14日，彭定康飞回英国，向内阁介绍他的建议。

他赢得了他们的赞同。

他还采取了预防措施，向两位前首相爱德华-希思和玛格丽特-撒切尔、一位前外交大臣杰弗里-豪，以及两位在世的前总督麦理浩勋爵和新晋的卫奕信勋爵做了简报。

他声称，没有人提出任何批评，尽管麦理浩对民主持保留态度，并认为香港的民主派是喧闹的少数。

 

On 14 September, Patten flew back to Britain to brief the cabinet on his proposals. He won their approval. He also took the precaution of briefing two former prime ministers, Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher, a former foreign secretary, Geoffrey Howe, and the two living former governors, Lord MacLehose and the newly ennobled Lord Wilson. None, he claimed, offered any criticism, although MacLehose viewed democracy with reserve and thought Hong Kong’s democrats a noisy minority.

 

两天后，他回到香港，与现在被任命为北京驻殖民地领事的中国谈判代表周南共进晚餐，这是一种可疑的乐趣。

他的下属、善于观察的张浚生从中国人的角度为这一场合留下了一幅笔画。

它发生在周南在赤柱的官方别墅，位于香港岛安静、绿树成荫的南面。

 

He returned two days later to the dubious pleasure of a dinner with Zhou Nan, the Chinese negotiator who had now been appointed as Beijing’s proconsul in the colony. The observant Zhang Junsheng, his subordinate, has left a pen picture of the occasion from a Chinese point of view. It took place at Zhou’s official villa at Stanley, on the quiet, leafy south side of Hong Kong island.

 

那天飞机晚点，我们等了很久。

只有一张桌子是为家庭晚宴准备的，所以就只有我们和彭定康、他的妻子和两个女儿。

香港的天气非常热，我站在前门，而周南和他的妻子在接待室等待。

最终他到了，我们和他进行了一次欢迎谈话。

我们问，他对政治重组会怎么说？他的施政报告将于10月7日发表。

 

‘The plane was late that day and we waited for a long time. There was just one table set for a family dinner so it would be us with Patten, his wife and two daughters. It was so hot in Hong Kong that I stood at the front door while Zhou Nan and his wife waited in the reception room. Eventually he arrived and we had a welcome talk with him. What would he say about political restructuring, we asked? His policy address was due on 7 October.

 

'如果这是卫奕信总督，我们可以友好地交换一下意见。

但彭定康非常不合作。

他坐在那里，抬着一只脚，态度很傲慢。

当周南问他问题时，他抚摸着下巴，把眼睛翻到天花板上，说他没有考虑过这个问题。

这时，周南给我使了个眼色，表示这个人不会和我们很好地合作--只有半个月的时间，但他说他没有考虑过。

他不跟我们喘气，我们也没有什么别的话说。

于是我们就进去吃饭了。

 

‘If this was Governor Wilson, we could have had a friendly exchange of views. But Patten was very un-cooperative. He sat there with one foot up and his attitude was arrogant. As Zhou Nan asked him questions, he stroked his chin, rolled his eyes to the ceiling and said he hadn’t considered the matter. At this, Zhou Nan gave me a wink, indicating that this person will not co-operate well with us – there’s only half a month to go but he’s saying he hasn’t considered it. He wouldn’t breathe a word to us and we didn’t have much else to say. So we went in to dinner.’

 

主人又开始了传统的赌博，用茅台酒来招待他们的客人，茅台酒是宴会上敬酒时喝的烈性酒。

彭定康喜欢喝酒，尽管西方人不善于喝酒，"张浚生写道，他也许不知道英国议会的欢庆习俗。

'给他一杯，他喝了。

再倒一杯，他很快就喝完了。

在他喝的时候，他的一个女儿向他投来焦急的目光，似乎在说他不应该喝这么多。

无论是茅台还是周南的谈话魅力，他能说流利的英语并能引用莎士比亚的作品，在斯坦利楼上的别墅里那个闷热的夜晚，都没能成功地让总督松口。

 

The hosts fell back on the traditional gambit of plying their guest with mao tai, the fiery liquor quaffed in toasts at banquets. ‘Patten loved to drink even though westerners cannot handle alcohol,’ wrote Zhang, who was perhaps unaware of the convivial customs of the British Parliament. ‘Give him a glass, he drank it. Pour another one, he quickly finished it. As he drank, one of his daughters shot him an anxious look as if to say he should not be drinking so much.’ Neither the mao tai nor the conversational charms of Zhou Nan, who spoke fluent English and could quote Shakespeare, succeeded in loosening the governor’s tongue that sultry night in the villa above Stanley.

 

球传给了中国外交部长钱其琛，他前往纽约参加联合国大会。

9月25日下午，他会见了英国外交部长道格拉斯-赫德（Douglas Hurd），赫德逐点揭开了迄今为止保密的计划。

根据赫德的回忆录，与钱的谈话持续了两个多小时。

赫德回忆说："他总是一个谨慎和有纪律的对话者，没有发表任何实质性的评论。

鉴于该计划的复杂性，这并不令人惊讶。

 但钱其琛对程序也没有说什么。

那天下午他没有抱怨说我们无权在没有中国批准的情况下宣布宪法计划。

 

The ball passed to the Chinese foreign minister, Qian Qichen, who headed to New York for the United Nations General Assembly. On the afternoon of 25 September he met Douglas Hurd, his British counterpart, who unveiled point by point the plan thus far kept secret. The talk with Qian lasted more than two hours, according to Hurd’s memoirs. ‘Always a cautious and disciplined interlocutor, he made no comment of substance,’ Hurd recalled. That was not surprising, given the complexity of the plan. But Qian said nothing about procedure, either. ‘He did not complain that afternoon that we had no right to go ahead with announcing constitutional plans without Chinese approval.’

 

钱其琛用政治局的外交辞令掩盖了自己的背影，这些外交辞令将不置可否的人包裹在对以前立场的高度指示性叙述中，并以认为适当的口号作为装饰。

他在自己的回忆录中写道："我当场发表声明，强调1995年的选举安排应经双方同意，并应符合《基本法》。

他在自己的回忆录中写道："钱其琛补充说，他将把所说的话转达给北京。

 

Qian covered his own back in Politburo diplomatese, which wreathed the noncommittal in highly indicative recitals of previous positions, adorned by such slogans as were thought appropriate. ‘I made a statement on the spot stressing that the arrangements for the 1995 elections should be agreed upon by both sides and should be in line with the Basic Law,’ he wrote in his own memoir. Qian added that he would pass on what had been said to Beijing.

 

如果这是中国人的拒绝，那么它在道格拉斯-赫德的伊顿公学和牛津大学的反应中被忽视了。

最有可能的是，这又是一个文化不理解的例子，一方认为自己提出了一个观点，但另一方却没有抓住它。

马戛尔尼勋爵和清朝大臣和珅的影子，可能在那天的联合国大楼里跳舞。

 

If this was a Chinese rejection, it got past the Eton and Oxford reflexes of Douglas Hurd unnoticed. Most likely it was another example of cultural incomprehension, where one side thought it had made a point but the other failed to grasp it. The shades of Lord Macartney and Heshen, the Qing courtier, might have danced in the wings of the United Nations building that day.

 

在北京，英国大使馆递交了一份概述这些计划的说明。

他们现在已经进入了中国的系统，但在10月7日彭定康的施政报告之前，短暂的时间表给北京的官僚和部门间程序带来了压力。

可以说，最后期限不利于创造性思维，迫使中国决策者采取安全和不灵活的立场。

同样，也可以说，如果没有最后期限的压力，中方就会采取其惯用的策略，在每一个小条款上耗尽对手，发动 "斗争性外交"。

 

In Beijing, the British embassy handed over a note outlining the plans. They were now inside the Chinese system, but the short timetable before Patten’s policy address on 7 October put a strain on the bureaucratic and inter-departmental processes in Beijing. It is arguable that the deadline worked against creative thinking and forced Chinese decision-makers to take safe and inflexible positions. Equally, it could be argued that without deadline pressure the Chinese side would have adopted its customary tactic of wearing down its opponent and waging ‘struggle diplomacy’ over every minor clause.

 

钱其琛没花多少时间就想出了一个精辟的表述。

他正确地看穿了这种平淡无奇的做法，认为这是在试图 "极大地改变以行政为主导的政治体制......并迅速增加立法机构的权力"。

他写道，彭定康的计划破坏了《联合声明》，破坏了《基本法》的原则，也破坏了中英之间的秘密协议和谅解，即未经协商不得对香港进行宪法修改。

钱其琛将这些称为 "三违"，当他的话被港澳办主任鲁平放大后，这位总督通过一个古怪的翻译被称为 "三违者"。

 

It did not take Qian Qichen long to come up with a pithy formulation. He correctly saw through the blandness to grasp that this was an attempt ‘to change the political system dramatically from one that was executive-led … and to rapidly increase the power of the legislature’. Patten’s plans, he wrote, broke the Joint Declaration, broke the principles of the Basic Law and broke confidential agreements and understandings between China and Britain that no constitutional changes in Hong Kong would be made without consultation. Qian labelled these the ‘three violations’ and when his words were amplified by Lu Ping, the head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, the governor became known through a quirk of translation as ‘the triple violator’.

 

这个绰号在外籍人士的酒吧里带来了滑稽的笑声，但中国人的反应是致命的严肃。

事后看来，中国显然将这个方案视为对新的主权国家权威的威胁。

钱其琛在他的回忆录中的判断与宣传相呼应，但它是中国对香港政治态度的一个知情指南。

他宣称："英方显然决定挑起事端，完全无视中国的反对。

他说，这是在故意'挑起公众辩论'，利用公众舆论对中国施加压力。

彭定康想'用既成事实来要挟中方，让我们根据他的方案提出反建议。

 

The epithet brought ribald laughter in expatriate bars but the Chinese reaction was deadly serious. It is clear in hindsight that China viewed the package as a threat to the authority of the new sovereign power. Qian’s verdict in his memoirs echoed the propaganda, yet it is an informed guide to China’s attitudes to the politics of Hong Kong. ‘The British side apparently decided to stir up trouble completely ignoring China’s opposition,’ he proclaimed. It was, he said, a deliberate attempt ‘to provoke public debate’ and to use public opinion to put pressure on China. Patten wanted to ‘blackmail the Chinese side with a fait accompli and to get us to make counter-proposals based on his scheme.

 

'我们指出，香港回归前后的未来政治制度因此无法调和。

所以中国要求彭定康先'改变态度'，然后公开撤回他的政改方案。

 

‘We pointed out that the future political systems in Hong Kong before and after the handover could not therefore be reconciled.’ So China demanded that Patten first ‘change his attitude’ and then publicly withdraw his political reform plan.

 

这是一段欺骗性的平静的插曲。

在幕后，中国各派别正围绕着一条僵硬的路线进行团结。

张浚生描述了对立的权力中心--香港的新华社、北京的外交部和港澳办--的负责人如何掩盖他们的分歧，起草一份拒绝改革的联合声明。

 

This was an interlude of deceptive calm. Behind the scenes, Chinese factions were coalescing around a rigid line. Zhang Junsheng described how the heads of the rival power centres – the New China News Agency in Hong Kong, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing and the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office – buried their differences to draft a joint response rejecting the reforms.

 

可以指望周南这个花岗岩般的人物采取不屈不挠的立场。

外交部长钱其琛已经决定，"中国不希望发生这种情况"。

至于香港和澳门事务办公室，鲁平觉得自己受到了侮辱。

在事关国家主权的问题上，没有他所谓的温和观点的位置。

例如，他认为在商业选区给工人投票是个坏主意，因为 "以这种方式选出的议员可能是普通雇员，他们不代表商业界的利益，因为他们的人数自然比老板多。

这是不合理的。

鲁平受中央委员会之命，负责处理麻烦的总督。

彭定康推翻了一切，"他回忆说，"所以邓小平说："就这样吧! 从头再来"。

 

The granite figure of Zhou Nan could be counted on for an unyielding stance. The foreign minister, Qian, had already decided that ‘China did not want this to happen.’ As for the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, Lu Ping felt personally affronted. There was no place for his supposedly milder views in a matter of national sovereignty. Sometimes painted as a closet liberal, Lu held opinions favouring elite rule in Hong Kong which some might have thought uncharacteristic for a Communist; he felt, for example, that it was a bad idea to give votes to workers in the business constituencies because ‘councillors elected in this way are likely to be ordinary employees who do not represent the interests of the business community since there are naturally more of them than there are bosses. That’s not reasonable.’ Lu was ordered by the central committee to take charge of handling the troublesome governor. ‘Patten overthrew everything,’ he recalled, ‘so Deng Xiaoping said “That’s it! Start all over again”.’

 

从9月25日的钱其琛会议到10月7日的总督讲话，中国就这样进入了一个坚硬的立场，在接下来的三十年里，它都不会放弃这个立场，使香港陷入一个无法解决的叛乱和反应的循环。

我们现在从钱其琛、鲁平、周南和张浚生的回忆录中得知，中国政府认为如果它接受改革就会失去面子；不仅因为它们是民主的，而且因为它们是在没有事先公开和恭敬地咨询首都的情况下在香港制定和公布的。

此外，中国的制度根本无法应对政治家用来应对不断变化的环境的那种快速和灵活的政策制定。

它被锁定在一套仪式和长期规定的公式中，这些公式是在1978年至1984年期间通过多年的演变讨论而形成的。

它的原则是刻在石头上的，不可能被凿掉。

邓小平本人曾说过，中国人民不会原谅或理解。

 

Between the Qian–Hurd meeting on 25 September and the governor’s address on 7 October, China thus raced into an adamantine position from which it would not resile for the next three decades, condemning Hong Kong to a cycle of rebellion and reaction that could not be resolved. We now know from the memoirs of Qian Qichen, Lu Ping, Zhou Nan and Zhang Junsheng that the Chinese government felt it would lose face if it accepted the reforms; not just because they were democratic but because they were drawn up and unveiled in Hong Kong without public and deferential consultation with the capital in advance. In addition, the Chinese system simply could not cope with the kind of rapid and flexible policy-making which statesmen can use to respond to changing circumstances. It was locked into a set of ritual and long-ordained formulae which had emerged through years of evolutionary discussion between 1978 and 1984. Carved in stone, its principles were not to be chiselled away. Deng himself had said the Chinese people would not forgive or understand.

 

问题是，英国方面在仍然统治香港时享有占有的优势--它的联盟、它的汉学家知识储备、它毋庸置疑的外交手腕以及它聪明的、适应性强的、偶尔不择手段的政治家--是否能以更多的理解和狡诈来应对挑战。

这一点很难说得通。

曾在中国担任外交官的道格拉斯-赫德（Douglas Hurd）认为，这些建议本应被视为仅仅是建议，即与中国方面讨论并在必要时进行修改。

他声称英国人对协商持开放态度。

他说，中国人真正想要的是在公布前进行秘密讨论，并对讨论结果拥有否决权。

然而，那是开展业务的老方法，时代已经改变。

在超过四分之一个世纪之后，彭定康仍然相信他在1992年做了正确的事情："有一种观点认为，如果我们做了北京的工作，与香港的民主人士争论五年，那会更好--事实上，尽管与中国有争论，但香港却非常稳定，从1992年到1997年，经济上不可能更好。

中国的宣传把我变成了一个比我应得的更多的民主英雄，因为当你看到我们所做的事情时，并没有什么意义。

 

The question is whether the British side, enjoying the advantage of possession while it still governed Hong Kong – with its alliances, its stock of Sinologist knowledge, its undoubted diplomatic dexterity and its smart, adaptable and occasionally unscrupulous politicians – could have risen to the challenge with more understanding and guile. That is a hard point to sustain. Douglas Hurd, who had served as a diplomat in China, believed the proposals should have been seen as just that – proposals to be discussed with the Chinese side and if necessary amended. He claimed the British were open to consultation. What the Chinese really wanted, he said, was secret discussions in advance of publication and a veto on the result. That was the old way of conducting business, however, and times had changed. Speaking more than a quarter of a century later, Patten remained convinced that he had done the right thing in 1992: ‘The idea that it would have been better for us to have done Beijing’s work and have five years arguing with the democrats in Hong Kong – as it was, despite the rows with China, Hong Kong was amazingly stable, and economically the period from 1992 to 1997 couldn’t have been better. I was turned by Chinese propaganda into much more of a democratic hero than I deserved because when you look at what we were doing it doesn’t amount to very much.’

 

10月7日，彭定康在立法会的讲台上公布了他的建议。

他发现香港的政治家、商界人士和大多数媒体的反应 "非常积极"。

但在新华社却不是这样，张浚生已经很生气了，因为事先没有向他提供演讲稿，他认为这种遗漏是 "故意的欺骗"。

 

On 7 October Patten took the rostrum at the Legislative Council to reveal his proposals. He found the reaction from politicians, business people and most of the media in Hong Kong ‘very positive’. This was not so at the New China News Agency, where Zhang Junsheng was already fuming because a copy of the speech had not been provided to him in advance, an omission he saw as ‘intentional trickery’.

 

香港公众首次能够通过电台电话向总督提问，了解他的建议。

立法会举行了激烈的问答会议。

媒体对正反两方面的问题进行了热烈的辩论。

举行了公开会议，讨论复杂的细节，这并没有使潜在的选民感到畏惧。

这一切在人民共和国都是不可想象的，在那里，这个过程没有被看作是一个例子，而是一个警告。

10月下旬，中国人的愤怒变成了媒体上的谩骂，这让人想起了文化大革命，并开始担心香港的商业精英，他们的震荡传到了伦敦的政治机构。

 

The public in Hong Kong were able for the first time to question the governor on a radio phone-in about his proposals. There was a vigorous question and answer session in the Legislative Council. The media debated the pros and cons with verve. Public meetings took place to discuss the complex details, which did not daunt potential voters. It was all unthinkable in the People’s Republic, where the process was not seen as an example but as a warning. In late October the Chinese wrath turned into a campaign of vitriol in the media which recalled the Cultural Revolution and began to worry the business elite in Hong Kong, whose tremors reached the political establishment in London.

 

彭定康准备去中国，而官方对他的指责却越来越多。

他知道这次访问会很困难，但他没有准备好被发现他后来所说的 "一个错误"。

它涉及1990年道格拉斯-赫德和钱其琛之间的秘密信件往来，中国人将其视为总督违反的保密协议。

在我进行那次不光彩的北京之行之前，我就说："有什么我不知道的吗？他们有什么好办法吗？" 因为他们没能指出我们在《联合声明》中违反了什么。

 

Patten prepared to go to China while official denunciations of him mounted. He knew that the visit would be difficult, but he was not prepared for the discovery of what he later called ‘a fuck-up’. It concerned the exchange of secret letters in 1990 between Douglas Hurd and Qian Qichen, which the Chinese saw as a confidential agreement that the governor had broken. ‘I was saying before I made that ill-starred trip to Beijing, “Is there anything I don’t know? Have they got something up their sleeve?” Because they hadn’t been able to point to anything that we had broken in the Joint Declaration.’

 

勤奋的爱德华-卢埃林被派去搜查政府大楼的档案。

彭定康回忆说："他回来时脸色苍白，说，好吧，道格拉斯和钱其琛之间有七封信。

现在我们翻阅了这些信件--在香港有这些信件的副本。

没有人提到它们。

没有人认为有必要提及它们"。

 

The diligent Edward Llewellyn was dispatched to scour the archives at Government House. ‘He came back ashen-faced,’ Patten recalled, ‘and said, well, there are seven letters between Douglas and Qian Qichen. Now we looked through the letters – there were copies of them in Hong Kong. Nobody had mentioned them. Nobody had seen fit to refer to them.’

 

彭定康的观点是，这些信不是一个严重的问题，因为它们涉及的是关于香港直选席位数量的争议，而不是他的改革。

尴尬的不是他们说什么，尴尬的是我不知道他们。

但这有助于维持一种说法，即在这里（香港）我是一个新秀。

对总督来说，令人费解的是，起草这些信件的一些外交官据说是在他自己的团队中工作，但对这些信件却只字不提。

这一切都笼罩着珀西-柯利達爵士爵士的阴影，他已经退休，在伦敦郊区特威克纳姆的河边大发雷霆。

 

Patten’s view was that the letters were not a serious matter because they dealt with the dispute over the number of directly elected seats in Hong Kong, not his reforms. ‘The embarrassment wasn’t what they said, the embarrassment was that I didn’t know about them. But it sort of helped sustain the narrative that here [in Hong Kong] I was a neophyte.’ It was, to the governor, inexplicable that some of the diplomats who had drafted the letters were supposedly working on his own team but had said nothing about the correspondence. Over it all loomed the shadow of Sir Percy Cradock, who had retired to fulminate in the riverside London suburb of Twickenham.

 

赫德在他的回忆录中说，1992年9月他在外交部审查彭定康的建议时，他的顾问中没有人提请他注意这些信件。

他证实，在他去香港之前，也没有人向总督展示过这些信件。

至于中国对这些信件的解释，赫德声称他同意协商，但不同意保密或否决。

最终，这些信件被公布，争论也随之减弱。

但是，在彭定康 "星光黯淡 "的北京之行前夕，这一发现让人感到不安。

 

In his memoirs, Hurd said that when he examined Patten’s proposals in the foreign office in September 1992, none of his advisers drew his attention to the letters. Nor, he confirmed, had anyone shown them to the governor before he left for Hong Kong. As for the Chinese interpretation of them, Hurd claimed he had agreed to consultations but not to secrecy or to a veto. Eventually the letters were released and the row abated. But on the eve of Patten’s ‘ill-starred’ trip to Beijing the discovery was unsettling.

 

在出访前一周，总督与美国前国务卿乔治-舒尔茨共进早餐，舒尔茨警告他，预计会有一场精心策划的冷落，讨论堪比卡夫卡，结束后会有大量的辱骂性宣传。

舒尔茨的评估是准确的。

 

A week before he went, the governor breakfasted with George Shultz, the former US Secretary of State, who warned him to expect a calculated snub, discussions worthy of Kafka, and a tide of abusive propaganda when they were over. Shultz’s assessment was accurate.

 

鲁平给总督发了一条私信，要求他在抵达首都时表现得'得体'一些，给鲁平留点面子。

然后，他派他的副手在机场迎接彭定康，以强调其欢迎的冷淡态度。

当他们见面时，鲁平挥舞着这些信，好像它们既是战利品又是起诉书。

我说，彭定康先生，中国和英国的外交部长之间有七封信件往来。

你知道吗？他听完后问旁边的人：有吗？那人说："有。

" 他真的不知道。

这个人只是在硬撑着'。

据Lu说，总督 "试图推销他的计划，说它有多好"。

但是，鲁告诉他 "这永远不会成功"。

 

Lu Ping sent the governor a private message asking him to behave ‘properly’ and to save Lu’s face when he arrived in the capital. Then he sent his deputy to meet Patten at the airport to underline the coolness of his welcome. When they met, Lu brandished the letters as if they were both trophy and indictment. ‘I said, Mr Patten, there are seven letters exchanged between the foreign ministers of China and the UK. Do you know that? He listened and asked the person next to him: are there? And the man said “Yes.” He really didn’t know. This guy was just toughing it out.’ According to Lu, the governor ‘tried to sell his plan, saying how good it was’. But Lu told him ‘it would never work.’

 

彭定康对这一场合的记忆则不同。

他回忆说，这一天 "被锁在毫无结果的交流中"，除了那封臭名昭著的信之外，鲁平没有什么实质性的东西可说，"在我们会面结束时，他兴致勃勃地拿出这些信，却意外地发现我已经读过了"。

 

Patten’s memory of the occasion was different. He recalled a day ‘locked in fruitless exchanges’ in which Lu had little substantive to say beyond the infamous letters, ‘which he produced with a flourish, towards the end of our meeting, only to discover to his surprise that I had read them’.

 

舒尔茨预测这些会谈可能是由卡夫卡编写的剧本，这是正确的。

隔着绿色的黄褐色桌子，或者从他们仪式性的扶手椅深处，中国官员会指责彭定康破坏协议；当被问及他到底做了什么时，回答是 "你知道你做了什么"，同时暗示他应该承认错误。

这些毫无意义的交流让人想起了秘密警察的逼供。

虽然它们有助于加强中国人的愤慨，但它们提醒总督和他的随行人员，在大陆流行的那种心理学可能很快就会适用于香港人。

外交部长钱其琛直截了当地告诉彭定康，如果他不退让，中国政府将无视他，直接与伦敦交涉。

 

Shultz was right to predict that the talks could have been scripted by Kafka. Across the green baize table, or from the depths of their ceremonial armchairs, Chinese officials would accuse Patten of breaking agreements; when asked what exactly he had done the response was that ‘you know what you have done’, accompanied by the suggestion that he should admit his errors. These sterile exchanges were reminiscent of a secret policeman extracting a confession. While they served to reinforce the indignation of the Chinese, they reminded the governor and his entourage of the kind of psychology which reigned on the mainland and might soon apply to the people of Hong Kong. The foreign minister, Qian Qichen, bluntly told Patten that if he did not back down the Chinese government would simply ignore him and deal directly with London.

 

双方都利用宣传攻势来促进自己的事业。

当彭定康抵达北京时，中国官员表现出对新闻自由的热情，允许来自香港的记者和摄像师围攻他，并挤进会议厅，想必是为了更好地展示野蛮人的羞辱。

作为一个熟练的媒体操纵者，彭定康应对了这一挑战，一旦回到他的主场，他就把他的流畅性和讽刺性转到中国方面。

这是娱乐，但不是外交。

 

Both sides used a publicity blitz to promote their causes. When Patten landed in Beijing, Chinese officials displayed an unsuspected zeal for press freedom, allowing reporters and camera crews from Hong Kong to mob him and to crowd into the conference chamber itself, presumably the better to show off the humiliation of the barbarian. As a practised media manipulator, Patten was equal to the challenge, and once back on his home turf he turned his fluency and sarcasm onto the Chinese side. It was entertainment, but it was not diplomacy.

 

彭定康从北京回来后，中国国家媒体及其在香港的支持者对他大加谩骂。

骂人者中有鲁平，他称他为 "千年罪人"，而官员和专栏作家则从他们的文革词汇中挖出了 "毒蛇"、"东方妓女 "和 "探戈舞者"，其中最后一句是对彭定康关于与中国谈判需要两个人跳探戈的说法的困惑。

 

The Chinese state media and its supporters in Hong Kong heaped abuse upon the governor on his return from Beijing. Among the more colourful score-settlers was Lu Ping, who termed him ‘a sinner for a thousand years’, while officials and columnists dug into their Cultural Revolution vocabulary to call him ‘a serpent’, ‘the whore of the east’ and ‘a tango dancer’, the last of these a bemused response to Patten’s statement that in talks with China it took two to tango.

 

总督的压力越来越大。

在他的行政委员会中，像汇丰银行主管William Purves爵士这样曾建议不要与中国对抗的人感到失望和反对。

珀维斯在2019年的一次采访中说："他们（中国人）从来都不高兴，"。

你尽可能地扭转它，但是......外交部没有帮助，关系不是很好，然后来了一个新的总督，在他访问北京之后，事情变得非常糟糕。

这是一次非常不令人满意的访问，完全是他自己的错。

他再也没有回到北京。

对于上一任总督来说，这种情况的发生，我认为使交接的准备工作更加困难。

 

Pressure mounted on the governor. Within his Executive Council there was dismay and dissent from those like Sir William Purves, the head of HSBC, who had advised against confronting China. ‘They [the Chinese] were never happy,’ said Purves in an interview in 2019. ‘You turned it round as much as you could turn it round but … the Foreign Office wasn’t helping and relations were not very good, and then arrives a new governor and things went pretty badly pear-shaped after his visit to Beijing. It was a very unsatisfactory visit which was entirely his own fault. He never got back to Beijing. And for the last governor, for that to happen, I think made the build-up to the handover more difficult.’

 

Purves表达了一个直截了当的观点，这个观点在香港的富人和权贵（包括外籍人士和中国人）中广泛存在，尽管很少公开发表："如果事情要改变，他们应该在二十年前就开始。

真正影响香港的是谁？商人，房地产开发商。

一切都进行得很好，为什么要改变？香港运行得很好，它已经成为一个非常成功的贸易中心和金融中心。

为什么要改变？他，彭定康，想做出改变--太晚了！太晚了。

太晚了！"。

 

Purves expressed a forthright view which was widely held, if rarely voiced in public, among the rich and powerful – both expatriates and Chinese – in Hong Kong: ‘If things were going to change they should have started twenty years previously. Who really were influencing Hong Kong? The businessmen, the property developers. Everything was going quite well, why make a change? Hong Kong was running very nicely, it had become a very successful trading centre, financial centre. Why change? He, Patten, wanted to make changes – too late! Far too late.’

 

然而，彭定康确实得到了他所谓的 "明智和坚定的支持"，他是撒切尔夫人的前私人秘书，也是怡和洋行的董事。

外交部充斥着外交上的不满情绪，但被道格拉斯-赫德控制住了。

彭定康承认自己感觉很虚弱，他后来写道，有几天绝望的黑狗爬进他的办公室。

 

Patten did, however, receive what he called ‘wise and steadfast support’ from Charles Powell, the former private secretary to Mrs Thatcher, who was on the board of Jardine Matheson. The Foreign Office seethed with diplomatic discontent but was kept in check by Douglas Hurd. Patten admitted to feeling debilitated and there were days, he wrote later, when the black dog of despair crept into his office.

 

然而，在幕后，总督从英国的秘密情报局，即军情六处得到了令人放心的建议。

他所称的特务们几乎准确地预测了宣传攻势的停止日期。

彭定康认为，这些冷战分子对中国人的看法总是比他们的外交同事更现实。

他总结了间谍们的建议："他们不会把天花板拉下来。

他们不会把屋顶拉下来。

他们负担不起。

他们会对你大喊大叫，他们会试图破坏你，他们会试图让商界站在一边......他们会试图暗示伦敦会召回你，但他们不会做更多事情。

 

Behind the scenes, however, the governor was getting reassuring advice from Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service, MI6. The spooks, as he called them, predicted almost to the exact date when the propaganda onslaught would cease. Patten felt that these Cold Warriors were always more realistic about the Chinese than their diplomatic colleagues. He summed up the spies’ advice: ‘They’re not going to pull the ceiling down. They’re not going to pull the roof down. They can’t afford to. They’ll shout at you, they’ll try to undermine you, they’ll try to get the business community on side … they’ll try to suggest London is going to recall you, but they’re not going to do anything more than that.’

 

几乎是在提示下，1992年12月下旬，连环炮停止了。

中国转而采取了耐心、无情的策略，直到交接前都没有偏离。

新年伊始，钱其琛在他的回忆录中记录了收到赫德的一封信，表示愿意进行谈判。

中国人是怀疑的。

总理李鹏警告出席全国人民代表大会的香港代表说，彭定康 "说得像佛，想得像蛇"。

 

Almost on cue, the barrage stopped in late December 1992. China shifted to a patient, relentless strategy from which it did not deviate until the handover. Early in the new year, Qian Qichen recorded in his memoir the receipt of a letter from Hurd offering to negotiate. The Chinese were suspicious. Li Peng, the prime minister, warned delegates from Hong Kong to the National People’s Congress that Patten was ‘talking like a Buddha but thinking like a snake’.

 

在对条件进行例行公事的争论之后，会谈于1993年4月22日在北京开始。

他们由外交部副部长姜恩柱和尽职尽责的英国大使罗宾-麦克拉伦领导，随着谈判的拖延，麦克拉伦对这项事业的信心也在不断下降。

谈判进行了17个回合，令人疲惫。

9月，为了强调其决心，中国公布了邓小平1982年对撒切尔夫人关于香港的训诫性讲话的文本。

钱其琛和道格拉斯-赫德在联合国的另一次会晤也未能打破僵局。

钱其琛说，他警告英国人，中国不会让步，任何在1995年选出的立法会都会在1997年7月1日被赶出去。

他回忆说："双方都明白，每个人都在为崩溃做准备。

 

After routine skirmishing over conditions, talks opened in Beijing on 22 April 1993. They were led by Jiang Enzhu, a deputy foreign minister, and a dutiful Robin McLaren, the British ambassador, whose health deteriorated as the negotiations dragged on for a cause in which McLaren did not have great confidence. There were seventeen wearying rounds. In September, so as to underline its resolve, China published the text of Deng Xiaoping’s admonitory remarks about Hong Kong to Mrs Thatcher in 1982. Another meeting between Qian Qichen and Douglas Hurd at the United Nations failed to break the deadlock. Qian said he warned the British that China would not give in and that any Legislative Council elected in 1995 would be thrown out on 1 July 1997. ‘Both sides understood that everybody was preparing for a breakdown,’ he recalled.

 

在香港，1993年的事件将公众的注意力从会谈中转移开来。

元旦那天，21名狂欢者在兰桂坊酒吧区的踩踏事件中丧生，那里挤满了外籍人士和年轻的香港人。

1月下旬，总督在打网球时感到胸痛，被送往医院，在那里他接受了血管成形术，这是一种改善冠状动脉血流的手术。

他周围的人认为是饮食，而不是压力造成的。

6月，12名男子在北角的一个建筑工地上被杀，这提醒了人们香港快速发展的黑暗面。

 

In Hong Kong, events in 1993 took public attention away from the talks. On New Year’s Day twenty-one revellers died in a stampede in the Lan Kwai Fong bar district, which was packed with expatriates as well as young Hong Kongers. Later in January the governor felt chest pains while he was playing tennis and was taken to hospital, where he underwent angioplasty, a procedure to improve the flow of blood to his coronary arteries. Those around him felt that diet, not stress, was to blame. There was a reminder in June of the darker side of Hong Kong’s rapid growth when twelve men were killed on a building site at North Point.

 

但在使香港成为一个能够自立的金融中心方面也取得了稳步进展。

人们同意中国银行将加入汇丰银行和渣打银行，成为当地美元的发钞银行。

4月，香港通过合并外汇基金和银行业务专员，成立了香港金融管理局（HKMA），拥有了第一个事实上的中央银行。

政府启动了一项计划，帮助越来越多的中等收入家庭购买自己的房屋。

它宣布，香港现在是世界上第一个拥有全数字电话网络的城市。

财政部长哈米什-麦克劳德（Hamish Macleod）在一份乐观的预算中把福利、卫生和教育方面的支出提高了7%。

 

But there was also steady progress towards making Hong Kong a financial centre that could stand on its own feet. It was agreed that the Bank of China would join HSBC and Standard Chartered as a note-issuing bank for the local dollar. In April, the territory got its first de facto central bank via the merger of the Exchange Fund and the Commissioner for Banking, which created the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA). The government launched a programme to help the growing number of middle-income families to buy their own homes. It announced that the city was now the first in the world to have an all-digital telephone network. The financial secretary, Hamish Macleod, raised spending on welfare, health and education by 7 per cent in an upbeat budget.

 

英国撤军的步伐加快了。

7月，国防部透露了缩减驻军的计划。

政府飞行服务队取代了皇家香港辅助空军。

尽管有政治争端，英国和中国政府在就香港军事基地所占土地的未来进行了七年的争论后达成了协议。

中国人民解放军得到了一块主要的海滨房地产，其上有威尔士亲王大厦，这是一座28层的高楼，建得像一座堡垒，在1997年皇家海军离开后，这里将成为其总部。

5月，撒切尔夫人可能对这样的衰退安排投下了鄙夷的目光，她对彭定康夫妇进行了为期两天的访问，以检查香港的情况。

当彭定康提名陈方安生担任行政事务司司长【布政司】时，对未来有了明确的指示。

她是第一位担任该职务的香港中国公务员，彭定康认为她是他所做的最好的任命之一。

 

The British withdrawal gathered pace. In July, the Ministry of Defence revealed plans to draw down the garrison. The Government Flying Service replaced the Royal Hong Kong Auxiliary Air Force. Despite their political disputes, the British and Chinese governments reached agreement after seven years of wrangling on the future of land occupied by military bases in Hong Kong. The People’s Liberation Army received a prime piece of harbourfront real estate crowned by the Prince of Wales Building, a 28-storey tower built like a fortress, which would become its headquarters in 1997 after the Royal Navy departed. In May, Mrs Thatcher, who may have cast a jaundiced eye on such recessional arrangements, paid a two-day visit to the Pattens to check on how Hong Kong was doing. There was a clear indication of the future when Patten nominated Anson Chan to take the job of chief secretary for administration. She was the first Hong Kong Chinese civil servant to hold the office, and Patten considered hers one of the best appointments he ever made.

 

但这一切都无法消除城市生活中的不确定性阴影。

当时我真的很生气，"鲁平回忆说。

'彭定康作为香港的总督，怎么能破坏两国外交部长之间达成的协议？这是不可逾越的障碍；因为中国选择辩称谅解被破坏，而英国人则否认。

这种争论接近于对文件的文字和精神的神学争论。

实际上，中国政府已经下定决心要继续前进。

 

But none of this could remove the shadow of uncertainty from the life of the city. ‘I was really angry at that time,’ Lu Ping recalled. ‘How could Patten, as the governor of Hong Kong, break an agreement reached between the foreign ministers of the two countries?’ This was the insurmountable obstacle; for China chose to argue that understandings were broken while the British denied it. The argument came close to theological dispute over the letter and spirit of the documents. In practice the Chinese government had already made up its mind to move on.

 

上海的《解放日报》最近发表了邓小平的观点，因此被认为具有权威性，该报的一篇文章抨击了英国政府的 "殖民主义 "态度，要求彭定康下台。

它向制定中国香港政策的所有派别发出的信息很明确：唯一安全的选择是强硬路线。

鲁平说："路线是在邓小平指示重新开始后制定的。

由于不再有 "直通车"，我们将不得不从头开始，成立一个初步工作委员会，然后是一个筹备委员会和一个临时立法会。

 

An article in Shanghai’s Liberation Daily, which had recently published Deng Xiaoping’s views and was therefore thought authoritative, tore into the ‘colonialist’ attitude of the British government and demanded Patten’s removal from office. Its message to all the factions that made Chinese policy on Hong Kong was clear: the only safe option was the hard line. ‘The route had been laid out after Deng Xiaoping’s instruction to start again,’ said Lu Ping. ‘Since there was no “through train” any more we would have to start from scratch and set up a preliminary working committee, then a preparatory committee and a provisional Legislative Council.’

 

鲁平称其为'一个独立的厨房'，坚持认为立法机关必须在1997年解散，因为'彭定康先生的厨房不能用'。

如果他认为这种家庭式的比喻可能会吸引普通香港人，那他就错了。

在鲁平的办公室里，工人们在墙上挂了一个标志，标志着香港回归祖国的倒计时。

在外面，人们对它远没有一致的赞誉。

在2009年的一次采访中，鲁平抱怨说："当时香港人对很多事情都不理解。

'公众舆论不支持我们。

每天吃午饭时，我都会把昨晚的剩饭放在一个饭盒里，加热后在办公室里吃。

这时我才有机会阅读香港的报纸。

当我坐在那里边吃边看报纸时，我越看越生气，他们似乎总是在骂我们，这让我的胃很痛。

 

Lu called it ‘a separate kitchen’, insisting that the legislature must be dissolved in 1997 because ‘Mr Patten’s kitchen could not be used’. If he thought the homely metaphor might appeal to the average Hong Konger, he was mistaken. Inside Lu’s office, workers hung a sign on the wall marking the countdown to Hong Kong’s return to the motherland. Outside, there was far from unanimous acclaim for it. ‘At the time many things were not understood by the people of Hong Kong,’ Lu complained in an interview in 2009. ‘Public opinion was not with us. Every day when I had lunch I used to put last night’s leftovers in a lunch box, heat it up and eat them in my office. That was when I got to read the Hong Kong newspapers. As I sat eating and reading the newspapers, the more I read the angrier they seemed, always scolding us, it made my stomach ache.’

 

鲁平得到了他的情妇的安慰，她是一位关系良好的香港女商人，但他的麻烦才刚刚开始。

他现在必须建立一个影子政府，并很快发现，中国南方的幕后政治在边界两边都很相似，充满了个人恩怨、火爆脾气、埋藏已久的宗族争斗、贪婪和对 "面子 "的热衷。

人们争先恐后地登上了鲁平在预备工作委员会的新 "直通车"（这是一个只有共产党员才会喜欢的词），但他了解到，他们远非同志关系。

彭定康嘲讽地称他们是 "旧时代的共产党人，正在发迹的大亨，野心勃勃的三流人物，找到另一个帝国服务的大英帝国最杰出勋章的骑士和指挥官，真诚的不明智者"。

 

Lu was consoled by his mistress, a well-connected Hong Kong businesswoman, but his troubles were just beginning. He now had to set up a shadow government and would soon discover that backroom southern Chinese politics were similar on both sides of the border, replete with personal feuds, hot tempers, long-buried clan rivalries, avarice and the zealous preservation of ‘face’. People clamoured to get on board Lu’s new ‘through train’ on the Preliminary Working Committee (a term only a Communist could love), but he learned that they were far from comradely. Patten scathingly termed them ‘old-time Communist coelacanths, tycoons on the make, ambitious third-raters, Knights and Commanders of the Most Distinguished Order of the British Empire who had found another empire to serve, the earnestly ill-advised’.

 

11月27日，英国单方面结束了与中国的谈判。

中国外交部长钱其琛回忆说："谈判破裂了。

道格拉斯-赫德在信中告诉他，英国将在12月向香港立法会提交改革计划。

钱其琛说："关于香港政制发展的斗争已经结束。

香港的未来将由全国人民代表大会根据《基本法》决定。

对中国来说，这是一个原则问题。

我们已经各走各路。

现在是英国和中国之间的对决。

 

On 27 November the British unilaterally ended their negotiations with China. ‘The talks fell apart,’ recalled Qian Qichen, the Chinese foreign minister. Douglas Hurd told him by letter that the United Kingdom would put the reform plan to Hong Kong’s Legislative Council in December. ‘The battle about constitutional development in Hong Kong was over,’ said Qian. ‘The future of Hong Kong would be decided by the National People’s Congress under the Basic Law. For China this was a matter of principle. We had gone our separate ways. This was now a showdown between the UK and China.’

 

12月10日，彭定康公布了他的改革法案。

1994年2月24日，经过总督一方和鲁平及其同伙的马拉松式的游说和掰手腕，该法案在立法会仅以一票之差获得通过。

彭定康回忆说："直到我们得到它，我才知道我们真的会赢，"。

我记得我和拉文德在新界一个朋友的球场上打单打......那是一个美好的夜晚，打完后我汗流浃背地坐在草滩上，对她说："你知道我们可能要在下周这个时候离开，"因为如果我输了，那就完了。

有些人会认为这是在逃避困境，但我不认为我可以留下来。

 

On 10 December Patten published his reform bill. It was passed by just one vote in the Legislative Council on 24 February 1994 after a marathon session of lobbying and arm-twisting, both by the governor’s side and by Lu Ping and his cohorts. ‘I never knew really until we’d got it that we were going to win,’ Patten recalled. ‘I remember I’d been playing singles with Lavender on a friend’s court in the New Territories … it was a lovely evening, sitting sweatily on a grass bank just afterwards and saying to her, “You realise we may have to leave this time next week,” because if I’d lost that would have been it. Some people would have regarded it as running away from a mess, but I don’t think I could have stayed.’

 

最后一任总督将继续留任三年，直到交接。

他的成功归功于坚韧、狡猾、政治技巧和保持胆量，这些都是英国政治家的传统天赋。

但成功是在该国外交中最不寻常的事件之一之后才出现的，在这一事件中，英国的情报部门发现自己在监视他们的前主人，他的内心动荡使他的辉煌事业走向衰落。

 

The last governor would stay on for three more years until the handover. He owed his success to tenacity, guile, political skill and keeping one’s nerve, all supposedly traditional gifts of British statesmanship. But success came only after one of the most extraordinary episodes in the country’s diplomacy, in which its intelligence services found themselves spying on their former master, whose inner turmoil led a brilliant career into twilight.

 

9.一个四季如一的官員

9.A Mandarin for All Seasons

 

 

1993年8月17日星期一上午，珀西-柯利達爵士爵士来到位于波特兰广场的气派的中国大使馆。

自清朝末年以来，中原王朝的使节就一直居住在这个漂亮的地址。

 

On the morning of Monday, 17 August 1993, Sir Percy Cradock called at the imposing Chinese embassy in Portland Place. This smart address had been occupied by envoys of the Middle Kingdom since the late Qing dynasty.

 

他被领进门，见到了大使马毓真。

这个电话的表面原因是为柯利達爵士在中国的经历的回忆录中使用官方照片寻求许可，并询问是否有人可以帮助识别其中一张照片中的中国官员。

对于一个曾经指导过英国外交政策并在一年前作为联合情报委员会主席保管其机密的人来说，这是一个卑微的任务。

在他离开时，中央情报局局长罗伯特-盖茨给他写了一张私人卡片，说 "你为你的国家（和我的国家）做出了卓越的贡献"。

因此，这是一个中国大使不打算放弃的机会。

他邀请柯利達爵士留下来吃午饭。

 

He was ushered in to see the ambassador, Ma Yuzhen. The ostensible reason for the call was to seek clearance for the use of official photographs in Cradock’s memoir of his experiences in China and to ask if anyone might help to identity a Chinese official in one of the pictures. It was a humble mission for a man who had guided British foreign policy and had been the custodian of its secrets as chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee until a year earlier. On his departure the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Robert Gates, had written him a private card saying ‘You have served your country (and mine) with great distinction.’ It was therefore an opportunity which the Chinese ambassador was not about to pass up. He invited Cradock to stay for lunch.

 

两人在餐桌上就政治事务进行了闲聊，使馆工作人员进来试图为这位神秘的官员正名时打断了他们，而大使则阐述了体育锻炼的好处。

他们几乎完全用英语交谈。

马毓真是交易无价值的八卦的专家。

他说邓小平很老了，但没有真正的麻烦，精神上很清醒。

李鹏偶尔会见到外国访客，但需要更多的休息。

关键人物是上海前市长朱镕基，他正处于上升期。

当然，经济是很重要的。

 

The two men chatted in a desultory way at the table about political affairs, interrupted by members of the embassy staff coming in to try to put a name to the mysterious official, while the ambassador expounded on the merits of physical exercise. They spoke almost entirely in English. Ma was an expert in trading valueless gossip. He said Deng Xiaoping was very old but had no real troubles and was mentally alert. Li Peng saw foreign visitors occasionally but needed more rest. The key figure was Zhu Rongji, the former mayor of Shanghai, who was on the way up. The economy was important, of course.

 

大使随后向他的客人询问了香港会谈的情况。

英国和中国仍在为彭定康的民主改革争论不休。

他们是否接近崩溃的边缘？

 

The ambassador then quizzed his guest about the Hong Kong talks. Britain and China were still arguing about Patten’s democratic reforms. Were they near breaking point?

 

柯利達爵士说，他没有特别的信息，但他相信会谈还有很长的路要走。

中国人很想知道是否有一个最后期限。

柯利達爵士说，总督可能会把他的方案提交立法会表决，或者他可能会谨慎行事，发表一个模棱两可的讲话，保持他的选择。

马毓真对 "模棱两可 "这个词很感兴趣，所以柯利達爵士帮助他把它与中国的 "双关语 "相比较，意思是含糊不清或犹豫不决。

最后一个词对大使来说是个新词，显然很有吸引力。

 

Cradock said he had no special information but he believed the talks had a good way to go. The Chinese were keen to know if there was a deadline. Well, said Cradock, the governor might put his package to a vote in the Legislative Council, or he might finesse it and give an equivocal speech keeping his options open. Ma was intrigued by the word ‘equivocal’, so Cradock helpfully compared it to the Chinese expression shuang guan de, meaning vague or wishy-washy. The last word was a novelty to the ambassador and obviously appealed.

 

根据他的主题，马毓真询问是否事实上没有一个最后期限，因为香港政府必须为选举做准备。

柯利達爵士说，他赞成谈判，而不是对抗。

他确信两国政府都希望有一个解决方案，他觉得香港人希望继续谈判，尽管--他小心翼翼地补充说--他们同时支持总督。

柯利達爵士说，羞辱对手不是中国人的传统；双方都必须做出让步，尽管中国人有自己的原则，但他们必须屈服。

大使插话说，他们不会屈服的。

柯利達爵士回答说，他的主人非常清楚，他们在过去就已经屈服了。

 

Pressing his theme, Ma enquired whether there was not, in fact, a deadline because the Hong Kong government would have to prepare for elections. Cradock said he was for negotiations, not confrontation. He was sure both governments wanted a solution, he felt Hong Kong people wanted to go on talking, although – he was careful to add – they supported the governor at the same time. It was not, Cradock said, in the Chinese tradition to humiliate their opponents; there would have to be concessions on both sides and although the Chinese had their principles they would have to bend them. The ambassador interjected that they would not bend them. Cradock replied that his host knew very well that they had been bent in the past.

 

两人接着谈到了对中国的访问。

柯利達爵士提到，他计划于11月25日在北京参加中国投资基金的董事会会议，这是他退休后发展的商业利益之一。

 

The duo moved on to talk about visits to China. Cradock mentioned that he planned to be in Beijing on 25 November for a board meeting of the China Investment Fund, one of the business interests he had developed in retirement.

 

就这样，午餐结束了，柯利達爵士上路了。

他可能没有再多想，直到9月27日他被邀请去外交部见副部长约翰-科尔斯爵士。

两人是老同事，但这并不是一次愉快的会面。

科尔斯给他的访客看了一份他掌握的报告，柯利達爵士认为这份报告 "非常令人不安和不准确，我觉得我必须向你提供一份书面评论"。

 

With that the lunch drew to a close and Cradock went on his way. He may have thought no more about it until he was invited to see Sir John Coles, the deputy under-secretary, at the Foreign Office on 27 September. The two were old colleagues, but it was not a pleasant encounter. Coles showed his visitor a report that had come into his possession, one which Cradock found ‘so disturbing and inaccurate that I feel I must provide you with a written commentary’.

 

该报告包含了马大使给北京的一封电报的细节，其中叙述了他与柯利達爵士的会谈。

英国政府得知此事后感到很不高兴。

在公开的文件中没有他们如何获得电报内容的线索，但有两种可能性，即他们是通过截获秘密通信或通过北京的高级间谍来获得的。

从柯利達爵士为自己辩护的痛苦和愤慨的信中可以看出，中国特使似乎锦上添花，把这次谈话说成是破坏彭定康的后方渠道，证明他在英国政府内部缺乏支持。

 

The report contained the details of a telegram from Ambassador Ma to Beijing giving an account of his table talk with Cradock. The British government had learned of it with displeasure. There is no clue in the publicly available papers how they had obtained its contents, but two possibilities are that they had done so either by intercepting secret communications or through a spy at high level in Beijing. It seemed, from Cradock’s anguished and indignant letter in his own defence, that the Chinese envoy had gilded the lily to present the conversation as a back channel which undermined Patten and proved he lacked support inside the British government.

 

回到特威克纳姆的家中，柯利達爵士在第二天写下了他的想法，并将其发送给科尔斯。

他说，他没有报道午餐时间的谈话，因为 "它是例行公事，泛泛而谈"，其中没有任何没有在媒体或公共领域出现的内容。

他写道："我想你可以从中看到大使如何构建他的电报的部分内容。

至于其他部分，我只能假设他误解了，或者为了做一篇多汁的政治报道而加入了不相干的材料。

他承认谈到了谈判--在8月底处于敏感阶段--尽管他声称这是以 "不那么戏剧化和精确的方式 "与大使谈话。

 

Returning home to Twickenham, Cradock put down his thoughts the next day and sent them to Coles. He said he had not reported the lunchtime talk because ‘it was routine and generalised’ and contained nothing not already in the press or the public domain. ‘I think you can see from it how the Ambassador could construct parts of his telegram,’ he wrote. ‘For the rest, I can only assume that he misunderstood, or fed in extraneous material in order to make a juicy piece of political reporting.’ He admitted talking about the negotiations – which were at a sensitive stage in late August – though he claimed it was ‘in a much less dramatic and precise way’ than the ambassador related.

 

他否认告诉马毓真，如果英国和香港政府在12月前不能得到他们想要的东西，他们将把方案付诸表决。

我过去和现在都不知道政府的意图；因此，即使我想说，我也没有什么可说的。

柯利達爵士认为，"我试图把我的观点当作英国政府的观点，这是不可想象的"。

中国人都知道，他在退休后是一个独立的观察家；他刚刚写了一本批评英国政策的书，"这本书只是艰难地被清除了"。

他在5月访问北京的时候就注意避免对他的角色有任何'误解'，'我冒充政府发言人是完全不可能的'。

最后，他保证不向中国人'或其他任何人'表示他的观点就是政府的观点。

 

He denied telling Ma that the British and Hong Kong governments would put the package to a vote if they could not get what they wanted by December. ‘I had, and have, no knowledge of government intentions; so that I had nothing to impart even assuming I wanted to.’ It was, Cradock argued, ‘inconceivable that I would try to pass off my views as being those of the British government’. It was well known to the Chinese that in retirement he was an independent observer; he had just written a book critical of British policy ‘which has been cleared only with difficulty’. He had taken care while on a visit to Beijing in May to avoid any ‘misconstruction’ of his role and it was ‘totally implausible for me to pose as a government spokesman’. He ended with a pledge not to represent to the Chinese ‘or anyone else’ that his views were government views.

 

柯利達爵士是一个批评家，有时是一个严厉的批评家，这不是什么秘密，但面对他与外国势力勾结的暗示，对于一个一直处于英国决策核心的人来说，是一个羞辱的时刻。

他在秘密世界的声誉从未恢复。

然而，他的遗产是不可否认的，尽管它因退休后的愤懑而有缺陷。

从1979年的第一次会谈到1984年的《联合声明》以及5年后的天安门大屠杀，他与邓小平一起在决定香港的命运方面一直发挥着作用。

他玩弄时间的策略并不光彩，但却换来了年轻一代香港人在自由中成长的几十年。

柯利達爵士的冷酷天才和他严酷的道德现实主义使他成为一个不如上一任总督那样吸引人的人物。

但他的影响力更大，持续时间更长；可以毫不夸张地说，这个自谦的人塑造了数百万人的生活。

 

It was no secret that Cradock was a critic, sometimes a harsh one, but to be confronted with a suggestion that he had connived with a foreign power was a humiliating moment for a man who had been at the heart of British policy-making. His reputation in the secret world never recovered. Yet his legacy was undeniable, flawed though it was by an embittered retirement. Along with Deng Xiaoping he had played a continuous part in deciding the fate of Hong Kong from the first talks in 1979 to the Joint Declaration of 1984 and the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre five years later. His strategy of playing for time was not glorious, but it bought decades in which a young generation of Hong Kongers flourished in freedom. Cradock’s cold genius and his stark moral realism made him a less appealing character than, say, the last governor. But his influence was greater and lasted longer; it is no exaggeration to say that this self-effacing man shaped the lives of millions.

 

珀西-柯利達爵士是个悲观主义者。

他在1984年成为撒切尔夫人的外交政策顾问时，在为她写的《初衷》中写道："在这个世界上，正如修昔底德所说，"强者做他们能做的事，弱者受他们必须做的事"，我对国际形势持暗淡看法。

 

Percy Cradock was a pessimist. ‘I take a bleak view of the international scene,’ he had written in his ‘First Thoughts’ for Mrs Thatcher on becoming her foreign policy adviser in 1984, ‘it is a world where as Thucydides put it “the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must”.’

 

柯利達爵士亲眼目睹了这一点。

当毛泽东在不久后被称为 "文化大革命 "的暴力混乱中把群众推向党时，他正在英国驻北京大使馆工作。

起初，外国外交使团以专业的态度关注着它的波折。

然而，当用柯利達爵士的话说，他们显然陷入了 "一个疯狂的环境，一个只受其自身疯狂逻辑支配的爱丽丝梦游仙境的世界 "时，迷恋变成了恐惧。

 

Cradock had seen that at first hand. He had been serving in the British embassy in Beijing when Mao Zedong turned the masses on the party in the violent chaos soon to be known as the Cultural Revolution. At first the foreign diplomatic corps followed its twists and turns with professional detachment. Fascination turned to fear, however, when it became clear, in Cradock’s words, that they were trapped in ‘a demented environment, an Alice-in-Wonderland world, governed only by its own mad logic’.

 

1967年8月22日，经过几天的不祥，一群红卫兵冲进了英国大使馆，他们对香港的 "爱国 "中国记者被拘留以及殖民地的暴乱中三家亲共报纸被关闭感到愤怒。

在代办唐纳德-霍普森和他们的工作人员的陪同下，柯利達爵士退到了登记处，而攻击者则在 "杀！杀！杀！"的喊声中敲打着使馆的铁门。

大楼被烧毁，迫使他们踉跄着走到人群中。

柯利達爵士被殴打，肚子上挨了一拳，被拖到肥皂盒上，他的头在屈辱中被迫低下，期待着随时会有致命的一击，并一直感到一种'奇怪的感觉'，即投降带来了一种解脱感，就像跨过了一艘沉没的船舷。

当英国男人和女人被一个接一个地扔进门房时，他想起了维吉尔（Virgil）的一些句子，"以古典文学大师向我们保证的方式飘回了过去的岁月"：forsan et haec olim meminisse iubavit，"也许有一天，即使是这些事情，回忆起来也是一种快乐。

 

On 22 August 1967, after several ominous days, a mob of Red Guards stormed the British embassy, incensed by the detention of ‘patriotic’ Chinese journalists in Hong Kong and the closure of three pro-Communist newspapers during riots in the colony. Accompanied by the chargé, Donald Hopson, and their staff, Cradock retreated to the registry, while the attackers battered at its steel door amid shouts of ‘Sha! Sha!’ (Kill! Kill!) The building was set ablaze, forcing them to stagger out into the hands of the crowd. Cradock was beaten, punched in the stomach and dragged up on a soapbox, his head forced down in humiliation, expecting a fatal blow at any moment and all the time feeling a ‘strange sensation’ that surrender had brought a sense of relief, like stepping over the side of a sinking ship. As the British men and women were flung one by one into a gatehouse, he remembered some lines of Virgil ‘floating back over the years in the way the Classics masters assure us they do’: forsan et haec olim meminisse iubavit, ‘perhaps even these things it will one day be a joy to recall.’

 

他们被派去恢复秩序的士兵救了出来，并被勇敢的荷兰代办Douwe Fokkema和他们的法国同事所救。

代办的办公室被烧毁，住所被洗劫。

然后，外交官们实际上被扣为人质，直到伦敦和北京就对方人员的安全撤离进行谈判。

柯利達爵士意识到这是一场戏剧，但表演留下了痕迹。

一些与他共事并为本书接受采访的人认为，这是一个精心策划的残酷教训，他永远无法忘记。

 

They were rescued by soldiers sent to restore order and succoured by the courageous Dutch chargé d’affaires, Douwe Fokkema, and by their French colleagues. The chargé’s office had been burnt out and the residence sacked. Then the diplomats were, in effect, held hostage until London and Beijing negotiated the safe exit of each other’s personnel. It was theatre, Cradock realised, but the performance left its mark. Several of those who worked with him, and interviewed for this book, felt that it was a lesson in calculated cruelty which he was never able to forget.

 

具有讽刺意味的是，也许柯利達爵士在年轻时曾是左派的一员。

他来自达勒姆郡的一个普通家庭，他的父亲阿尔弗雷德（Alfred）是一名煤矿审计员。

他的智力在文法学校很早就得到了发挥，并赢得了剑桥大学圣约翰学院的一个名额，学习法律和英国语言。

他击败了未来的保守党部长诺曼-圣约翰-斯蒂瓦斯，成为著名的辩论会--剑桥大学联盟的主席，未来的保守党外交部长道格拉斯-赫德在那里看着柯利達爵士 "以出色的风度和智慧展示他的左翼观点"。

 

Ironically, perhaps, Cradock had been on the Left in his youth. He came from a modest background in County Durham, where his father, Alfred, was a colliery auditor. His intellect shone early at grammar school and he won a place at St John’s College, Cambridge, to study law and English language. He defeated a future Tory minister, Norman St John-Stevas, to become president of the prestigious debating society, the Cambridge Union, where a future Tory foreign secretary, Douglas Hurd, watched as Cradock ‘paraded his left-wing views with outstanding panache and wit’.

 

在学校里，柯利達爵士发现了阿瑟-瓦利（Arthur Waley）翻译的中国诗词，这些诗词 "唱着它们的妖精之歌"，向他暗示了一个取之不尽的文化宝库--他后来意识到，翻译者的浪漫是没有经过任何与这个国家本身的粗暴接触而得到调节的。

柯利達爵士加入了外交部，并 "足够轻率 "地在中国生活和工作，用他自己的话说，他了解到这是一种后天的味道，其中大部分是苦的。

各种奖项都落到了他的头上：驻北京和东柏林大使、首相的外交政策顾问、作为联合情报委员会主席的间谍总管。

尽管世界事务耗费了他的时间，但他总是回到苦涩的味道上，他是苦涩的最高鉴赏家。

 

At school, Cradock discovered Arthur Waley’s translations of Chinese verse, which ‘sang their siren songs’ to him suggesting an inexhaustible treasury of culture to be found – a romance on the translator’s part, he later realised, unmoderated by any rude contact with the country itself. Cradock joined the Foreign Office and was ‘rash enough’ to live and work in China, learning, in his own words, that it was an acquired taste, much of it bitter. The prizes fell into his lap: ambassador to Beijing and East Berlin, foreign policy adviser to the prime minister, spymaster in chief as chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee. Though world affairs consumed his time he always came back to the taste of bitterness, of which he was the supreme connoisseur.

 

有时，这种苦味会因中国人的礼仪和修养而变得甜美。

在1980年的一张照片中，柯利達爵士正在他住所的花园里与官方客人喝茶，以纪念女王的生日。

他坐在一张柳条沙发上，与在文化大革命中死去的刘少奇主席的遗孀王光美进行了热烈的交谈，而他的妻子Birthe则与副外长韩克华聊天。

当柯利達爵士离开中国时，王光美给他发了一封手写的告别信，希望中英友谊 "常青"，并请他向女王和 "我的朋友撒切尔夫人 "转达她的问候。

 

Sometimes the bitterness was sweetened by Chinese manners and refinement. In a photograph from 1980, Cradock is taking tea in the gardens of his residence with official guests to mark the Queen’s Birthday. Seated on a wicker sofa, he is engaged in animated conversation with Wang Guangmei, the widow of President Liu Shaoqi, who died in the Cultural Revolution, while his wife, Birthe, chats to the vice foreign minister, Han Kehua. When Cradock left China, Wang sent him a handwritten farewell note hoping that Sino-British friendship ‘will be ever green’ and asking him to pass on her regards to the Queen and ‘my friend HE Margaret Thatcher’.

 

柯利達爵士与香港和中国的长期合作已经在这些页面中得到了体现。

也许这是第一次被完全阐明了。

他是那个时代最重要的汉学家，和其他的汉学家一样，他有时会受到媒体的不同情。

柯利達爵士本人也呼吁历史学家作出裁决。

因此，值得研究一下这位政策制定者的思想，给予应有的赞誉，并减去破坏他声誉的缺陷。

他的一位忠实崇拜者承认，有两个柯利達爵士。

一个是精于计算的人，他在《联合声明》中实现了许多人认为不可能的事情。

另一个是充满怨恨的利己主义者，不忍心看到自己的工作被低级别的人篡改。

读者已经在这几页中看到了其中的第一种情况的公正处理。

现在是研究第二种人的时候了，以了解他的想法和行为。

 

Cradock’s long involvement with Hong Kong and China has been charted through these pages. Perhaps it has been fully illuminated for the first time. He was the paramount Sinologist of his era and, like others of that caste, he has sometimes received an unsympathetic press. Cradock himself appealed to the verdict of historians. Therefore it is worth examining the mind of the policy-maker, to give credit where it is due and to subtract the flaws which cracked his reputation. One of his loyal admirers admitted that there were two Cradocks. One was the masterful calculator who achieved what many thought impossible in the Joint Declaration. The other was the spiteful egotist who could not bear to see his work tampered with by lesser minds. The reader has seen the first of these fairly treated in these pages. It is time to examine the second, to understand what he thought and what he did.

 

柯利達爵士被冷战和他在中国的经验所塑造，他将这些经验应用于政府机制。

他远不是一个一板一眼的官僚，他相信智慧的开始是对无知的承认。

他的私人通俗读物被保存在他的老学院--圣约翰学院的图书馆里，显示出他有一个喜鹊般的智慧，阅读广泛，诗意而敏锐，无休止地研究从古代到文艺复兴和十九世纪的国家管理经验。

当他发现他认为有用的箴言或格言时，就用蓝墨水写下他那蹩脚的、有棱有角的笔迹。

因此，柏拉图和海德格尔与伏尔泰的富凯（"清晰思想的混沌"）、佛罗伦萨的历史学家弗朗西斯科-吉夏尔迪尼和索尔兹伯里勋爵的干巴巴的散文擦肩而过。

他潦草地记下了理查德-派普斯（Richard Pipes）关于专制者的建议和卡瓦菲（Cavafy）的绝望之诗《上帝抛弃了安东尼》。

他注意到希腊斯多葛派的阿塔拉西亚概念，意思是一种不受干扰的平静状态。

塔西佗关于帝国统治的优点的一句话也引起了他的注意。

 

上帝抛弃了安东尼》（1911年）

 

C.P. Cavafy

 

牛津英语词典（OED）链接关闭

 

当午夜时分，你突然听到

 

一支无形的队伍走过

 

伴随着精美的音乐和声音。

 

不要哀叹你现在的运气不好。

 

工作出错，你的计划

 

都被证明是骗人的--不要无谓地哀悼它们。

 

作为一个早就准备好的人，并得到勇气的恩赐。

 

跟她说再见吧，即将离开的亚历山大。

 

最重要的是，不要欺骗自己，不要说

 

这是个梦，你的耳朵欺骗了你。

 

不要用这样空洞的希望来贬低自己。

 

作为一个早就准备好的人，并得到勇气的恩惠。

 

就像你证明配得上这样的城市一样。

 

坚定地走到窗前

 

带着深厚的感情去倾听，但不是

 

带着抱怨，带着懦夫的哀求。

 

倾听--你最后的欢愉--倾听那些声音。

 

聆听那支奇怪队伍的精致音乐。

 

并向她说再见，向你正在失去的亚历山大说再见。

 

The God Abandons Antony (1911)

C.P. Cavafy

Oxford English Dictionary (OED) Links Off

 

When suddenly, at midnight, you hear

an invisible procession going by

with exquisite music, voices,

don’t mourn your luck that’s failing now,

work gone wrong, your plans

all proving deceptive—don’t mourn them uselessly.

As one long prepared, and graced with courage,

say goodbye to her, the Alexandria that is leaving.

Above all, don’t fool yourself, don’t say

it was a dream, your ears deceived you:

don’t degrade yourself with empty hopes like these.

As one long prepared, and graced with courage,

as is right for you who proved worthy of this kind of city,

go firmly to the window

and listen with deep emotion, but not

with the whining, the pleas of a coward;

listen—your final delectation—to the voices,

to the exquisite music of that strange procession,

and say goodbye to her, to the Alexandria you are losing.

@@@

 

 “塔西佗陷阱”（Tacitus trap）说法：

当公权力失去公信力时，无论发表什么言论、无论做什么事，公众都不再相信。

这是对塔西佗在《历史》一书里一句话的引申：

“一旦皇&帝成了人们憎恨的对象，他做的好事和坏事就同样会引起人们对他的厌恶。”

这不是直接引述塔西佗，而是一个引申和发挥。

@@@

Cradock was moulded by the Cold War and by his experiences in China, which he applied to the machinery of government. Far from being a one-dimensional bureaucrat, he believed that the beginning of wisdom was the confession of ignorance. His private commonplace book, which is kept in the library of his old college, St John’s, reveals a magpie intellect, widely read, poetic and keen, endlessly studying the lessons of statecraft from antiquity to the Renaissance and the nineteenth century. When he found an aphorism or a maxim he thought useful, down it went in his crabbed, angular handwriting in blue ink. So Plato and Heidegger rubbed shoulders with Fouquet on Voltaire (‘a chaos of clear ideas’), the Florentine historian Francesco Guicciardini and the dry prose of Lord Salisbury. He scribbled down advice by Richard Pipes on autocrats and the despairing poem by Cavafy, ‘The God Abandons Antony’. He noted the Greek Stoic concept of ataraxia, meaning a state of undisturbed calmness. A phrase by Tacitus on the merits of imperial rule also caught his attention.

 

柯利達爵士对向议会负责的部长们负责，但他并没有把这个过程理想化。

他写下了本杰明-迪斯雷利（Benjamin Disraeli）的警告："如果你建立一个民主制度，你必须在适当的时候收获民主的果实。

至于公众的知情权，他将其视为外交政策的瘟疫。

他赞许地引用了艾尔-克罗爵士（Sir Eyre Crowe）的话，他是外交部的一位严谨的负责人，他曾警告说不要姑息德皇，而且他 "对所有关于外交事务的公开演讲感到遗憾"。

另一方面，他认识到，现代的公众舆论在政治上是很重要的，"任何外交部长都不能在十八世纪无视它的情况下行事。

 

Cradock answered to ministers who answered to Parliament, but he did not idealise that process. He wrote down a warning from Benjamin Disraeli: ‘If you establish a democracy you must in due course reap the fruits of democracy.’ As for the public’s right to know, he treated it as a plague upon foreign policy. He cited with approval Sir Eyre Crowe, an austere head of the Foreign Office who had warned against appeasing the Kaiser and who ‘deplored all public speeches on foreign affairs’. On the other hand he appreciated that modern public opinion was politically important and ‘no foreign secretary can act in eighteenth century disregard of it.’

 

柯利達爵士相信帕麦斯顿勋爵的箴言，并忠实地抄录下来，即 "我们没有永恒的盟友，也没有永久的敌人。

我们的利益是永恒的，我们有责任遵循这些利益。

他认为，顾虑和道德可以发挥一定的作用，但它们给决策者带来的负担让他想起了十七世纪法国红衣主教黎塞留的一句话："在国家事务中，拥有权力的人往往拥有权利，而软弱的人只能在世界大多数人的意见中艰难地避免做错。

在这之后，他记录了教皇乌尔班八世在听到黎塞留的死讯时所说的话："如果有上帝，那么黎塞留就有很多事要做。

如果没有，那么他就是一个伟大的人"。

 

Cradock believed in Lord Palmerston’s dictum, faithfully transcribed, that ‘we have no eternal allies and no permanent enemies. Our interests are eternal and those interests it is our duty to follow.’ Scruple and morality could play a part, he felt, but the burden they placed on policy-makers reminded him of a saying by Cardinal Richelieu in seventeenth-century France: ‘in matters of state, he who has the power often has the right and he who is weak can only with difficulty keep from doing wrong in the opinion of the majority of the world.’ After this, he recorded the words of Pope Urban VIII on hearing of Richelieu’s death: ‘if there is a God then Richelieu has much to answer for. If not, then he was a great man.’

 

鉴于香港在柯利達爵士的管理下发生的事情，这些私人笔记照亮了我们对他的哲学的理解。

正如他在 "第一份笔记 "中所说，这是一个暗淡的哲学。

他在1984年的 "第一想法 "也简明扼要地阐述了西方的利益。

他写道："除了香港，中国并没有威胁到我们的利益，""事实上，鉴于中苏关系的状况，她给英国和西欧带来了巨大的战略利益。

 

In the light of what happened to Hong Kong under Cradock’s stewardship, these private notes illuminate our understanding of his philosophy. It was, as he said in his ‘First Notes’, a bleak one. His ‘First Thoughts’ of 1984 also set out the West’s interests succinctly: ‘Hong Kong apart, China does not threaten our interests,’ he wrote, ‘in fact, given the state of Sino-Soviet relations, she confers great strategic benefits on the UK and Western Europe.’

 

英国在他的批准下，毫无顾忌地纵容了一个行为。

它支持中国对其在柬埔寨的客户--红色高棉的外交保护，红色高棉在其种族灭绝行为众所周知后仍坚持其在联合国的席位。

越南于1979年入侵柬埔寨并制止了这一行为。

但越南得到了苏联的支持。

这使得柬埔寨的命运成为冷战时期的竞争问题。

英国部长们大概认为，支持中国的立场可能有助于香港问题的谈判；公平地说，他们也在遵循西方的一般路线。

这些提法埋藏在1979年至1984年的英国文件中，几乎是在与中国人的会谈中作为事后诸葛亮而加入的。

 

Britain indulged with his approval in one act devoid of scruple. It backed China’s diplomatic protection of her clients in Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge, who clung on to their seat at the United Nations after their genocide was well known. Vietnam invaded Cambodia in 1979 and put a stop to it. But Vietnam was backed by the Soviet Union. This made Cambodia’s fate a matter of Cold War rivalry. British ministers presumably thought that supporting the Chinese position might help with the talks on Hong Kong; to be fair, they were also following a general Western line. The references are buried in British documents of 1979 to 1984, almost shamefacedly added as afterthoughts in talks with the Chinese.

 

柯利達爵士当时认为，苏联对西方构成的主要威胁不是通过入侵，而是通过削弱欧洲的决心，使各国顺从其意愿："游戏不动一兵一卒就会输。

这预示了下个世纪关于中国的辩论。

柯利達爵士用 "最成功的征服者是不费一枪一弹就拿下城市的人 "这句格言来说明这一点。

 

Cradock argued at the time that the Soviet Union posed the principal threat to the West, not through invasion but by weakening European resolve so that nations conformed to its wishes: ‘the game would be lost without a soldier moved.’ This foreshadowed the debate about China in the next century. Cradock illustrated it with the maxim that ‘the most successful conqueror is one who takes the city without firing a shot.’

 

在柯利達爵士离任时，苏联已经消失。

苏联的解体使指导他这样的人的一套原则失去了基础。

在20世纪90年代初，如果有的话，哪个国家可能取代它的位置还很不清楚。

中国似乎太弱，而且不愿意这样做。

对于像柯利達爵士这样近距离体验过中国的残酷和领导人的人来说，中国的威慑力是真实的。

这也许可以解释他看着约翰-梅杰和彭定康偏离他所建立的复杂平衡时的痛苦。

 

The Soviet Union had gone by the time Cradock left office. Its collapse unanchored a set of principles which had guided people like him. In the early 1990s it was far from clear which power might take its place, if any. China seemed too weak, as well as disinclined, to do so. For those like Cradock, who had experienced its cruelties and its leaders at close quarters, China’s power to intimidate was none the less real. That may explain his pain as he watched John Major and Chris Patten deviate from the intricate balance he had established.

 

柯利達爵士离开唐宁街10号时受到了梅杰的告别，他说，"如果没有他的外交技巧，香港的情况必然会更糟。

在他们分手时，梅杰告诉柯利達爵士，如果他认为香港出了问题，应该让他知道。

到1992年底，彭定康公布了他的改革，并对北京进行了 "糟糕的 "访问，这让柯利達爵士非常震惊，他去见了总理，随后给梅杰写了一封六页的 "个人和机密 "信，阐述了他的担忧。

我们很容易把柯利達爵士讽刺为一个被遗弃的官员，向王室写了一份抗议的备忘录。

然而，从事件的发展来看，他的论点值得研究，因为他几乎准确地预测了将要发生的事情。

 

Cradock left 10 Downing Street with a valedictory from Major, who said that ‘without his skill in diplomacy Hong Kong would inevitably have fared worse.’ As they parted, Major told Cradock that if he thought Hong Kong was going wrong he should let him know. By late 1992, Patten had unveiled his reforms and made his ‘ill-starred’ visit to Beijing, leaving Cradock so appalled that he went to see the prime minister and subsequently wrote a six-page ‘personal and confidential’ letter to Major setting out his concern. It would be easy to caricature Cradock as a discarded mandarin writing a memorial of remonstrance to the throne. In the light of events, however, his arguments bear examination because he forecast almost exactly what was going to happen.

 

他警告首相，英国正走在一条 "旨在从中国方面产生最具建设性和敌对性的反应 "的道路上。

这导致了那种双方都不能轻易退让的危机，这是在1982年至1984年最紧张的时期所避免的。

柯利達爵士并不是说英国不希望香港有更多的民主，"但我们肯定希望民主能在1997年后继续存在，并且不会引起中国的反弹，从而在回归后建立一个更压抑的政权。

 

He warned the prime minister that Britain was on a course ‘calculated to produce the most unconstructive and hostile response from the Chinese side’. It had led to the kind of crisis in which neither side could easily back down, something avoided in the tensest periods of 1982 to 1984. Cradock was not suggesting that Britain did not want more democracy in Hong Kong, ‘but we surely want democracy that will survive beyond 1997 and that does not provoke a Chinese backlash and in consequence a more repressive regime after the handover.

 

'我并不质疑中国人的无理取闹和不可容忍。

他们当然是这样，他们从来都是如此。

‘I do not dispute that the Chinese are being unreasonable and intolerable. Of course they are; they have never been anything else.’

 

柯利達爵士没有试图争辩说安静的方法会奏效，但他指出，中国人'在那里，我们必须与他们合作'。

然后，他告诉总理他认为如果彭定康对中国的反对施加压力会发生什么："他们不会让步的。

他们对香港的民主有着深刻的怀疑，认为这是英国人试图将香港从大陆分离出来的一种手段，也是中国南方邻近省份的一个传染源。

 

Cradock did not try to argue that a quiet approach would have worked, but he pointed out that the Chinese ‘are there and we have to work with them’. Then he told the prime minister what he thought would happen if Patten pressed on against Chinese opposition: ‘They will not give way. They have a profound suspicion of democracy in Hong Kong as a British device for trying to detach the territory from the mainland and as a source of infection to the neighbouring provinces of southern China.’

 

中国领导人很乐意在1997年接管时有一个解散立法机构的借口；与此同时，他们会对本地政治家和社会施加压力，威胁那些与英国人合作的人，在重要问题上撤回自己的合作，最终 "肯定会有一个按照中国人的喜好安排的新立法机构。

这正是所发生的事情。

柯利達爵士挑出邓小平关于'一个新的开始'的话来说明他的观点，并补充说，中国人可能会寻求解散司法机构和其他机构。

 

Chinese leaders would be happy to have an excuse for dismantling the legislature when they took over in 1997; meanwhile they would pressurise local politicians and the community, threaten those who co-operated with the British, withdraw their own co-operation over important issues and ultimately ‘there will certainly be a new legislature arranged to the Chinese liking.’ This is precisely what took place. Cradock singled out Deng’s words about ‘a fresh start’ to make his point, adding that the Chinese might seek to dismantle the judiciary and other institutions.

 

在他最有预见性的一句话中，柯利達爵士预见到，允许中国人声称英国违反了《联合声明》和《基本法》，将使他们能够削弱自己对维护自由和权利的承诺中那些他们不喜欢的部分。

我怎么强调《联合声明》对香港的重要性都不为过：它是香港的一张锚；没有它，香港人就会落入中国人的手中，根本得不到任何保护。

他警告说，不要在英国寻求 "短期的赞美"，也不要指望香港的大多数人在知道代价后支持总督。

许多当地人将寻求与共产党通融，即使彭定康赢得100%的支持，也不会改变中国的想法。

事实上，民众对北京领导人认为是颠覆行为的支持程度越高，他们的反应就越强硬。

 

In perhaps his most prescient sentence, Cradock foresaw that allowing the Chinese to claim that Britain was in breach of the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law would allow them to weaken those parts of their own commitments to uphold freedoms and rights which they did not like: ‘I cannot emphasise too much the importance to Hong Kong of the Joint Declaration: it is the territory’s sheet anchor; without it Hong Kong people would be in Chinese hands with no protection at all.’ He warned against courting ‘short term praise’ in Britain or counting on the majority in Hong Kong to support the governor once the costs became known. Many local people would seek to make their accommodation with the Communist Party and even if Patten won 100 per cent support it would not change China’s mind: ‘Indeed, the greater the level of popular support for what the Peking leaders will see as an act of subversion, the tougher their reaction will be.’

 

同时，柯利達爵士警告首相，他必须预料到会有攻击，因为他对香港处理不当，丢掉了撒切尔政府的最大成就之一。

他悲观地表示，"来自香港的难民问题可能再次变得严重。

在他看来，选择是在短期内更多的民主，然后在1997年后进行镇压，还是在1997年之前减少民主，然后有更好的机会避免镇压制度。

在第一种情况下，他认为会出现 "高度的中英敌意"，中国政府会利用这种敌意来取消《联合声明》的部分内容。

他承认这是 "一种邪恶的选择"，但他说答案只有一个：采取第二种选择。

失去彭定康扩大的民主将是'痛苦的'，但为了'避免此后无限期的镇压制度'，这是值得付出的代价。

他敦促首相重新考虑，修改计划，并重新与中国人进行秘密会谈。

 

Meanwhile, Cradock warned the prime minister, he must expect attacks for mishandling Hong Kong and casting away one of the biggest achievements of the Thatcher government. With pessimistic foresight, he said, ‘the issue of refugees from Hong Kong could again become acute.’ The choice in his view was between more democracy in the short term followed by repression after 1997, and less democracy up to 1997 with a better chance of avoiding a repressive system afterwards. In the first case he thought there would be ‘a high degree of Sino-British hostility’ which Beijing would use to write off parts of the Joint Declaration. He admitted that it was ‘a choice of evils’, but he said there was only one answer: to take the second choice. Losing Patten’s expanded democracy would be ‘painful’ but was a worthwhile price to pay for ‘avoiding a repressive system of indefinite duration thereafter’. He urged the prime minister to think again, to modify the plan and to re-engage the Chinese in secret talks.

 

柯利達爵士的建议得到了考虑，但政策没有改变。

从那时起，他的语气变得尖锐起来。

他开始在媒体上攻击彭定康。

这是一场不平等的较量；正如他的一个崇拜者悲哀地说，"彭定康是一个流畅的电视表演者，然后珀西会在屏幕上突然出现，看起来像一只愤怒的猫头鹰。

 

Cradock’s advice was considered but the policy was not changed. From then on his tone sharpened. He began to attack Patten in the media. This was an unequal contest; as one of his admirers said sadly, ‘there was Chris Patten the smooth televisual performer and then Percy would pop up on the screen looking like an angry owl.’

 

1993年12月，他在下议院外交事务委员会上表达了他的关切，在批评者看来，他似乎是中国政府的发言人："他们觉得自己被欺骗了。

他们对此感觉非常强烈。

我并不是说他们是对的，或者他们在政治上是合理的，或者在法律上是合理的。

他说："我要说的是，这就是他们的立场。

 

In December 1993 he took his concerns to the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, appearing to his critics as if he was a spokesman for the Chinese government: ‘They feel they have been cheated. They feel extremely strongly about it. I am not saying they are right or they are politically justified or legally justified. What I am saying is that this is their position,’ he said.

 

柯利達爵士让委员会毫不怀疑让中国人承诺在香港进行'选举'是多么困难，以及香港有限的民主是多么脆弱。

中国人坚决反对，我们只是在最后一刻，在杰弗里-豪（Geoffrey Howe）亲自帮助下，在给中国外交部长吴学谦（Wu Xueqian）的信中，才把这个非常笼统的词句写进去。

他们向我们明确表示，香港任何走向威斯敏斯特式民主的举动都会被他们视为走向独立。

 

Cradock left the committee in no doubt how difficult it had been to get the Chinese to commit to ‘elections’ in Hong Kong and how fragile was its limited democracy. ‘The Chinese were adamant against it and we only managed to get that very generalised phrase in at the very last minute and with the personal help of Geoffrey Howe in a message to Wu Xueqian, the Chinese foreign minister. They made it plain to us that any move towards democracy in the Westminster style in Hong Kong would be regarded by them as moves towards independence.’

 

他警告他们，不要指望美国或其他任何人会来帮助香港。

早在1982年至1984年，英国曾有一种幸福的幻想，认为朋友和伙伴，特别是美国会把我们的栗子从火中拉出来。

但他们明确表示，他们对中国有自己的计划，他们不会用他们的资本来为我们战斗。

所以最后我们只能靠自己。

上一任总督大谈法治，'但他似乎忘记了，法治绝对取决于《联合声明》的神圣性。

我们大大加快了从大陆向香港的政治入侵。

 

He warned them not to expect the United States or anyone else to come to the aid of Hong Kong. ‘Back in 1982 to 1984 the UK used to have the happy illusion that friends and partners especially the US would pull our chestnuts out of the fire. But they made it perfectly plain that they had an agenda of their own with China and they were not going to use their capital on fighting our battles. So in the end we were on our own.’ The last governor talked a good deal about the rule of law, ‘but he seems to forget that the rule of law depends absolutely on the sanctity of the Joint Declaration. We have greatly accelerated political intrusion from the mainland into Hong Kong.’

 

由于未能为其可怕的预言赢得支持，柯利達爵士似乎在幕后进行了针对彭定康的阴谋活动。

他与现在被提升为上议院议员的Murray MacLehose取得了联系。

 

MacLehose不打算加入反对港督的阴谋，但他明确表示了自己的观点："从某一方面来说，我们确实成功了，这使得现在看到政客们拆散一个可能相当不稳定但有很大机会生存下来的结构，对香港人、英国贸易和英国仍然能够正确处理事情的声誉来说，就更加痛苦了。

 

Having failed to win support for his dire prophecies, Cradock seems to have gone behind the scenes to intrigue against Patten. He got in touch with Murray MacLehose, now elevated to the House of Lords. MacLehose was not about to join a conspiracy against the governor, but he made his opinions clear: ‘From one side or another we really pulled it off, which makes it all the more bitter now to see the politicians pulling apart a structure which may have been rather shaky but stood a good chance of surviving to the great benefit of Hong Kong people, British trade and Britain’s reputation for still being able to get things right.

 

'批评的路线是显而易见的，但如何摆脱我们自己陷入的困境似乎没有人知道。

我不认为解除彭定康的职务本身就能解决这个问题，因为香港的反应和来自北京的反击，来自那些非常善于表达的香港政客和他们的媒体支持者，他们把英国政府误入了这个泥潭。

‘The lines of criticism are obvious but how to get out of the mess we have got ourselves into no-one seems to know. I don’t think the removal of Chris Patten would solve the situation in itself because of the reaction in Hong Kong and the counter-reaction from Peking, from the very articulate Hong Kong politicians and their media supporters who have misled the British Government into this mire.’

 

柯利達爵士对撒切尔夫人感到绝望，她公开对香港不能获得独立感到遗憾，并公开支持彭定康。

他们的关系并不密切；事实上，他后来在给新加坡老政治家李光耀的私人信件中抱怨说，"她的自传非常不厚道"。

他从前工党总理卡拉汉勋爵那里得到了更多的同情，他曾私下警告彭定康说他是在浪费时间。

我完全支持你的观点，即对待一个拥有不同于我们自己文化的伟大而自豪的民族，就像你在下议院的地板上与反对派打交道一样，这是在寻求失败。

至于21世纪，我有一种强烈的感觉，中国将日益强大，将保持她的统一性（尽管有很多权力下放），并将成为世界事件中的一支真正的力量。

我们应该保持良好的关系，这一点非常重要，因为除了我们与其他国家共享的人权之外，我们将没有任何重要的利益可以将我们分开。

 

Cradock despaired of Mrs Thatcher, who openly regretted that Hong Kong could not be given independence and spoke out in support of Patten. Their relations were not close; in fact he later complained in a private letter to Lee Kuan Yew, the elder statesman of Singapore, that ‘her autobiography was very ungenerous.’ He got a more sympathetic hearing from Lord Callaghan, the former Labour prime minister, who had privately warned Patten that he was wasting his time. ‘I entirely support your belief that it is courting failure to treat a great and proud people with a culture other than our own as though you are engaged in a knockabout with the opposition across the floor of the House of Commons,’ Callaghan wrote to him. ‘As to the 21st century I have a strong feeling that China will grow in strength, will retain her unity (although with much decentralisation) and will become a real force in world events. How important that we should be on good terms, as we shall have no important interests to divide us except human rights which we share with others.’

 

但没有什么比前总理更 "前 "的了，柯利達爵士的所有游说都是徒劳的。

由于建制派对那些违反其准则的人保留了无情的态度，他发现自己被排除在其内部圈子之外，他慢慢地从人们的视线中退去。

他没有获得上议院的席位，而这可能是他应得的；虽然他仍然是为君主提供建议的枢密院成员，但没有更多的荣誉。

他利用这段时间写了一些关于中国、情报和大战略的书，发挥了他曾经不得不限制在秘密通信中的干练优雅。

他与李光耀通信，他们的信中夹杂着老人对健康的担忧和黯淡的战略预言；两人都认为中国和俄罗斯将在中国失去的北方领土问题上始终存在分歧，两人都认为西方在阿富汗陷入了一场永远无法获胜的战争，两人都对美国的不稳定感到遗憾。

他们不时安静地用餐--伦敦的日本餐厅Nobu是他们的最爱--但他们的会面越来越少了。

李是一个崇拜者。

他称《联合声明》是 "一个巡回演出，因为它涵盖了在中国不存在的概念和制度"，他认为柯利達爵士是比其他任何人都更了解中国的英国人。

 

But there is nothing so ‘former’ as a former prime minister and all Cradock’s lobbying was for nought. With the ruthlessness that the establishment reserves for those who transgress its codes, he found himself excluded from its inner circles and he slowly receded from view. He did not get the seat in the House of Lords which might have been his due; and although he remained a member of the Privy Council, which advises the sovereign, there were no more honours. He used the time to write books on China, on intelligence and on grand strategy, deploying the dry elegance he had once been obliged to confine to secret communications. He corresponded with Lee Kuan Yew, their letters interspersing old men’s health worries with gloomy strategic prognostications; both thought China and Russia would always be at odds over China’s lost northern territories, both agreed that the West was stuck in a war it could never win in Afghanistan, and both deplored the inconstancy of America. From time to time they dined quietly – the Japanese restaurant Nobu in London was a favourite – but their meetings dwindled. Lee was an admirer. He called the Joint Declaration ‘a tour de force because it covered concepts and systems that did not exist in China’ and he saw Cradock as the Englishman who knew China better than any other.

 

当柯利達爵士在经过白厅的大量编辑后出版了他关于联合情报委员会的书时，撒切尔夫人给他写了一份个人说明，表达了她自己对情报工作的独特看法："我不禁想到，必要的决定也极大地取决于负责人和他周围人的个性。

否则，它就只是一种由经验修正的数学计算。

关于使天平倾斜的确切因素，总是有一点神秘感--但那时，生活是关于比理性更重要的。

 

When Cradock published his book on the Joint Intelligence Committee, after heavy redactions by Whitehall, Mrs Thatcher wrote him a personal note which expressed her own characteristic view of intelligence: ‘I cannot help thinking that the requisite decision also depends enormously on the personality of the person in charge and those around him. Otherwise it would merely be a kind of mathematical calculation modified by experience. There is always a bit of a mystery about the precise factors that tipped the balance – but then, life is about more than reason.’

 

柯利達爵士不是一个无所事事的人；他和比尔特在马贝拉和威尼斯丽都打网球，由于没有孩子，他们可以自由旅行。

但他的健康因糖尿病而严重衰退。

2001年，他的一条腿被截肢，两年后另一条腿也被截肢。

他坚定地承受了这一切，收到了来自老同事们源源不断的同情信。

其中一封来自Len Appleyard，他是另一位曾担任驻北京大使的中国通，在Cradocks家喝完茶和吃完蛋糕的社交活动后。

 

Cradock was not an idle man; he and Birthe played tennis in Marbella and on the Venice Lido and, having no children, they were free to travel. But his health went into serious decline due to diabetes. One leg was amputated in 2001, the other two years later. He bore it all with steadfastness, receiving a stream of sympathetic letters from old colleagues. One came from Len Appleyard, another China hand who had served as ambassador to Beijing, after a social call on the Cradocks for tea and cakes:

 

在彭定康的心目中，我们显然是在同一个地狱的圈子里，永远不会被原谅......在我们的谈话之后，我再次感到与一个自欺欺人的政治家打交道是多么困难。

我定期去香港进行咨询，每次都提出我知道他在批评我的问题。

每次他都拒绝解决这些问题，然后在我离开后对我进行简报。

令人高兴的是，我认为这些年来舆论已经朝着我们的方向发展，但在彭定康的心目中，我相信我们犯了最终的罪，即阻碍了他未来的政治生涯。

 

We are clearly in the same circle of hell in Chris Patten’s mind, not ever to be forgiven … Reflecting after our conversation I was struck once more about how difficult it was to deal with a spin-doctor politician. I went down regularly to Hong Kong for consultations, each time bringing up the issues I knew he was criticising me for. Each time he refused to address them and then briefed against me after I left. Happily, I think opinion has moved in our direction over the years but in Chris Patten’s mind, I believe we committed the ultimate sin of standing in the way of his future political career.

 

柯利達爵士的最后几年是残酷的。

作为一个双腿截肢的人，他被关在家里。

从与强大的人通信开始，他后来的信件包括写给地方议会的信件，抱怨一场摇滚音乐会的噪音以及与一家养老金公司讨价还价。

然而，他也有平静的时刻，坚忍不拔的平静。

资深的中国记者乔纳森-米尔斯基（Jonathan Mirsky）是柯利達爵士路线的反对者，他目睹了天安门广场的大屠杀，他写信表示同情，随后两人之间进行了热烈的通信联系。

两人都差点在北京街头丧生，尽管他们从这次经历中得出了截然相反的结论。

 

Cradock’s last years were cruel. As a double amputee he was housebound. From corresponding with the mighty, his later letters included those addressed to the local council complaining about noise from a rock concert and haggling with a pension company. There were, however, moments of ataraxia, stoic calm. The veteran China correspondent Jonathan Mirsky, an adversary of the Cradock line who had witnessed the massacre in Tiananmen Square, wrote to express his sympathy, and a warm correspondence between the two followed. Both men had almost lost their lives on the streets of Beijing, even if they drew diametrically opposed conclusions from the experience.

 

珀西-柯利達爵士爵士于2010年1月22日去世。

撒切尔夫人给他的遗孀发了一封慰问信。

这一次她很慷慨。

 

Sir Percy Cradock died on 22 January 2010. Mrs Thatcher sent a letter of condolence to his widow. This time she was generous:

 

珀西是一个最了不起的人。

他的聪明才智和敏锐的头脑闪闪发光。

他达到清晰而有力的知识立场的能力有时可能有点令人不安，但这一点也是值得欢迎的。

 

Percy was a most remarkable man. His brilliance and sharpness of mind shone out. His ability to reach a clear and vigorous intellectual position might sometimes be a little unnerving but it was none the less welcome.

 

也许珀西最大的优点是，他比任何人都更了解中国人和他们的思维方式。

这在关于香港未来的谈判中是非常宝贵的，使我有信心推动取得比我们的基本外交立场可能取得的更好结果。

 

Perhaps Percy’s greatest strength was that more than anyone else he understood the Chinese and their way of thinking. This was invaluable during the negotiations on the future of Hong Kong and gave me the confidence to push for a better outcome than perhaps our underlying diplomatic position might otherwise have achieved.

 

讣告是有分寸的，对他的成就进行了公正的评价，但不知为何没有抓住一个既爱中国又痛恨中国的人的本质。

这一点留给了历史学家休-托马斯，他写信给《泰晤士报》，填补了空白。

 

The obituaries were measured, fairly judging his achievement but somehow failing to capture the essence of a man who both loved and rued China. That was left to the historian Hugh Thomas, who wrote to The Times to fill in the gaps:

 

我记得我和珀西一起在中国旅行，在那些荒凉的火车上，珀西是一个无与伦比的伙伴，他和他出色的妻子Birthe一起，在洛阳一家挂在河上的餐厅里，他朗诵着奥登的诗句。

 

I recall myself travelling in China with Percy, an incomparable companion on those bleak trains, with his splendid wife Birthe, and him reciting, in a restaurant hung over a river in Loyang, the lines of Auden:

 

皇帝的宠妃The Emperor’s favourite concubine

被太监收买了。

 

Was in the Eunuch’s pay,

马车上的看守人把The Wardens of the Marches turned

他们的矛头转向了另一边。

 

Their spears the other way;

花瓶破裂，女人们死去。

 

The vases crack, the ladies die,

神谕是错误的。

 

The oracles are wrong:

我们吸吮我们的拇指或睡觉；表演We suck our thumbs or sleep; the show

赌性太大，时间太长Is gamey and too long

 

10.过渡期

10.Transitions

 

 

1995年9月17日星期日，香港人投票选出了英国统治下的最后一届立法会。

这时距离中国恢复主权还有653天。

这次投票是自由和公平的。

他们是该殖民地历史上最民主的一次，但投票率很低。

 

The people of Hong Kong voted to elect the last Legislative Council under British rule on Sunday 17 September 1995. It was 653 days before China resumed sovereignty. The polls were free and fair. They were the most democratic in the history of the colony, but the turnout was low.

 

只有92万多人，约占登记选民的35%，在各选区投票。

在为争取更广泛的选举权而进行的艰苦斗争之后，有46万人，即略高于40%的合格选民，在功能组别中投票。

华文媒体指出，许多人认为这项工作毫无意义。

然而，亲北京的政党及其媒体支持者非但没有抵制这次选举，反而为 "爱香港、爱祖国的爱国候选人 "发起了一场激烈的运动。

他们的努力是徒劳的。

 

Just over 920,000 people, about 35 per cent of registered voters, cast votes in the geographical constituencies. After all the hard-fought battles for broader enfranchisement in the functional constituencies, 460,000 people, or just over 40 per cent of those eligible, voted in them. The Chinese-language press suggested that many people felt the exercise was pointless. Yet, far from boycotting the contest, pro-Beijing parties and their media supporters had waged a vigorous campaign for ‘patriotic candidates who love Hong Kong and love the Motherland’. Their efforts were in vain.

 

最大的胜利者是李柱铭领导的民主党，该党赢得了19个席位。

民主阵营在地理和功能选区方面都击败了亲北京的政党。

他们在立法机构中赢得了多数席位。

然而，立法会的时间是借来的。

它的任期只有21个月。

它表明，如果你想要法治和个人自由，你就不能放弃民主，"李说。

'香港人已经习惯了，所以不再害怕，这是任何行政长官都很难做到的。

 

The single biggest victor was the Democratic Party led by Martin Lee, which won nineteen seats. The democratic camp beat the pro-Beijing parties in both the geographical and the functional constituencies. They won a majority in the legislature. The Legislative Council, however, was on borrowed time. It would only hold office for twenty-one months. ‘It showed that you cannot drop democracy if you want the rule of law and individual freedoms,’ said Lee. ‘Hong Kong people got used to that, so are no longer frightened and that is something which any chief executive will find it very difficult to follow.’

 

证据表明，香港人正在逐步发现自己管理自己的愿望。

另外两次完全民主的选举也已经举行了。

1994年9月，创纪录的693,223名选民参加了区议会选举，投票率超过33%。

1995年3月，561,943名选民参加了市议会的选举，约占合格人数的四分之一。

这就是9月份民主胜利的前奏。

 

The evidence suggested that Hong Kong people were steadily discovering a wish to govern themselves. Two other fully democratic elections had already been staged. In September 1994, a record 693,223 voters participated in elections to the District Boards, a turnout of more than 33 per cent. And in March 1995, 561,943 voters turned out in elections to the Municipal Councils, representing about a quarter of those eligible. That was the prelude to the democratic triumph in September.

 

当民主派沉浸在欣喜若狂的氛围中时，亲北京的势力对他们的失败进行了迅速的审计。

他们对1997年的最终胜利很有把握，因为中国曾说过立法机构将被推翻，并将任命一位行政长官，但他们并没有坐以待毙，等待奖励落到他们头上。

 

While the democrats basked in a daze of euphoria, the pro-Beijing forces conducted a rapid audit of their defeat. They were certain of ultimate victory in 1997 because China had said the legislature would be thrown out and it would appoint a chief executive, but they did not sit idly waiting for the rewards to fall into their lap.

 

共产党本身在香港进行地下活动，但它有一套完善的技术，可以通过其统战部进行部署。

它很好地利用了这些技术。

更多的资金流向了公开的亲共政党和个别立法者，并伴随着严格的陈规陋习，即 "更接近人民 "和 "更好地了解人民的生活 "的指令。

中国官员努力加深与商业精英的联系。

同时，他们还加紧努力接触无党派的立法机构成员，影响企业和社会组织。

 

The Communist Party itself operated underground in Hong Kong, but it had a well-oiled set of techniques to deploy through its United Front Work Department. It put these to good use. More funds flowed to overtly pro-Communist parties and individual legislators, accompanied by strict if stereotypical injunctions to ‘get closer to the people’ and ‘better understand people’s livelihoods’. Chinese officials worked hard to deepen their ties to the business elite. At the same time they intensified their efforts to reach out to unaffiliated members of the legislature and to influence businesses and social organisations.

 

西方情报机构认为，在中国方面，以粗暴的周南为首的民族主义 "强硬派 "和以鲁平为首的更灵活的机会主义者之间出现了分裂。

后者是一个圆滑的上海人，在需要的时候能够进行谩骂，但在其他场合则是宫廷理性的缩影。

事后看来，这是对中国外交的一种刻板印象，中国的外交当然有很多派别，但仍然很坚决，不会被分裂或玩弄。

在监视周南的风流韵事方面花费了很多诡异的努力，一位西方高级情报官员回忆说，这位特使是 "一个伟大的骗子"。

在他的档案中，有一份报告说，作为驻纽约的年轻外交官，周南曾迷恋英国驻联合国代表团的一个女人。

经验丰富的人试图弄清楚是否可以从周南充满活力的个人生活中获得任何好处，但决定不去管它。

他的女人行为仍然没有被披露。

 

Western intelligence agencies thought there was a split on the Chinese side between nationalistic ‘hardliners’ around the abrasive Zhou Nan and more flexible opportunists around Lu Ping. The latter was a smooth Shanghainese, capable of vituperation when required but the epitome of courtly reason on other occasions. In hindsight this was an attempt to stereotype Chinese diplomacy, which was certainly beset by factions but remained resolute and was not to be divided or played off. Much spooky effort was expended in monitoring Zhou Nan’s amorous exploits, one senior Western intelligence official recalling the envoy as ‘a great shagger’. In his file was a report that as a young diplomat in New York, Zhou had been infatuated with a woman at the British Mission to the United Nations. Experienced minds tried to puzzle out whether there was any advantage to be gained from Zhou’s energetic personal life but it was decided to leave well alone. His womanising remained undisclosed.

 

对香港人来说，周南和鲁平之间的区别似乎只是风格上的区别，这给他们上了一课，让他们明白必须了解他们未来的主人。

鲁平的形象更让人放心，而周南则是斧头脸的思想家的缩影。

香港和上海银行的负责人威廉-珀维斯爵士与鲁平相处融洽，并在敏感的政治问题上与他打交道。

凡是有回旋余地的地方，鲁平都会找到它。

鲁平曾发动过他的 "斗争外交"；一位外交官回忆说，他曾听到鲁平和珀西-柯利達爵士爵士在会议室里大喊大叫，并敲打桌子，他们两个人坐在一起。

香港的一位高级公务员是这样说的。

中国是一个巨大的国家，有不同的区域特征，周南是来自内陆首都的官员的化身，而鲁平则是海上城市上海的人，上海有贸易和文化交流的国际大都市历史。

他与香港的许多精英有共同的遗产。

 

To Hong Kong people, the difference between Zhou Nan and Lu Ping seemed to be one of style, which gave them an early lesson in the necessity of understanding their future masters. Lu cut a more reassuring figure, while Zhou epitomised the hatchet-faced ideologue. The head of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Sir William Purves, got on well with Lu and dealt with him on sensitive political questions. Where there was room for manoeuvre, Lu would find it. Lu had waged his share of ‘struggle diplomacy’; one diplomat recalled hearing Lu and Sir Percy Cradock shouting at each other and banging the table as they sat à deux in a conference room. One of the top civil servants in Hong Kong put it like this: China was a huge country with different regional characters, and Zhou was the incarnation of a mandarin from the inland capital while Lu was a native of a city on the sea, Shanghai, which had a cosmopolitan history of trade and cultural intercourse. He had a heritage in common with many of the Hong Kong elite.

 

在这个关键时刻，有一个秘密可能削弱了鲁平的影响力。

他身患重病。

1994年，他的医生建议他为胃痛做胃镜检查。

鲁平拒绝了他的建议，但第二年，医生坚持要做。

他给我看了一个很大的阴影，说他们会等待检查，但我有百分之九十的可能性必须动刀。

鲁平继续访问香港，但在1995年5月返回北京时，他以假名在北京一家医院登记，接受了胃癌切除手术。

之后又进行了一轮艰苦的化疗。

谣言四起。

许多记者从香港赶来询问，但医院说没有这样的病人，"他回忆说。

 

There was a secret which may have weakened Lu’s influence at this critical juncture. He was gravely ill. In 1994 his doctor had advised him to have a gastroscopy for his stomach pains. Lu put him off but the next year the doctor insisted. ‘He showed me there was a large shadow and said they would wait for the tests but there was a ninety percent chance I would have to go under the knife.’ Lu went ahead with a visit to Hong Kong, but on his return to Beijing in May 1995 he checked in under an assumed name to a hospital in Beijing where he underwent a gastric resection for stomach cancer. It was followed by a gruelling round of chemotherapy. Rumours spread. ‘Many journalists came from Hong Kong to inquire but the hospital said there was no such patient,’ he recalled.

 

'化疗非常艰难，我的头发都掉光了。

专家说我应该休息两个月，然后再回来做第二轮治疗。

但是我怎么可能呢？我怎么能继续我的工作呢？所以我拒绝了第二轮治疗。

当我出来时，每个人都可以看到我很虚弱和憔悴。

但我坚持了下来。

‘The chemotherapy was so rough that I lost all my hair. The specialists said I should rest for two months and come back for a second round. But how could I? How could I carry on my work? So I refused a second round. When I came out everyone could see I was weak and haggard. But I held on.’

 

当中国的干部们调集力量推进他们计划中的领土政治改革时，陆续重新出现在现场。

然而，他们满足于让香港繁荣的资本主义引擎继续运转。

在1995年的预算中，财政部长麦高乐（Hamish Macleod）重申了15%的最高税率，尽管政府将出现少量赤字。

 

Macleod说："我们有一个明确的理念，并始终如一地应用，它基于对市场力量、自由企业和自由贸易的承诺，""我们相信创造一个政府监管和干预最少的环境，加上政府在基础设施和保护穷人方面的最大支持，让商业自由发展。

 

Lu reappeared on the scene as the Chinese cadres marshalled their forces to drive ahead their planned political transformation of the territory. They were content, however, to allow the capitalist engine of Hong Kong’s prosperity to tick over. In his 1995 budget the financial secretary, Hamish Macleod, reaffirmed a top tax rate of 15 per cent, even though the government would run a small deficit. ‘We have a clear philosophy, consistently applied, which is based on a commitment to market forces, free enterprise and free trade,’ said Macleod, ‘we believe in creating an environment with minimum government regulation and interference, plus maximum government support in terms both of infrastructure and of protection for the needy, leaving business free to flourish.’

 

他写下这些话时，香港已经连续第三年成为世界上最繁忙的集装箱港口，而且这个城市被美国的保守派智囊团传统基金会评为世界上最自由的经济体。

政府还旨在传播繁荣。

政府通过立法建立了强制性公积金，借鉴了新加坡成功应用的社会保险的一些原则。

 

He wrote those words as Hong Kong became the world’s busiest container port for the third successive year and the city was named the world’s freest economy by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank in the United States. The government also aimed to spread prosperity. Legislation was passed to set up a mandatory provident fund, borrowing some of the principles of social insurance successfully applied in Singapore.

 

1996年，英国统治的最后一整年，变革的步伐加快了，而经济上的成功给这个城市走向其命运的过程披上了一层信心。

香港的特使们出现在布鲁塞尔和达沃斯的世界经济论坛上，谈论其在全球贸易体系中的作用。

当香港金融管理局成为国际清算银行的成员时，这是这个城市地位的一个标志。

11月，恒生指数首次升至13,000点以上。

 

In 1996, the last full year of British rule, the pace of change accelerated, while economic success gave a patina of confidence to the city’s progress towards its destiny. Envoys from Hong Kong turned up in Brussels and at the World Economic Forum in Davos to talk up its role in the global trading system. It was a sign of the city’s status when the Hong Kong Monetary Authority became a member of the Bank for International Settlements. In November, the Hang Seng Index rose above 13,000 points for the first time.

 

对于全球化的倡导者来说，这是一个令人兴奋的时代。

5月，彭定康本人去了华盛顿，在那里他会见了比尔-克林顿总统，并主张继续保持中国的最惠国待遇，这使大陆的出口产品能够平等地进入美国市场。

香港的领导人相信，随着中国进入一个基于规则的世界经济，香港将会繁荣。

 

These were heady times for advocates of globalisation. In May, Chris Patten himself went to Washington, where he met President Bill Clinton and argued for the continuation of China’s Most Favoured Nation status, which gave the mainland’s exports equal access to the United States market. The leaders of Hong Kong believed it would prosper as China entered a rules-based world economy.

 

在整个政府中，面孔发生了变化以反映现实。

与陈方安生一起，更多的本地人进入了公务员的精英行列。

到1996年底，官方数据显示，公务员队伍中99%是本地人。

曾荫权，这位受过耶稣会教育的警察之子，成为150年来的第一位华裔财政部长。

工商司俞宗怡代表香港参加了关于未来世界贸易组织的谈判。

一个官方语言机构成立，以促进中文在公务员队伍中的使用。

3月14日，一个刑事案件首次在一个地区法院以粤语进行。

还有其他一些迹象表明发生了巨变。

自1988年以来一直任职的首席大法官楊鐵樑爵士辞去了他的职务，放弃了他的英国公民身份，并放弃了他的爵位，以竞选行政长官的职位。

总督匆匆忙忙地安排了一名澳大利亚律师诺埃尔-鲍尔担任临时首席大法官，直到移交。

 

Across the administration, faces changed to reflect reality. Alongside Anson Chan, more local people rose into the elite ranks of the civil service. By the end of 1996, official figures showed it was 99 per cent localised. Donald Tsang, the Jesuit-educated son of a policeman, became the first financial secretary of Chinese birth in 150 years. Denise Yu, the Secretary for Trade and Industry, represented Hong Kong at talks on the future World Trade Organisation. An official language agency was set up to promote the use of Chinese in the civil service. On 14 March a criminal case was conducted in Cantonese in a district court for the first time. There were other signs of a sea change. The Chief Justice, Sir Ti-liang Yang, who had been in office since 1988, resigned his position, renounced his British citizenship and gave up his knighthood in order to run for the position of chief executive. The governor hastily installed an Australian lawyer, Noel Power, to serve as interim Chief Justice until the handover.

 

法律制度是香港的一项资产，其商业价值与港口一样重要。

根据普通法，案件由公正的法官审理，这是防止腐败和影响的重要保障。

从1840年到1997年7月1日，最终判决权属于伦敦的枢密院司法委员会。

英国和中国商定，1997年后，这种权力将正确地停止，并在香港设立一个终审法院。

这被证明是简单的部分。

 

The legal system was an asset to Hong Kong as commercially important as the harbour. Cases were heard under common law before impartial judges, a vital safeguard against corruption and influence. From 1840 until 1 July 1997 the power of final judgement lay with the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. It was agreed by Britain and China that after 1997 this would, rightly, cease and a Court of Final Appeal would be established in Hong Kong. That proved to be the simple part.

 

法院的协议是秘密谈判的。

当它在1991年被披露时，在香港引起了轩然大波。

这就像关于选举的争议：民主党试图最大限度地提高司法独立性，而中国政府则试图最大限度地加强政治控制。

这又一次回到了《基本法》，其中规定 "来自其他普通法管辖区的法官 "可以被邀请加入法院。

法律没有说有多少人，但英国接受了中国的要求，即只有一名外国法官参加包括首席法官在内的五人小组，负责审理上诉案件。

中国的所有法院都服从于共产党，因此，这是该党打算扩大其权力的一个领域，同时直截了当地坚持认为香港将享有 "高度自治"。

它总是可以指望五个法官中的四个人的忠诚。

 

The court agreement had been negotiated in secret. When it was revealed in 1991, there was uproar in Hong Kong. It was like the dispute over elections: the Democrats sought to maximise judicial independence and the Chinese government tried to maximise political control. Once again it came back to the Basic Law, which said that ‘judges from other common law jurisdictions’ might be invited to sit on the court. The law did not say how many, but Britain had accepted China’s demand that only one foreign judge would sit on the panel of five, including the Chief Justice, which heard appeals. All courts in China obeyed the Communist Party and this was, therefore, an area in which the party meant to expand its power, while maintaining with a straight face that Hong Kong would enjoy ‘a high degree of autonomy’. It could always expect to count on the loyalty of four out of five judges.

 

民主党政治家、大律师李柱铭和同为律师的吳靄儀带领大家一起抱怨。

他们已经把我们出卖了，"李说。

在这场骚乱中，立法者于1991年12月4日投票反对该提案，给殖民地政府留下了一个难题。

这个问题留给了彭定康，他发现他与中国就设立法院的新法案达成协议的努力在普遍的政治责难中失败了。

对中国方面来说，这是一个推行 "斗争外交 "的机会，他们高兴地这样做了。

他们决定法院不能对 "国家行为 "进行裁决，这是一个方便的笼统说法。

他们还规定，解释法律的最终权力属于北京的全国人民代表大会常务委员会。

 

The Democrat politicians Martin Lee, a barrister, and Margaret Ng, a fellow lawyer, led the chorus of complaint. ‘They had already sold us down the river,’ said Lee. In the furore, legislators voted against the proposal on 4 December 1991, leaving the colonial government with a problem. It was bequeathed to Patten, who found that his efforts to reach agreement with China on a new bill to set up the court foundered amid the general political recriminations. To the Chinese side this was an opportunity to pursue ‘struggle diplomacy’, which they did with glee. They were determined that the court should not be able to rule on ‘acts of state’, a convenient catch-all phrase. They had also decreed that the ultimate power to interpret laws lay with the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in Beijing.

 

到1995年，这个决定不能再推迟了。

中国已经创造了自己的保险；现在它的官员们坐下来享受民主党人、一个不高兴的总督、热衷于贸易的伦敦部长和外交部，特别是其香港部之间的内讧。

争论不可避免地转向复杂的法律问题。

但更大的原则问题也岌岌可危。

英国内阁本身对惹恼中国的智慧也有分歧。

内阁的 "大野兽"，贸易委员会主席迈克尔-赫塞尔廷（Michael Heseltine），正率领一个由200多家企业组成的代表团前往中国。

他认为总督的立场是虚无缥缈的，也是无益的。

首相和外交部长支持彭定康，但他们开始感到不安。

 

By 1995 the decision could be postponed no longer. China had created its own insurance; now its officials sat back to enjoy the infighting between the Democrats, an unhappy governor, ministers in London who were keen on trade, and the Foreign Office, in particular its Hong Kong Department. Inevitably the arguments turned on fine legal intricacies. But bigger principles were at stake. The British cabinet itself was divided on the wisdom of annoying China. Its ‘big beast’, Michael Heseltine, the President of the Board of Trade, was leading a delegation of more than 200 businesses to China. He felt the governor’s stance was quixotic and unhelpful. The prime minister and the foreign secretary backed Patten, but they were becoming uneasy.

 

当彭定康暗示他可能在没有得到中国人同意的情况下单独设立法庭时，外交部的专家们感到震惊。

他们担心这将是选举改革之争的重演，这将产生一个注定会在交接时被废除的机构。

尽管如此，还是准备了一份法案提交给立法者，但这并没有让民主党人满意，也激怒了总督的批评者，他们认为他太鲁莽了。

彭定康的一位助手说："这一切都变得相当糟糕。

 

The Foreign Office specialists were aghast when Patten implied that he might go it alone to set up the court without agreement from the Chinese. They feared it would be a replay of the electoral reform battle which would produce an institution doomed to abolition at the handover. None the less, a bill was prepared for presentation to legislators, which did not satisfy the Democrats and incensed the governor’s critics, who felt he was reckless. ‘It all got rather nasty,’ said one of Patten’s aides.

 

然后在5月底，当英方的争论处于平衡状态时，中国的谈判代表陈佐洱给他的对手们抛出了一条生命线。

双方达成了一项协议，英国在每个实质性问题上都做出了让步。

这是一个脾气不好的交换，但6月8日接近午夜时分，一个文本被敲定，并在第二天签署。

李柱铭轻蔑地争辩说，该法案符合北京的利益，破坏了法治，并损害了司法机构的独立性。

然而，大多数立法者被彭定康的论点所说服--这是对其他与中国谈判的人的请求的讽刺--这是能够达成的最佳协议。

1995年7月26日，该协议以38票对17票获得通过。

 

Then at the end of May, as the arguments on the British side were in the balance, the Chinese negotiator, Chen Zuo’er, threw his opponents a lifeline. The two sides struck a deal in which Britain conceded on every substantial point. It was a bad-tempered exchange to the end, but a text was finalised near midnight on 8 June and signed the next day. Martin Lee defiantly argued that the bill served Beijing’s interests, damaged the rule of law and undermined the independence of the judiciary. Most legislators, however, were convinced by Patten’s argument – an ironic echo of pleas made by others negotiating with China – that this was the best agreement that could be achieved. It passed by thirty-eight votes to seventeen on 26 July 1995.

 

总督认为迈克尔-赫塞尔廷是他最大的批评者，因为他在争端期间 "搞砸了英国的商业"，但对中国的宣传访问继续进行，赫塞尔廷没有在公开场合批评过他。

私下里，当他来香港度周末时，赫塞尔廷把总督拉到一边说了几句话。

他突然对我说："我不想说一些会破坏我们友谊的话，但在我离开之前，我想对你说一些私人的话"，彭定康回忆道。

两人走到政府大楼的露台上，赫塞尔廷是一位著名的园丁，他在清晨的阳光下将目光投向修剪整齐的花园。

他说："听着，"他说，"对你说这些很困难。

但你没有正确地修剪盆景"。

 

The governor felt that Michael Heseltine was his greatest critic for ‘screwing up British business’ during the dispute, but the promotional visit to China went ahead and Heseltine did not criticise him in public. In private, when he came to Hong Kong for the weekend, Heseltine took the governor aside for a word. ‘He says to me suddenly, “I don’t want to say something which is going to ruin our friendship, but there’s something personal I’d like to say to you before I leave”,’ recalled Patten. The two men stepped out onto the terrace at Government House, where Heseltine, a renowned gardener, ran his eye over the manicured gardens in the early morning light. ‘“Look,” he said, “it’s quite difficult saying this to you. But you’re not pruning the bonsais properly”.’

 

彭定康避免了一场内阁危机。

香港有了终审法院，英国有了与中国的贸易。

彭定康说："事实是，人们会说这些关于商业和政治的事情，但当你看一下1992年至1997年的数字，当我们与中国人发生所有这些激烈的争吵时，我们的贸易份额在经合组织贸易中的比例（与中国）上升了。

彭定康说，"他已经了解到与一个掌握大部分牌的坚定对手进行谈判的局限性。

1995年初做出的决定并不光彩，但正如彭定康在2019年所说的那样，终审法院'是香港与中国大陆一样的东西之一'，它仍然存在。

随着1995年进入1996年，回归的脚步越来越近，人们从这些保证中得到了安慰。

 

Patten had avoided a cabinet crisis. Hong Kong got its Court of Final Appeal and Britain got its trade with China. ‘The truth is that people would say these things about business and politics, but when you look at the figures from 1992 to 1997 when we were having all these blazing rows with the Chinese our share of trade as a proportion of OECD trade [with China] went up,’ said Patten. He had learned the limits of negotiating with a resolute opponent who held most of the cards. The decisions taken in early 1995 were not glorious, but as Patten put it in 2019, the Court of Final Appeal ‘is one of the things which still stands between Hong Kong and just being like mainland China’. As 1995 turned into 1996 and the handover drew near, people took comfort from such reassurances.

 

英国的影响力正在迅速消退，但伦敦的约翰-梅杰政府决心行使权力，直到其最后一天。

1996年3月，首相访问了香港，并宣布香港特别行政区的新蓝金护照的持有者将可以免签证进入英国。

英国和中国在当天晚些时候达成的一系列协议打破了僵局，这些问题包括在新机场建造第二条跑道、在中国上空的空中导航、交接仪式的安排以及将持有香港储备的外汇基金移交给新当局。

 

British influence was fast ebbing away, but John Major’s government in London was determined to exercise authority until its last day. In March 1996 the prime minister visited Hong Kong and announced that holders of the new blue-and-gold passports of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region would have visa-free access to the United Kingdom. A series of late-in-the-day agreements between Britain and China broke the deadlock on issues as diverse as a building a second runway at the new airport, air navigation over China, arrangements for the handover ceremony and the transfer of the Exchange Fund, which held Hong Kong’s reserves, to the new authorities.

 

中国政府并没有浪费时间。

1996年初，它成立了一个由150名来自香港和中国的合适人士组成的筹备委员会，由钱其琛担任主席，他的身旁是康复中的鲁平和周南这些不可避免的人物。

来自香港的副主席包括航运业继承人董建华，他注定要成为第一任行政长官；他的继任者之一梁振英；植根于广东的商业大亨霍英东；以及杰出的法官李福善，他告诉外国游客，天安门广场的屠杀是由学生的侵略造成的。

 

The Chinese government did not waste its time. At the start of 1996 it set up a Preparatory Committee of 150 suitable individuals from Hong Kong and China, chaired by Qian Qichen, who was flanked by the inevitable figures of the convalescent Lu Ping and Zhou Nan. The vice-chairmen from Hong Kong included the shipping heir Tung Chee-hwa, the man destined to be the first chief executive; one of his successors, Leung Chun-ying; Henry Fok, a business tycoon rooted in Guangdong; and the distinguished judge Simon Li, who told foreign visitors that the Tiananmen Square massacre had been caused by the aggression of the students.

 

这预示着中国早就说过要进行精心策划的权力转移，而剧本也是这样展开的。

6月，董建华辞去了总督行政会议的职务，在那里他被认为是一个和蔼可亲、令人放心的人。

两个月后，一个由400名成员组成的遴选委员会开始提名，以选择新的领导人和临时立法会成员。

总共有5,791人参加了提名。

400名成功的候选人在深圳的一个大厅开会。

他们的首要任务是选出一个领导人。

八名候选人参加了最高职位的竞选，看起来像是一场竞赛。

三个人进入了最后一轮。

董建华、楊鐵樑爵士和尖刻的上海出生的亿万富翁吴光正。

最受香港人欢迎的候选人--行政司司长陈方安生决定不参加竞选，尽管她承诺将继续 "无惧无私 "地服务。

 

This heralded the orchestrated transfer of power which China had long said it would carry out, and the script unfolded accordingly. In June, Tung resigned from the governor’s Executive Council, where he was regarded as an affable, reassuring presence. Two months later nominations opened for a 400-member Selection Committee which would choose the new leader and the members of the Provisional Legislative Council. A total of 5,791 people put themselves forward. The 400 successful candidates convened at a hall in Shenzhen. Their first task was to pick a leader. There was a semblance of a contest as eight candidates stood for the top job. Three made it to the final round: Tung, Sir Ti-liang Yang and Peter Woo, an acerbic Shanghai-born billionaire. The most popular candidate among Hong Kong people, the chief secretary for administration, Anson Chan, decided not to stand, although she promised to stay on to serve ‘without fear or favour’.

 

12月11日，在湾仔海滨的新会展中心，董建华以400张选票中的320张当选，仪式顺利进行。

楊鐵樑爵士获得49票，吴光正获得36票。

仪式完成后，董建华成为候任行政长官。

江泽民主席和李鹏总理称赞这次选举是一次民主的突破，因为这是 "香港历史上第一次由香港人任命为行政长官的华人"。

在会议中心外，警察带走了29名冲破封锁线的民主抗议者，其中包括立法会议员刘慧卿和工会会员李卓人。

 

On 11 December Tung was elected by 320 out of 400 votes in a smoothly organised ceremony in the new Convention and Exhibition Centre on the harbourfront in Wanchai. Sir Ti-liang Yang gained forty-nine votes and Peter Woo thirty-six. The ritual was complete and Tung became chief executive designate. The election was hailed by President Jiang Zemin and Premier Li Peng as a democratic breakthrough because it was ‘the first time in Hong Kong history that a Chinese had been appointed chief executive by the Hong Kong people.’ Outside the Convention Centre, the police took away twenty-nine pro-democracy protesters who breached a cordon, including the legislator Emily Lau and the trade unionist Lee Cheuk-yan.

 

第二天，筹备委员会在深圳召开会议，提名130名临时立法会的候选人。

香港的民主党派没有提出任何候选人。

整个过程再次顺利进入第二阶段。

12月21日，遴选委员会的400名成员选出了60名男女，他们将参加立法机构，在回归后管理香港的600万人口。

他们包括现有立法机构的33名成员和10名曾在1995年参加选举但失败的人。

新成员中包括亲共大亨霍英东的儿子霍震霆，他与董建华关系密切。

 

The next day the Preparatory Committee convened in Shenzhen to nominate 130 candidates for the Provisional Legislature. The democratic parties in Hong Kong did not put anyone forward. Once again the process moved smoothly to its second stage. On 21 December, the 400 individuals on the Selection Committee picked sixty men and women who would sit in the legislature to govern six million people in Hong Kong after the handover. They included thirty-three members of the existing legislature and ten people who had stood for election in 1995 and lost. Among the new members was Timothy Fok, son of the pro-Communist tycoon Henry Fok, who was close to Tung.

 

钱其琛称这个过程是 "公正、公平和公开的"。

彭定康称其为'令人反胃的......一场怪诞的闹剧'。

民主党说这是'一个巨大的倒退'。

然而，这是中国所承诺、规定和执行的结果。

言论是没有结果的。

12月28日，董建华召集陈方安生开了一个两小时的会议，会上她同意继续在他手下工作。

两人对彼此都很了解。

她觉得他的行为仍然像一个旧式的中国家族企业的负责人，而不是一个成熟的城市国家的候任领导人。

 

Qian Qichen called the process ‘just, fair and open’. Patten described it as ‘stomach-turning … a bizarre farce’. The Democratic Party said it was ‘a great leap backwards’. It was, however, the outcome China had promised, ordained and carried out. Rhetoric was fruitless. On 28 December Tung summoned Anson Chan to a two-hour meeting at which she agreed to go on working under him. The two knew each other well. She felt that he was still behaving like the head of an old-style Chinese family firm, not the leader-in-waiting of a sophisticated city state.

 

当公众的注意力集中在政治上时，中国悄悄地在新的香港确保其军事和安全存在。

中国人民解放军开始在深圳集结精锐的海陆空部队，组成一支驻军，从1997年7月1日起驻扎在香港。

这项任务被认为非常重要，其指挥官刘振武少将直接向北京的中央军事委员会报告，而不是向广州军区报告。

刘振武是一位来自湖南省的50多岁的经验丰富的军官，毕业于国防大学。

他的政委是来自湖北的熊子仁少将，他曾在解放军政治学院受训并参加过1979年对越边境战争。

副司令之一的周伯荣上校，后来晋升为少将，毕业于北京外国语学院，能讲流利的英语。

 

While public attention was on the politics, China quietly went about securing its military and security presence in the new Hong Kong. The People’s Liberation Army began to assemble elite air, land and sea units in Shenzhen to form a garrison to be stationed in the city from 1 July 1997. The task was considered so important that its commander, Major-General Liu Zhenwu, reported directly to the Central Military Commission in Beijing, not to the Guangzhou Military Region. Liu was a seasoned officer in his fifties from Hunan province and a graduate of the National Defence University. His political commissar was Major-General Xiong Ziren, from Hubei, who had trained at the PLA Political Academy and fought in the 1979 border war against Vietnam. One of the vice-commanders, Colonel Zhou Borong, later promoted to major-general, was a graduate of the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute and a fluent English speaker.

 

解放军进入香港成为一个激烈争论的话题。

中国和英国的谈判代表之间没有任何善意；在中国方面，新华社的周南、港澳办的鲁平和联合联络组的一连串受过严格训练的特使之间，也一直在努力平衡各派别，联合联络组的存在是为了就如何进行移交达成协议。

 

The entry of the PLA into Hong Kong became a subject of bitter dispute. There was no goodwill between the Chinese and British negotiators; there was also a perpetual struggle to balance factions on the Chinese side between Zhou Nan at the NCNA, Lu Ping at the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office and a sequence of rote-trained envoys at the Joint Liaison Group, which existed to forge an agreement on how the handover would work.

 

联合联络小组的英国代表休-戴维斯写了一本日记，后来他把这本日记变成了私人出版的回忆录。

戴维斯认为周南是一个 "混合了粗鲁的傲慢和霸道的态度"，并将参与解放军谈判的鲁平的副手陈佐洱归类为 "一个强硬的福建人，有长期的党务工作经验......是我们遇到的最顽固和不屈的官员之一"。

总的来说，戴维斯认为他面对的是一个 "民族主义的、复仇的和短视的 "领导层。

 

The British representative on the Joint Liaison Group, Hugh Davies, kept a diary which he later turned into a privately published memoir. Davies saw Zhou Nan as a ‘mixture of brash cockiness and bullying manner’ and classified Lu Ping’s deputy, Chen Zuo’er, who was engaged in the PLA talks, as ‘a tough Fujianese with long experience as a party journalist … one of the most stubborn and unyielding officials that we ever encountered’. In general, Davies felt he was dealing with a leadership that was ‘nationalistic, vengeful and short-sighted’.

 

就其本身而言，陈佐洱厌恶英国人。

1994年，当他到达香港时，戴维斯的同事艾伦-保罗(Alan Paul)请他在一家摩天大楼的餐厅吃午饭，这一举动只是证实了陈佐洱的信念，即殖民主义者是不可信任的。

陈佐洱后来描述了他如何得知中国外交部在肯尼迪镇的员工宿舍的电话被窃听。

他使用了三部不同的手机，从不在室内讲电话，并在与他的上司鲁平的谈话中恢复了上海方言，希望（很可能是徒劳的）窃听者能被迷惑。

每轮会谈结束后，陈佐洱和解放军的代表Wang Jin将军回到一个没有窗户的办公室，起草他们给北京的中央军事委员会的报告电报，并准备他们明天早上的简报。

他们不敢冒险使用电脑，所以将军用铅笔写出文本，将每张纸递给他们批准，然后将文件交给新华社，在一个安全的房间里印刷。

 

For his part, Chen loathed the British. When he arrived in Hong Kong in 1994, Davies’ colleague, Alan Paul, took him out to lunch in a skyscraper restaurant, a gesture which merely confirmed Chen in his belief that the colonialists were not to be trusted. Chen later described how he learned that the telephones at the Chinese Foreign Ministry staff dormitory in Kennedy Town were tapped. He used three different cellphones, never spoke on the phone indoors and reverted to Shanghainese dialect in conversations with his boss Lu Ping in the hope, likely vain, that the eavesdroppers would be confounded. After each round of talks Chen retreated to a windowless office room with the PLA’s representative, General Wang Jin, to draft their reporting telegram to the Central Military Commission in Beijing and prepare their brief for the morning. They dared not risk using computers, so the general wrote out a text in pencil, handed each sheet over for approval, then took the documents over to the New China News Agency for printing in a secure room.

 

士兵们自己也过得相当好。

英国指挥官布莱恩-达顿少将带着新晋升的周伯荣在一个渔岛蒲台岛上吃了一顿苦酒，并去拜访了广东的解放军。

这些中国军官给他留下了真诚的印象。

他们特别对我说，世界对解放军的印象是天安门广场，"我们希望改变这种状况"，达顿说。

军官们希望香港成为世界的一个窗口；成为解放军 "现代、成熟和先进的武装部队 "的展示窗口。

 

The soldiers themselves got on tolerably well. The British commander, Major-General Brian Dutton, took the newly promoted Zhou Borong for a hard-drinking dinner on Po Toi, a fishing island, and went to visit the PLA in Guangdong. The Chinese officers made an impression of sincerity upon him. ‘They’ve said to me specifically that the image the world has of the PLA is that of Tiananmen Square and “we wish to change that”,’ said Dutton. The officers wanted Hong Kong to be a window on the world; a showcase for the PLA as ‘modern, mature and sophisticated armed forces’.

 

达顿认为解放军应该得到怀疑的好处，尽管他注意到他们的 "机器人训练"，他们与商业的纠缠和他们的政治条件。

达顿认为，有一代四十多岁和五十多岁的高级军官，他们渴望在一支受人尊敬的职业军队中服役。

他们对自己闪亮的新奥迪员工车特别满意。

他们在很大程度上仍然是他们自己社会的孩子，就像我是我自己社会的孩子一样，他们没有同样的机会接触到联盟、国际事务或联盟，"达顿认为。

解放军在香港需要轻装上阵，并学会含蓄。

在这里，我们要把主权还给一个直到最近还被许多人认为是异类的国家--仍然是一个共产主义国家，而且是香港许多人逃离的国家。

这是一个微妙的情况。

 

Dutton felt the PLA ought to get the benefit of the doubt, although he noted their ‘robotic training’, their entanglement with commerce and their political conditioning. There were, Dutton felt, a generation of senior officers in their mid-forties and fifties who aspired to serve in a respected professional army. They were particularly pleased with their shiny new Audi staff cars. ‘They are all very much still children of their own society just as I am the child of my own society and they have not had the same exposure to alliances, to international affairs or to coalitions,’ Dutton felt. The PLA would need to tread lightly and learn to be subtle in Hong Kong. ‘Here we’re returning sovereignty to a power which many would have considered alien until recently – still a Communist power and one from which many of the population in Hong Kong fled. It’s a delicate situation.’

 

一开始，中国的谈判代表就努力理解，香港的官地是指由香港政府拥有的土地，而不是由英国政府或英国拥有。

如果说当他们得知这些土地将毫无异议地被移交时感到惊讶，那么他们并没有透露任何信息。

行政和国防财产的移交也相应地顺利。

 

At the outset, China’s negotiators had struggled to understand that Crown Land in Hong Kong meant land owned by the Hong Kong government, not by the British government or the United Kingdom. If it came as a surprise to them to learn that it would all be handed over without demur, they did not give anything away. The transfer of administrative and defence property was correspondingly smooth.

 

达顿在港湾边的威尔士亲王大厦的总部，穿着白色短裤的聪明的年轻助手在那里为他的访客倒茶和提供饼干，直到最后的日子，都将被解放军接管。

(据传它的墙壁被离开的英国人种上了窃听装置)。

中国士兵将首次在赤柱堡站岗，指挥通往香港岛的南部通道。

位于新界的单跑道空军基地移交给解放军的空军部队。

中国海军将占据昂船洲的一个闪亮的新基地，该基地是英国在1930年代第一个拦截通信的站点，其设施包括维修车间和卡拉OK室。

没有宣传从香港周围的基地悄悄撤走现代情报收集设备；多年来一直在进行分阶段的撤离。

远程拦截和卫星监视集中在澳大利亚北部松树沟的一个设施中，由美国联合运营。

在香港各地，营房被整修一新，旗帜被折叠，装备被打包。

 

Dutton’s headquarters in the Prince of Wales Building on the harbourfront, where smart young aides in white shorts poured tea and served biscuits to his visitors until the final days, were about to be taken over by the PLA. (Its walls were rumoured to have been seeded with eavesdropping devices by the departing British.) For the first time Chinese soldiers would stand guard at Stanley Fort, commanding the southern approaches to Hong Kong island. The single-runway air base at Sekhong, in the New Territories, passed to the PLA’s air units. The Chinese navy would be occupying a shiny new base at Stonecutter’s Island, the site of Britain’s first station for intercepting communications in the 1930s, and whose facilities included repair workshops and a karaoke room. There was no publicity about the quiet removal of modern intelligence-gathering equipment from bases around Hong Kong; a phased withdrawal had been carried out over the years. Long-range interception and satellite surveillance were concentrated in a facility at Pine Gap in northern Australia jointly operated by the United States. All over Hong Kong, barracks were spruced up, flags folded and kit packed away.

 

交出房地产是一回事：解放军部队开进的心理现实是另一回事。

1997年4月，第一支由40人组成的部队穿着漂亮的新制服，从深圳出发，随后在5月又有更多的部队开过来。

人们认为，在解放军主力部队抵达之前，双方都会安排一个小型的中国先遣队进行交接，并在6月30日午夜之前让所有英国人员离开。

然后一个 "重磅炸弹 "出现了。

一位在北京的中国副部长告诉英国大使，领导层希望他们的所有部队在英国人离开之前带着武器和车辆进入香港。

在香港的中国谈判代表扩大了这个要求。

解放军参谋部设想在6月30日有多达三千名军队开进香港，由21辆装甲运兵车、6架直升机和10艘海军舰艇提供支持。

这一命令来自于江泽民主席本人。

 

Handing over real estate was one thing: the psychological reality of PLA troops marching in was another. The first unit of forty men, wearing a smart new uniform, drove across from Shenzhen in April 1997, followed by more in May. It was assumed that both sides would orchestrate a changeover with a small Chinese advance party and the departure of all British personnel by midnight on 30 June before the main PLA force arrived. Then came a ‘bombshell’. A Chinese vice minister in Beijing told the British ambassador that the leadership wanted all their troops to march into Hong Kong with their weapons and vehicles before the British had left. Chinese negotiators in Hong Kong amplified the demand. The PLA staff envisaged up to three thousand troops marching in on 30 June, backed by twenty-one armoured personnel carriers, six helicopters and ten naval vessels. The order came from President Jiang Zemin himself.

 

英国有一个由托尼-布莱尔领导的新工党政府。

它热衷于翻开与中国关系的新一页，但它对香港的关注却不甚详细。

新任外交大臣罗宾-库克和他的亚洲事务部长德里克-法切特对双方已经形成的谈判心理并不敏感；这种心理是如此的对立，以至于在交接时中国国歌可能奏响的准确时间上出现了争议。

符号很重要；但布莱尔和库克认为没有理由在部署问题上与中国人发生争执。

与此相反，总督不希望解放军在必须出征前一分钟 "踏着鹅卵石 "出征。

然而，另一场三方的争吵爆发了。

 

Britain had a new Labour government led by Tony Blair. It was keen to turn a page in relations with China but its attention to Hong Kong had been light on detail. The new foreign secretary, Robin Cook, and his minister for Asia, Derek Fatchett, were not sensitive to the negotiating psychology which had built up on both sides; it was so confrontational that a dispute raged about the precise second at which the Chinese national anthem might be played at the handover. Symbols mattered; but Blair and Cook saw no reason to stage a fight with the Chinese over the deployment. The governor, in contrast, did not want the ‘goose-stepping’ PLA marching in a minute before they had to. Yet another three-sided squabble broke out.

 

休-戴维斯在其私人出版的回忆录中，对中国的谈判风格做了最后的解读。

中国早就同意其军队在6月30日午夜后进驻；当江泽民的 "专制愿望 "被知晓后，中国谈判代表赵继华只是换了个说法，说出了新的要求，仿佛一切都没有改变。

几周后，6月21日才达成了协议。

解放军将提前派出约500名士兵，没有装甲运兵车，午夜前不展示武器。

正式交接将在威尔士亲王军营进行。

最后几百名英国礼仪部队和海军船员将在黎明前离开。

戴维斯说，这是新部长们的一次妥协，他们希望与中国建立更好的关系。

直到最后一刻，它也没有阻止关于中国军事计划的秘密悬念。

 

In his privately published memoir, Hugh Davies offered a last glimpse of the Chinese negotiating style. China had long agreed that its forces would come in after midnight on 30 June; as soon as Jiang Zemin’s ‘autocratic wish’ was known, the Chinese negotiator Zhao Jihua merely switched his line and uttered the new demand as if nothing had changed. It took weeks before agreement was hammered out on 21 June. The PLA would send about five hundred troops in advance, there would be no armoured personnel carriers and no weapons would be displayed before midnight. A formal handover would take place at the Prince of Wales Barracks. The last few hundred British ceremonial troops and naval crews were to leave before dawn. The main Chinese force of some 4,000 would cross the border at 6 a.m. It was, Davies said, a climbdown by the new ministers, who were hopeful of striking up a better relationship with China. It did not prevent secret suspense about China’s military plans until the very last moment.

 

在所有主要细节都已解决的情况下，这些秘密交流的苦涩和恶意，可能会让那些持西方观点的人感到困惑--特别是由于它们是秘密的，没有任何公共目的。

彭定康和他同时代的人的回忆录反映了他们作为有理智的人面对一党制国家的职能部门时的一种感觉。

他们的叙述中弥漫着一种神秘的语气--

为什么这些干部不能放弃宣传，踏踏实实地做事，这样我们才能达成协议？

这就是低估了笼罩在中国对手身上的骄傲和愤怒，

尽管他们可能看起来是民族主义和复仇主义者。

 

The bitterness and malevolence of these confidential exchanges, long after all major details had been settled, may puzzle those who take a Western view – particularly since, being secret, they served no public purpose. The memoirs of Chris Patten and his contemporaries reflect a sense of themselves as reasonable men confronted by the hectoring functionaries of a one-party state. A tone of mystification pervades their accounts – why can’t these cadres just drop the propaganda and get down to process so we can make a deal? That is to underestimate the pride and rage which gripped their Chinese opponents, nationalistic and vengeful as they may have seemed.

 

阅读参与移交工作的中国官员的回忆，可以提供一个全新的视角。

对中国方面来说，这是一个民族耻辱的结束。

他们决心让即将离开的殖民者经历漫长而痛苦的过程。

这并不是转移视线--这才是重点。

大约有一千名中国官员直接参与了移交工作，当外国人不可避免地服从他们的要求时，他们中的许多人都充满了爱国主义的自豪感。

对一些人来说，这是对过去几代人所遭受的贫穷和痛苦的报复。

一位作家这样说："从母亲的怀抱中偷走的孩子已经回来了。

 

Reading the recollections of Chinese officials involved in the handover provides a fresh perspective. To the Chinese side this was the end of a national humiliation. They were determined to make it drawn-out and bitter for the departing colonialists. That was not a diversion – it was the whole point. About one thousand Chinese officials were directly engaged in the handover and many of them swelled with patriotic pride as the foreigners inevitably submitted to their demands. To some it was vengeance for the poverty and suffering inflicted on past generations. ‘The child stolen from its mother’s breast had been returned,’ is how one author put it.

 

回忆录、文章和电影都强调了他们的辛勤工作和为祖国做出的牺牲。

周南本人将癌症的治疗推迟到移交后十天。

正如我们所看到的，鲁平拒绝了第二轮化疗，以便他能在最后阶段重返岗位（结果，鲁平活到了八十七岁，于2015年去世）。

许多中国官员在香港回归的漫长道路上建立了牢固的联系。

例如，鲁平可以回忆起他与传奇人物廖承志在一起的岁月。

他曾陪同廖承志去美国做心脏手术，甚至住在他的病房里。

回到中国后，他扮演了一个忠实的助手的角色，在廖承志老人挣扎着为香港提供最后建议时，他记下了他的临终嘱咐。

 

Memoirs, articles and films dwelt on their hard work and sacrifice for the motherland. Zhou Nan himself delayed treatment for cancer until ten days after the handover. Lu Ping, as we have seen, refused a second round of chemotherapy so that he could return to duty for the final stages (in the event, Lu lived until the age of eighty-seven, dying in 2015). Many of the Chinese officials had forged strong bonds on the long road to Hong Kong’s return. Lu, for example, could recall his years alongside the legendary Liao Chengzhi. He had accompanied Liao to the United States for his heart surgery, even staying in his hospital room. Back in China, adopting the role of a faithful amanuensis, he noted down Liao’s deathbed injunctions as the old man struggled for breath to give his final advice about Hong Kong.

 

这是一种个人连续性的程度，很少有政治制度能与之相比。

民主国家及其政府的本质是不时更换面孔，但在中国方面，同样的面孔似乎一直存在，直到死亡或耻辱的介入。

一方是专业的政治家和官员，另一方则是高度忠诚的终身党员同志。

双方之间存在着心理上的鸿沟。

 

This was a degree of personal continuity which few political systems could match. It was in the nature of democracies and their administrations that faces changed from time to time, but on the Chinese side the same faces seemed to remain until death or disgrace intervened. Professional politicians and officials on one side were up against highly committed lifetime party comrades on the other. There was a psychological chasm between the two sides.

 

最不相信北京承诺的人是那些已经逃离过中国的人。

在整个1980年代，不断有香港人取得外国护照，在国外购买房地产，并把他们的孩子送到那里接受教育。

一些人在香港保留了自己的立足点，并在海外有了栖身之所，另一些人则移民并将大家庭带到他们的新家，丰富了每个欢迎他们的社会结构。

 

The people who trusted least in promises from Beijing were those who had already fled China once. All through the 1980s a steady trickle of Hong Kongers had secured foreign passports, bought real estate abroad and sent their children to be educated there. Some kept a foothold in Hong Kong with a bolthole overseas, others emigrated and brought extended families to their new homes, enriching the fabric of every society that welcomed them.

 

许多曾为殖民地政府服务的官员和警察因持有大卫-卫奕信执政期间首次签发的英国护照而受到保护。

对于大多数纪律部门来说，似乎没有什么可担心的。

但是，特别事务处的前成员和任何与安全部门有关的人都需要得到保证。

一批人悄悄地流向了美国、澳大利亚和加拿大等友好国家。

 

Many officials and policemen who had served the colonial government were protected by holding British passports first issued during David Wilson’s governorship. For most of the disciplined services there seemed little to fret about. But former members of the Special Branch and anyone connected with the security services needed reassurance. A quiet exodus took place to friendly countries such as the USA, Australia and Canada.

 

一位长期任职的官员西蒙-维克斯（Simon Vickers）被委以重任，负责梳理档案中的敏感信息。

任何可能使个人处于危险之中的资料都被送到伦敦的档案馆或被销毁。

维克斯曾是英国南部一所进步的寄宿学校的历史老师，后来加入了殖民地公务员队伍，并能说流利的广东话。

作为一个理想主义者，他在工作中发现的情况让他感到不安和沮丧。

1997年，他决定与媒体交谈。

 

A long-serving official, Simon Vickers, was tasked with combing the files for sensitive information. Anything which might put an individual at risk was sent to the archives in London or destroyed. A former history teacher at Bedales, a progressive boarding school in southern England, Vickers later joined the colonial civil service and was a fluent Cantonese speaker. Something of an idealist, he became disturbed and depressed by what he found as he went about his work. In 1997 he decided to talk to the press.

 

在一家点心店安静的密室里，喝着茶，吃着饺子，维克斯解释说，香港人申请英国护照的机密细节已被转交给中国政府。

他说，这只是冰山一角。

在贪污腐败的推动下，渗透活动非常成功，英国人正在掩盖其程度，以避免尴尬和公众信心的丧失。

他说，香港移民局的前局长梁銘彥是 "烂透了的"--他贪污腐败，被中国安全部门收买以提供秘密信息。

尽管英国人尽可能地将情报分门别类，但梁銘彥获得的数据意味着 "损失惨重"。

它使那些竭尽全力忠于香港的当地公务员和警察暴露在共产党的压力之下。

1996年，梁銘彥在丑闻的影响下下台了，尽管彭定康政府一直保持着他因个人原因提前退休的直白说法。

维克斯现在成了告密者。

 

Over tea and dumplings in the quiet back room of a dim sum restaurant, Vickers explained that details of confidential applications for British passports by Hong Kongers had been passed to the Chinese government. This was, he said, just the tip of the iceberg. Infiltration, fuelled by graft, had been so successful that the British were covering up its extent to avoid embarrassment and a loss of public confidence. He said the former head of Hong Kong’s immigration department, Laurence Leung, was ‘rotten to the core’ – he was corrupt and had been suborned by the Chinese security services to provide secret information. Although the British kept intelligence compartmentalised as far as possible, Leung’s access to data meant ‘the loss was extensive’. It exposed to Communist pressure local civil servants and police who were doing their best to be loyal to Hong Kong. Leung had stepped down in 1996, pursued by the whiff of scandal, although the Patten administration had kept to a straight-faced line that he had retired early for personal reasons. Vickers was now turning whistleblower.

 

他的故事是真实的。

2019年，立法会调查的解密文件将证实，梁銘彥与三合会中的有组织犯罪人物纠缠在一起，是一个拥有赛马的集团成员，在中国大陆进行了未申报的投资，并从一名移民案件裁决者拥有的公司获得75万港元（96,000美元）。

该公司的注册地址与一个毒品集团有关。

1992年，梁的女儿，23岁，在加拿大被人用弩箭射杀。

许多人认为这是对三合会的警告。

这就构成了一个无望妥协的公务员形象。

 

His story was true. In 2019, declassified files from a Legislative Council inquiry would confirm that Leung was entangled with organised crime figures in the Triads, was a member of a racehorse owning syndicate, had made undeclared investments in mainland China and received HK$750,000 (US$96,000) from a company owned by an adjudicator in immigration cases. That firm’s registered address had been linked to a drugs syndicate. In 1992, Leung’s daughter, aged twenty-three, had been murdered in Canada by a shot from a crossbow. Many took it to be a Triad warning. It added up to a picture of a hopelessly compromised public servant.

 

尽管梁銘彥没有通过廉政公署的廉洁检查，但他被允许享受和平的退休生活。

在官方批准的中文叙述中，他被描述为 "诚实和勤奋"。

他于2008年去世，享年67岁。

维克斯没有得到这样的奖励。

英国官员怀疑他是泄密者，他被排斥了。

他一直计划在香港回归后与家人一起离开香港，他提前退休并获得了丰厚的养老金，但一旦离开了他所热爱的香港，他就没有找到自己的位置。

他搬到了泰国，然后回到了英国，在那里他的身体和精神健康都在下降。

最后他自杀了。

 

Leung was allowed to enjoy a peaceful retirement despite failing an integrity check by the Independent Committee Against Corruption. In officially approved Chinese accounts he is described as ‘honest and hard-working’. He died in 2008 at the age of sixty-seven. There was no such reward for Vickers. British officials suspected him of being the leaker and he was ostracised. He had always planned to leave Hong Kong with his family after the handover and he retired early with a generous pension, but he did not find his feet once away from the Hong Kong he had loved. He moved to Thailand, then returned to Britain, where his physical and mental health declined. Eventually he took his own life.

 

全香港都有一些人因为这样或那样的原因而惧怕共产党。

一些人是最近的政治逃犯。

有几个是罪犯。

其他人被指控犯有 "经济罪"，并已逃离大陆。

许多曾为国民党作战或曾为被打败的国民党政府工作的老人在1997年仍然活着。

自1940年代末以来，他们一直在英国国旗下居住在香港，而他们的战友则分散到台湾或散居国外。

但最令人恐惧的是那些知道党的秘密的人。

 

All over Hong Kong were people who feared the Communist Party for one reason or another. Some were recent political fugitives. A few were criminals. Others were accused of ‘economic crimes’ and had fled the mainland. Many old men who had fought for the Kuomintang or had worked for the defeated Nationalist administration were still alive in 1997. They had resided in Hong Kong under the British flag since the late 1940s while their comrades dispersed to Taiwan or into the diaspora. But the most fearful of all were those who knew the party’s secrets.

 

在殖民统治即将结束时，伦敦《泰晤士报》的记者乔纳森-米尔斯基从政治杂志《开放》的编辑金钟那里得到了消息。

米尔斯基是一位中国学者，曾因报道天安门广场大屠杀而获奖，他是个大忙人，但摆在他面前的诱饵却难以抗拒。

一个记者被邀请与毛主席的一个情妇共进午餐并不是每天都有的。

 

Towards the end of colonial rule, the correspondent of The Times of London, Jonathan Mirsky, received a tipoff from Jin Zhong, the editor of Kaifang (Open), a political magazine. Mirsky, a scholar of Chinese who had received an award for his coverage of the Tiananmen Square massacre, was a busy man, but the bait dangled before him was hard to resist. It was not every day that a journalist was invited to lunch with one of Chairman Mao’s mistresses.

 

他们的约会是在香港最聪明的酒店之一。

他叫陈女士，是一位50多岁的丰满女人，身穿传统的旗袍，腰部开叉。

她说着浓重的安徽方言，不停地谈论着自己，只在吃牡蛎时才停下来。

米尔斯基带来了一位中国女性朋友，帮助破译她的故事。

正如他们所说的那样，这是个勺子。

 

Their rendezvous was at one of the smartest hotels in Hong Kong. Ms Chen, as he named her, was a plump woman in her fifties clad in a traditional qipao slit to the waist. She spoke in the strong dialect of Anhui province and talked constantly about herself, pausing only to slurp down oysters. Mirsky brought a female Chinese friend to help decipher her story. It was, as they say, a scoop.

 

他的午餐同伴告诉他，她从外省到北京一路走来，从小就开始跳舞，并在1962年进入一个为毛泽东本人表演的剧团。

在穿着制服、戴着帽子的漂亮农家女中，毛泽东永远都是那么年轻；有些人被单独挑出来，受到个人关注。

她曾作为毛泽东的舞伴与他跳舞，然后他邀请她到他的卧室 "喝茶"。

他们第一次发生关系时，她才14岁。

她说，这位主席充满了活力。

 

His lunch companion told him of clawing her way up from the provinces to Beijing, of dancing from an early age and of making it into a troupe that performed for Mao Zedong himself in 1962. Mao was ever youthful when among pretty peasant girls in uniforms and caps; some were singled out for personal attention. She had danced with Mao as his partner and then he had invited her into his bedroom ‘for tea’. She was fourteen years old the first time they had sex. The chairman, she said, was full of vitality.

 

在这个距离上很难理解一个被数亿人视为活神仙的人的魅力有多大，以及这种经历对一个年轻的乡村女孩来说是多么的令人陶醉。

但是，毛泽东的法庭是由任性统治的，主席的征服者很少被允许逗留。

有一天，她被传唤到他面前。

毛泽东告诉她，他的妻子江青发现了他们的事，非常生气。

她将被送离北京。

当毛泽东向她解释这一点时，她坐在他的膝盖上，他哭了。

 

It is hard to grasp at this distance how potent was the charisma of a man who was treated by hundreds of millions of people as a living god, and how intoxicating the experience was for a young country girl. But the court of Mao was ruled by caprice and few of the chairman’s conquests were permitted to linger. One day she was summoned to his presence. Mao told her that his wife Jiang Qing had found out about them and was furious. She would be sent away from Beijing. While Mao explained this to her, she sat on his knee and he wept.

 

主席的助手为她在内蒙古找到了一份舒适的工作，在适当的时候，她被允许回家，并在那里安排了一场婚姻。

她有了一个儿子并安顿下来。

然后，她的父亲--一个听说过关于毛泽东的谣言但不相信的终身党员--发现了她与大舵手的约会。

他大吃一惊，给毛泽东写了一封信，谴责他。

幸运的是，当地邮政局长将信带回，但没有送达，并建议他不要寄出。

 

The chairman’s aides found her a comfortable job in Inner Mongolia and in due course she was allowed to return home, where a marriage had been arranged. She had a son and settled down. Then her father – a lifelong party member who had heard rumours about Mao but disbelieved them – found out about her tryst with the Great Helmsman. Aghast, he wrote a letter to Mao denouncing him. Fortunately, the local postmaster brought the letter back undelivered and advised him not to send it.

 

不知何故，毛泽东的舞女，现在已经离婚，带着她的儿子来到香港。

她急切地想在回归前离开。

她之所以寻找一位知名记者，是因为她想讲述自己的故事。

她听说毛泽东的医生李志绥因其最畅销的回忆录《毛主席的私人生活》而获得了一百万美元，她想效仿他的成功。

自然，她需要一个幽灵作家。

 

Somehow, Mao’s dancer, now divorced, made her way to Hong Kong with her son. She was desperate to get away before the handover. And the reason she had sought out a famous journalist was that she wanted to tell her story. She had heard that Mao’s doctor, Li Zhisui, had got a million dollars for his best-selling memoir The Private Life of Chairman Mao and wanted to emulate his success. Naturally, she needed a ghost writer.

 

米尔斯基发现，出版商们都很热心。

但这个任务有些地方让他感到厌恶。

首先，李志绥的书是一份历史证明，被比作塔西佗的作品。

另外，米尔斯基不喜欢花一年或更长时间与这位未来的作者和她的故事打交道的前景，因为她的故事有可能以淫秽的细节为主。

他拒绝了她，在酒店的第二次见面后，他再也没有见到她。

 

Mirsky found that publishers were keen. But something about the task repelled him. For one thing, Li Zhisui’s book was a historical testament which had been compared to the works of Tacitus. For another, Mirsky disliked the prospect of spending a year or more with the would-be author and her story, which promised to major on lascivious detail. He turned her down and after a second meeting at the hotel he never saw her again.

 

然而，他确实代表她去见了美国总领事。

美国人有一份关于陈女士的厚厚的档案，但真的不希望她来美国。

他们和英国人一起调查了她的故事，盟友们达成了协议。

在解放军抵达前的几个星期，毛泽东的少女舞蹈家从香港飞往英国的新家。

 

He did, however, go to see the American consul-general on her behalf. The Americans had a thick file on Ms Chen but really did not want her to come to the United States. They, along with the British, had investigated her story and the allies had reached a deal. With weeks to go before the PLA arrived, Mao’s teenage dancer flew from Hong Kong to a new home in the United Kingdom.

 

1997年7月1日，中国的奖品是世界上最伟大的城市之一；一个港口和金融中心，处于一个巨大的扩张经济的边缘，有一流的公路和铁路，有繁荣的高尚和低俗文化，有健康和越来越好的教育的人民，有自然美景。

它也是一个拥挤、污染严重、极不平等的地方，在这里，许多人劳而无功，房产价格让人难以承受。

它是一个自由港，它的理论是自由贸易，它的公民享有言论自由，受到一个受人尊敬的法律体系的保护，有不少于3,876名律师和626名大律师。

即使其政府系统存在争议，其公务员制度也很高效。

在过渡的兴奋中，许多人准备强调积极的一面，推迟不可避免的真相时刻。

 

China’s prize on 1 July 1997 was one of the world’s great cities; a port and finance centre poised on the edge of a giant expanding economy, laced by top-grade roads and railways, thriving with highbrow and lowbrow culture, home to a healthy and increasingly well-educated people and graced with natural beauty. It was also crowded, heavily polluted and profoundly unequal, a place where many laboured for little and the price of property put homes out of reach. It was a free port, its doctrine was free trade and its citizens enjoyed free speech, protected by a respected legal system with no fewer than 3,876 solicitors and 626 barristers. Its civil service was efficient even if its system of government was in dispute. In the thrill of transition, many were ready to accentuate the positive and to postpone the inevitable moment of truth.

 

在回归前夕，香港有630万人口。

其中只有五分之一的人住在香港岛。

九龙的人口密度达到每平方公里53,610人，仅有200多万人居住，是地球上最拥挤的地方之一。

令人惊讶的是，46%的香港人居住在新界，这是建设运动的结果，几乎一半的人都住在公共住房里。

少数人，不到0.5%，居住在早期渔民定居的青翠的离岛上。

 

On the eve of the handover the territory had a population of 6.3 million. Only a fifth of them lived on Hong Kong island. Kowloon, where the population density reached 53,610 human beings per square kilometre, was home to just over 2 million, making it one of the most crowded places on earth. Surprisingly, 46 per cent of Hong Kongers lived in the New Territories, the result of a drive to build that had put almost half the people in public housing. A handful, less than 0.5 per cent, inhabited the verdant outlying islands where the early fishermen had settled.

 

这是一个年轻的城市。

年龄中位数为34岁，超过18%的人年龄在15岁以下。

出生率是死亡率的两倍。

两性之间的比例几乎是平衡的，这与中华人民共和国经过几十年的国家强制生育控制后男性的普遍性形成了鲜明的对比。

在香港，一个男人可以预期活到76岁，一个女人可以活到81岁。

 

It was a young city. The median age was thirty-four and more than 18 per cent of its people were under fifteen years old. The birth rate was double the death rate. The ratio between the sexes was almost in balance, a sharp contrast to the prevalence of males in the People’s Republic after decades of state-enforced birth control. A man in Hong Kong could expect to live to seventy-six and a woman to eighty-one.

 

95％的人口是中国人，但他们用许多方言交谈。

几乎所有的人都懂粤语，但也有四分之一的人讲普通话，即中国的通用语言；还有一些小的但有影响力的群体，他们的母语是潮州话、客家话、福建话和上海话。

Ninety-five per cent of the population were Chinese by origin, but they spoke in many dialects. Almost all understood Cantonese but a quarter also spoke Putonghua, or Mandarin, the common language of China; while there were small but influential groups whose mother tongues were the Chiu Chow, Hakka, Fujian and Shanghainese dialects.

 

在这些人中，居住着一些外国人。

最大的群体来自菲律宾，人数为128,300人。

美国人和加拿大人比英国人多；只有26,700名殖民国家的公民在国旗降下时仍是正式居民。

来自印度尼西亚、泰国和日本的团体在人数上几乎与他们相当，而来自印度、澳大利亚和马来西亚的特遣队也在不断增加。

他们使香港成为一个色彩斑斓的混合型城市。

 

Among them dwelled the foreigners. The largest group came from the Philippines, numbering 128,300 people. There were more Americans and Canadians than there were British; only 26,700 citizens of the colonial power were still official residents as the flag came down. They were almost matched in numbers by groups from Indonesia, Thailand and Japan, while contingents from India, Australia and Malaysia were growing. They made Hong Kong a colourful, mixed-up kind of city.

 

一个自由的媒体响彻整个大都市。

互联网还处于起步阶段，但消费者从广播电台和电视广播员那里听到的是粤语、普通话和英语的声音，一片嘈杂。

政府拥有的香港电台（RTHK）遵守英国广播公司或国家公共电台的惯例。

它在编辑上是独立的。

活跃的商业有线电视频道保持着猜测和争论的喧嚣，因为24小时的报道已经成为常态。

在出租车上，没有脱口秀节目的喋喋不休，没有欢快的Canto-Pop，也没有中国歌剧的哀鸣，是不完整的。

新闻摊位上的头条新闻和争论不休的观点层出不穷。

读者可以自由选择购买《明报》、黎明的喧闹小报《苹果日报》、亲共的《大公报》和《文汇报》，或者是一连串的淫秽杂志，这些杂志承诺会有关于康熙来了明星的丑闻或中国领导人的秘密生活。

两份日报，即《南华早报》和《香港标准报》，为讲英语的读者服务。

所有的国际媒体都可以看到。

书店里堆满了来自中国大陆、台湾和日本的书籍，以及英文文献。

没有人害怕出售关于毛泽东的饥荒、文化大革命回忆录或西藏历史的书籍。

在电影院，观众可以在一部关于天安门广场大屠杀的纪录片和《鸦片战争》中选择，这是一部爱国史诗，在中国三百多家电影院放映。

影片的导演谢晋认为他的影片描述了一个悲剧，而不是一个黑白分明的善恶故事，因为它展示了朝廷的腐败和反对战争的英国人。

也许它的微妙之处在于战斗和吸毒的场景，吸引了对其政治信息无动于衷的观众。

 

A free media resounded across the metropolis. The internet was in its infancy but consumers heard a cacophony of voices from radio stations and television broadcasters in Cantonese, Mandarin and English. The government-owned Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK) observed the conventions of the BBC or National Public Radio. It was editorially independent. Lively commercial cable television channels kept up a din of speculation and controversy as 24-hour coverage was becoming the norm. No taxi ride was complete without the chatter of a talk radio show, bubbly Canto-pop or the wailing strains of Chinese opera. The news stands were a riot of headlines and contending opinions. The reader was free to buy the establishment daily Ming Pao, Jimmy Lai’s noisy tabloid Apple Daily, the pro-Communist titles Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po or a slew of lurid magazines promising scandal about Canto-pop stars or the secret lives of Chinese leaders. Two dailies, the South China Morning Post and the Hong Kong Standard, served Anglophone readers. All the international press was available. Bookstores were stacked with titles from mainland China, Taiwan and Japan in addition to literature in English. Nobody feared to sell books on Mao’s famine, memoirs of the Cultural Revolution or histories of Tibet. In cinemas, audiences could choose between a documentary on the Tiananmen Square massacre and The Opium War, a patriotic epic that was showing in more than three hundred cinemas in China. Its director, Xie Jin, felt his film depicted a tragedy, not a black-and-white tale of good and evil, for it showed corruption at the imperial court and Britons who opposed the war. Perhaps its subtleties were lost in the scenes of battles and drug addiction which attracted audiences indifferent to its political message.

 

香港也是一个有着不同信仰的城市。

正如官方手册所说，所有主要的宗教都可以完全自由地进行活动。

大多数人信奉传统的中国信仰，但也有一个由近50万名基督徒组成的强大社区，以及规模小得多的穆斯林、印度教徒和犹太人的队伍。

许多人开玩笑说，香港真正的上帝是金钱。

 

Hong Kong was also a city of diverse faiths. As the official handbook put it, all major religions were practised with complete freedom. The majority followed traditional Chinese beliefs but there was a powerful community of almost half a million Christians, alongside much smaller contingents of Muslims, Hindus and Jews. Many people joked that Hong Kong’s true god was money.

 

这方面的内容很多。

1997年，房地产和股票市场达到历史最高点，经济每年增长近5%，失业率仅为2.6%。

通货膨胀率每年为6%。

富人的生活非常富裕，但并非所有人都能分享到财富：平均工资为每月9,772港元（1,256美元）。

富人可以感到安全：这个城市是世界上最安全的城市之一。

在回归前一年，犯罪率下降了14%。

 

There was plenty of that. The property and stock markets reached record highs in 1997, the economy was growing by almost 5 per cent a year and unemployment was just 2.6 per cent. Inflation was running at 6 per cent annually. The rich were fabulously so, but not all shared in the lucre: the average wage was HK$9,772 (US$1,256) a month. The wealthy could feel secure: the city was one of the safest in the world. Crime fell by 14 per cent in the year before the handover.

 

香港的财富来自于贸易；这个殖民地是如此繁荣，1997年，它占中国国内生产总值的18.6%，根据一些估计，几乎一半的中国贸易是通过这个城市流动的。

1978年至1997年期间，香港与祖国之间的贸易平均每年增长29%；来自殖民地的投资者向大陆投入了1000多亿美元，其中40%进入了广东。

人民共和国的评论员开始自豪地提到 "中国的香港"。

 

The wealth of Hong Kong came from trade; the colony was so prosperous that in 1997 it accounted for 18.6 per cent of China’s gross domestic product, and by some estimates almost half of Chinese trade flowed through the city. Commerce between Hong Kong and the motherland grew by an average of 29 per cent per year between 1978 and 1997; investors from the colony had ploughed more than US$100 billion into the mainland, 40 per cent of which went to Guangdong. It was with pride that commentators in the People’s Republic began to refer to ‘China’s Hong Kong’.

 

有一位巨头将不在现场见证这一胜利。

邓小平经常说他会在1997年6月1日去香港，看到这个殖民地回归祖国。

但在冬天，他的健康状况下降了。

根据官方公报，他于2月19日晚9点08分在北京去世，享年92岁，原因是多年来患有帕金森病后，因肺部感染引起的并发症。

这时距离交接还有132天。

 

One titan would not be there to witness the triumph. Deng Xiaoping had often said he would go to Hong Kong on 1 June 1997 to see the colony return to the motherland. But over the winter his health declined. He died in Beijing at 9.08 p.m on 19 February at the age of ninety-two, of complications, according to the official communiqué, from a lung infection after years of suffering Parkinson’s disease. It was 132 days before the handover.

 

邓小平是在北京寒冷的雨季去世的。

哀悼的声音和天空一样低沉。

人民日报》已经为那些足够警觉的人做好了准备，2月13日发表了一首诗，作者是曾与邓小平一起去白山旅游的老党员强晓初：其开篇写道："山高路远"。

 

Deng died during a cold, rainy week in Beijing. The mourning was as muted as the sky. The People’s Daily had prepared the ground, for those alert enough to spot it, with a poem published on 13 February by Qiang Xiaochu, a party veteran who had joined Deng on a trip to the White Mountain: its opening line read, ‘the mountain is high and the road spirals afar’.

 

这位老人是一个没有感情的无神论者和马克思列宁主义者。

他不屑于一切人格崇拜。

当他躺在医院的棺材上时，国家媒体播放了他的亲属和战友们向他致敬的画面。

在给党的最高当局的一封信中，他的家人说，邓小平希望他的眼角膜被捐给一个眼库，他的尸体被解剖用于研究，他的骨灰被扔进大海。

 

The old man was an unsentimental atheist and a Marxist-Leninist. He disdained all personality cults. The state media broadcast images of his relatives and comrades paying tribute as he lay on a bier at the hospital. In a letter to the highest party authorities his family said Deng wanted his corneas to be donated to an eye bank, his body to be dissected for research and his ashes to be cast into the sea.

 

一万多人参加了在人民大会堂举行的葬礼仪式。

没有邀请外国政要参加。

悼词由江泽民宣读，江泽民在宣读其铅字稿时似乎快要哭了。

那一周，北京的街道上没有什么情绪。

邓小平去世11天后，他的骨灰从一架空军飞机上被撒入中国东海。

新华社在一份特别报道中说："也许破浪的泡沫会带着他的骨灰走向祖国的海岸，""也许是走向香港和澳门，也许是走向台湾......邓小平回眸一笑，应该是安详的。

 

Ten thousand people attended a funeral service in the Great Hall of the People. No foreign dignitaries were invited. The eulogy was pronounced by Jiang Zemin, who appeared on the verge of tears as he read out its leaden script. There was little emotion on the street in Beijing that week. Eleven days after his death Deng’s ashes were scattered in the East China Sea from an air force plane. ‘Maybe the foam of the breaking waves will carry his ashes towards the shores of the motherland,’ said the Xinhua news agency in a special dispatch, ‘maybe towards Hong Kong and Macau, maybe towards Taiwan … Deng Xiaoping glancing back should smile in peace.’

 

 

殖民地在其最后一天，即1997年6月30日，在温和的雨声中醒来。

在罗湖和其他过境点的边界上，一场精心策划的军事仪式开始了。

据《人民日报》报道，这是中华民族等待了几代人的一个时刻。

中国人民解放军的士兵们检查了他们的深绿色货车，擦亮了他们的工作人员的汽车。

根据在漫长而曲折的谈判中达成的协议，制定了当天的时间表，没有装甲车。

香港与祖国的统一需要有秩序的交通管制，而不是闪电战。

 

The colony awoke on its last day, 30 June 1997, to a gentle hiss of rain. On the border up at Lo Wu and at other crossing points, an orchestrated military ceremonial began. It was, said the People’s Daily, a moment the Chinese nation had waited generations to witness. Soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army checked their dark green lorries and polished their staff cars. By agreement, forged in the long and tortuous negotiations which had laid out the timetable of the day, there were no armoured vehicles. The reunification of Hong Kong with the motherland demanded orderly traffic control, not a blitzkrieg.

 

在指定的时间，大门将打开，并将交换礼炮。

没有什么可怕的事情发生。

车队将以优雅的步伐穿过新界的村庄和城镇。

皇家香港警察，在其殖民统治的最后时刻，站在无动于衷的岗哨。

深蓝色帽子下的大多数人都是广东人。

我们将继续履行我们对香港的职责，"一位指挥官对来自世界各地的好奇的电视摄制组说。

 

At the appointed hour, gates would open and salutes would be exchanged. There was to be nothing frightening about it. The convoys were to roll at a stately pace through villages and towns across the New Territories. The Royal Hong Kong Police, in the final hours of their colonial mandate, stood impassive guard. Most of the faces under the dark blue caps were Cantonese. ‘We will carry on doing our duty to Hong Kong,’ a commander told the curious television crews from around the world.

 

解放军纵队的目的地是维多利亚港的海滨，英国武装部队在那里清空了他们在威尔士亲王大厦的总部。

他们的路线经过山顶和十字路口，在那里，英国人、加拿大人、印度人和当地的香港志愿者在1941年为阻止日本帝国军队而战斗和牺牲，每个人都在遍布殖民地的纪念碑上留下了名字。

一位英国联络官说，解放军参谋部的地图是精确的。

谢天谢地，他们没有使用大炮，"他说，"那就不好玩了。

 

The PLA columns were destined for the waterfront at Victoria Harbour, where the British armed forces had cleared their headquarters at the Prince of Wales Building. Their route passed hilltops and crossroads where Britons, Canadians, Indians and local Hong Kong volunteers had fought and died to bar the Imperial Japanese Army in 1941, each bequeathing a name to the memorials which dotted the colony. The PLA staff maps, said one British liason officer, were pinpoint accurate. ‘Thank goodness they weren’t ranging artillery,’ he said, ‘that wouldn’t have been an awful lot of fun.’

 

地图追踪了1941年在山丘和山谷中设置的无望的防空洞和哨所，被战时城市俱乐部中轻松的殖民者称为'杜松子酒线'。

在现代，中国和英国都制定了人员计划，设想对香港的攻击和防御性的撤退。

这并不像官员们所坚持的那样，仅仅是应急措施，因为中国曾不止一次考虑过军事行动。

 

The maps traced the hopeless picket of dugouts and posts set up in 1941 across the hills and valleys, dubbed the ‘gin drinkers’ line’ by the light-hearted colonials down in the clubs of the wartime city. In modern times, both the Chinese and British had drawn up staff plans envisaging an assault on Hong Kong and a defensive retreat. This was not mere contingency, as officials would blandly maintain, for China had more than once considered military action.

 

1967年，中国人民解放军的一个激进派别曾准备在亲共暴乱期间入侵香港，当时英国当局几乎失去了对该殖民地的控制，因为文化大革命激发了暴力人群。

这并不是外籍人士在一顿愉快的午餐后的想象；这个故事是多年后从香港和澳门事务办公室的文质彬彬的负责人鲁平那里得到的。

鲁平回忆说，广东南部的解放军指挥官曾建议进行军事干预和占领，"以结束混乱"。

 

In 1967, a radical faction of the PLA had been ready to invade Hong Kong during pro-Communist riots, when the British authorities almost lost control of the colony to violent crowds inspired by the Cultural Revolution. This was no figment of expatriate imagination after a jolly good lunch; the story came years later from Lu Ping, the urbane head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs office. The PLA commander in southern Guangdong had suggested military intervention and occupation ‘to put an end to the chaos’, Lu recalled.

 

英国的海军和军事力量太小，只能提供象征性的防御。

香港离灾难只有一线之隔；在越南战争的高峰期，中国人接管香港，对西方的信誉和威望是一个比苏联封锁柏林更严重的考验。

 

British naval and military forces were too small to offer more than a token defence. Hong Kong came within a hair’s breadth of disaster; a Chinese takeover at the height of the Vietnam War would have been a graver test of Western credibility and prestige than the Soviet blockade of Berlin.

 

只有周恩来总理在深夜向当地军队指挥官黄永胜发出的命令才叫停了这次入侵。

香港再次成为一颗棋子；因为黄永胜是忠于林彪的一个团体的重要成员，林彪当时是毛泽东指定的接班人。

他是一个有名的好色之徒，据说已经成为林彪妻子的情人。

 

The invasion was only called off by a late-night order from Zhou Enlai, the premier, to the local army commander, Huang Yongsheng. Once more, Hong Kong had been a chess piece; for Huang was a prominent member of a group loyal to Lin Piao, at the time Mao’s designated successor. He was a well-known womaniser and is said to have become the lover of Lin’s wife.

 

对香港来说，幸运的是，林彪优柔寡断，寝食难安，依靠药物来麻痹他的内战运动的噩梦。

他的小集团声称相信革命的暴力输出，并准备抓住任何机会进行军事打击，这将使爱国者陶醉，使温和的对手困惑。

然而，他们的领导能力很差；总理保留了足够的权力，命令解放军退下，使英国免于几乎肯定的失败和失去殖民地。

 

Luckily for Hong Kong, Lin Piao was indecisive, sleepless and dependent on drugs to numb the nightmares of his civil war campaigns. His cabal purported to believe in the violent export of revolution and were ready to seize any opportunity for a military strike that would have intoxicated patriots and confounded moderate rivals. They were, however, badly led; and the premier retained enough authority to order the PLA to stand down, saving Britain from almost certain defeat and the loss of its colony.

 

后来，林彪乘坐英国制造的 "三叉戟 "客机逃离中国，在蒙古的一次大火中丧生。

黄永胜被整肃，受到审判，于1983年4月去世。

但迅速征服殖民地的诱惑并没有消失。

据陆慷说，1982年撒切尔夫人在北京会谈时，邓小平对撒切尔夫人非常恼火，他告诉他的下属，如果殖民地出现问题，中国 "准备诉诸武力征用"。

邓小平担心，宣布1997年的回归日期会在香港引发严重的骚乱，迫使中国进军。

这证实了撒切尔对邓小平在1982年的会谈中威胁说 "今天下午就走进去，把所有的东西都拿走 "的回忆--尽管没有那么戏剧化。

 

In time Lin Piao fled China on board a British-built Trident airliner and died in a fiery crash in Mongolia. Huang was purged, given a show trial and died in April 1983. But the lure of a swift, exalting conquest of the colony did not die. According to Lu, Deng Xiaoping had become so exasperated by Margaret Thatcher during their talks in Beijing in 1982 that he told his subordinates China ‘was ready to resort to requisition by force’ if there was trouble in the colony. Deng feared that announcing the date for the 1997 handover could provoke serious unrest in Hong Kong, forcing China to march in. This confirmed – if in less dramatic terms – Thatcher’s recollection of Deng’s threat at those 1982 talks to ‘walk in and take the whole lot this afternoon’.

 

我们没有理由怀疑卢的证据。

他在2007年接受中国广播公司东方卫视的采访时说。

领导大陆驻香港代表处的中国高级官员周南在他自己的回忆录中说，北京曾考虑以 "非和平手段 "实现统一。

而这种威胁从未消失过。

事实上，直到1997年6月30日午夜时分，情报官员都准备好了一切都会出大错。

在谈判的最后几个月里，伦敦、华盛顿和东京的分析家们一直在思考中国坚持在最后一刻增加部署在香港的解放军部队的规模。

 

There is no reason to doubt Lu’s evidence. He spoke in 2007 in an interview with Dragon TV, a Chinese broadcaster. Zhou Nan, the senior Chinese official who headed the mainland’s representative office in Hong Kong, said in his own memoir that Beijing had considered ‘non-peaceful means’ to achieve reunification. And the threat had never gone away. In fact, until the hour of midnight on 30 June 1997, intelligence officials were prepared for it all to go dreadfully wrong. Throughout the final months of negotiation, analysts in London, Washington and Tokyo had pondered the Chinese insistence on a last-minute increase in the size of the PLA contingent to be deployed into Hong Kong.

 

根据几个联盟国家的情报来源，出现了两个信息，引起了人们的警惕。

一个是说江泽民向政治局常委表达了他个人的担心，即 "反华 "势力会举行示威并制造混乱，破坏伟大的日子，使之成为 "抵抗的奇观"。

另一个是来自信号情报。

它显示中国已经加强了广东省的陆军部队和人民武装警察分队，增加了该省的便衣安全人员的数量，并建立了一个指挥中心，以便在政治局认为必要的情况下，用军队和警察淹没香港，用武力镇压反抗。

还制定了一个应急计划，让精锐的特种部队在中国领导人被困时营救他们。

这次行动的政治控制权交给了副总理朱镕基；名义上的安全主管乔石已经逐渐失去了权力。

西方情报官员几乎不相信这些信息，但也不能忽视。

 

According to intelligence sources in several alliance countries, two pieces of information emerged which raised the level of alarm. One said that Jiang Zemin had expressed his personal fear to the Politburo standing committee that ‘anti-China’ forces would stage demonstrations and cause chaos, sabotaging the great day and turning it into a ‘spectacle of resistance’. The other came from signals intelligence. It showed that China had reinforced army units and detachments of the People’s Armed Police in Guangdong province, bolstered the number of plainclothes security agents in the province, and set up a command centre to run an operation to flood Hong Kong with troops and police to crush resistance by force if the Politburo deemed it necessary. There was also a contingency plan for elite special forces units to rescue the Chinese leaders if they became trapped. Political control of the operation was left in the hands of Vice Premier Zhu Rongji; the nominal head of security, Qiao Shi, was already fading from power. Western intelligence officials could scarcely credit the information, but it could not be ignored.

 

尽管江泽民外表平静，但他是一个情绪化的人，喜欢冒险。

军方的情报是不容置疑的。

这是一个噩梦般的场景，任何战争游戏都没有找到一个不具灾难性的解决方案。

一场通过情报、外交和军事接触来安抚中方的低调行动已经启动。

但直到仪式开始前不久，英国在殖民地的情报部门负责人才得以穿上外套和领带，离开办公桌，赶往会议中心。

 

For all his calm exterior, Jiang Zemin was an emotional man given to risk-taking. The military intelligence was incontrovertible. This was the nightmare scenario for which no war game had found a solution that was not catastrophic. A low-key operation to reassure the Chinese side through intelligence, diplomatic and military contacts was launched. But it was not until shortly before the ceremony itself that the head of British intelligence in the colony was able to put on his jacket and tie, leave his desk and hurry to the Convention Centre.

 

幸运的是，移交没有变成一场灾难，尽管只有当中国的档案被打开时，我们才会知道这是否是一件近乎失败的事情。

当中国军队的纵队准备轰轰烈烈地南下时，在香港各地，双方的伟人和好人都在等待最后的和平行动。

 

By good fortune the handover had not turned into a catastrophe, although only when the Chinese archives are open will we know if it was a near-run thing. And as the Chinese army columns prepared to rumble south, all over Hong Kong, the great and the good on both sides awaited the final, peaceful act.

 

他们从很远很远的地方赶来。

在一架英国航空公司客机的机舱内，当飞机从伦敦飞过夜幕时，外交部官员奈杰尔-申沃德（Nigel Sheinwald）环顾了一下这些沉睡的大人物。

爱德华-希思爵士在他的晚年显得非常奇怪，雄性激素。

其他人则起身走动，在过道上交流。

英国新工党政府的领导人正在世界舞台上迈出他们试探性的第一步。

年轻的托尼-布莱尔将在他的外交秘书罗宾-库克的陪同下登上交接仪式的讲台。

不过，没有什么可担心的，因为每一步都是在与中国人漫长而疲惫的会谈中拟定的。

他们所要做的就是履行自己的职责。

 

They had come from far and wide. Inside the cabin of a British Airways airliner, Nigel Sheinwald, a Foreign Office official, had looked around at the slumbering grandees as the plane flew through the night from London. Sir Edward Heath appeared strangely androgynous in his old age. Others were up and about, networking in the aisles. The leaders of Britain’s new Labour government were taking their first tentative steps on the world stage. A youthful Tony Blair would take the podium at the handover ceremony, accompanied by his foreign secretary, Robin Cook. There was nothing to worry about, though, for every step had been scripted in those long, exhausting talks with the Chinese. All they had to do was perform their part.

 

在码头上，皇家游艇 "不列颠尼亚 "号停泊在那里。

这是一个口水和抛光的奇迹；在甲板下，每个表面都闪闪发光，穿着整齐制服的船员来来往往。

在它的沙龙里，地毯很厚，有一股淡淡的家具抛光的味道。

大不列颠尼亚号的内部装修，就像总督府的装修一样，把英国的乡村别墅搬到了最具异国情调的地方。

 不列颠尼亚号将带着总督和他的家人，像他们早已离去的前辈一样，穿越中国南海。

库尔特-肖克，一位著名的战争记者，被路透社派去报道那场从未发生过的动荡。

相反，他发现自己在交接的前一两天，被从沙龙带到了甲板上。

说话温和的纽约人肖克说："这很酷，但不完全是我的目的。

游艇在码头无所事事地上下颠簸着，因为已经有了轻微的浪花。

现在是台风季节。

 

At the quayside, Britannia, the royal yacht, lay moored. It was a miracle of spit and polish; below decks every surface gleamed and crisp-uniformed crew came and went. In its salons the carpets were thick and there was a faint smell of furniture polish. The interiors of Britannia, like those of the governor’s residence, transported the English country house to the most exotic climes. Britannia was to take the governor and his family away, like their long-departed predecessors, across the South China Sea. Kurt Schork, a renowned war reporter, had been sent by Reuters to cover the turmoil that never happened. Instead he found himself, a day or two before the handover, conducted from salon to deck. ‘This is pretty cool but not exactly what I came for,’ said Schork, a soft-spoken New Yorker. The yacht bumped up and down idly at the quay, for there was already a slight swell. It was the typhoon season.

 

在香港天文台，广播和电视上宣读的公告支配着整个工作日，人们都在担心。

预报说要下雨，而且是大雨。

广东沿海的低气压带是无情的。

厚厚的灰色云层笼罩着山顶。

一层细密的湿气，与污染物很好地混合在一起，笼罩着港口，并为岸边高耸的金融大厦披上了一层薄纱。

 

At the Hong Kong Observatory, whose bulletins, read out on the radio and television, governed the working day, there were worried faces. The forecast was for rain, lots of it. The low-pressure bands over the coast of Guangdong were unrelenting. Thick, scudding grey clouds crowned the Peak. A fine veil of humidity, mingled nicely with pollutants, hung across the harbour and wreathed the towers of finance spiking up along the shore.

 

江泽民主席乘坐中国国际航空公司的波音747飞机从深圳飞来，他在巨大的玳瑁眼镜后面的猫头鹰般的神态掩盖了他内心的恐惧。

他很快被安排在九龙海滨的海逸酒店，该酒店由爱国的亿万富翁李嘉诚拥有。

与江泽民在一起的是一些曾向天安门广场派出坦克的人，其中包括身着丧服的李鹏总理，人们担心他的出现会引起抗议。

皇家香港警察包围了酒店；中国安全人员在门厅巡逻，并守卫着电梯，他们的脸上永远带着一丝皱纹。

在他的套房里，江泽民接受了当地终身共产党员（该党在香港仍是地下党，没有宣布）和那些组成联合阵线的人的敬意，这是一个亲北京团体的联盟，在社会工作、市政政治和爱国主义宣传的旗帜下前进。

还有大量的百万富翁，因为谁不希望与新的统治者打成一片？President Jiang Zemin, whose owlish demeanour behind large tortoiseshell glasses concealed his inner fears, flew in on an Air China Boeing 747 from Shenzhen. He was soon installed on the Kowloon waterfront at the Harbour Plaza Hotel, which was owned by the patriotic billionaire Li Ka-shing. With Jiang were some of the men who had sent in the tanks to Tiananmen Square, including the funereal Li Peng, the premier, whose presence, it was feared, would draw protests. The Royal Hong Kong Police ringed the hotel; Chinese security agents, their faces set in permanent scowls, patrolled the foyer and guarded the lifts. In his suite, Jiang received the homage of lifelong local Communists (the party remained underground and undeclared in Hong Kong) and those who formed the United Front, a coalition of pro-Beijing groups marching under the flags of social work, municipal politics and patriotic propaganda. There also came millionaires aplenty, for who did not wish to make their number with the new rulers?

英国王位继承人查尔斯王子准备履行他的家人已经完善的职责，通常在午夜时分，国旗将在某个遥远的地方落下，伴随着管子的旋转和茉莉花香的空气的轻柔呼吸。

这是威尔士亲王最后一次高兴、自信的表演；他的离婚妻子戴安娜几乎正好两个月后在巴黎死于一场车祸。

在他们分居之前，白厅的官员们曾考虑让查尔斯担任香港总督，戴安娜担任他的妃子，这种安排可能会让摩纳哥的格蕾丝王妃羡慕不已，因为她的风格很独特。

结果是中产阶级的克里斯托弗-彭定康，来自爱尔兰的罗马天主教移民的儿子，来执行帝国的最后仪式。

彭定康说："对英国来说，这不仅仅是帝国的结束，也是一个人们认可的时期的结束。

人们把它看作是帝国的终结。

 

Prince Charles, the heir to the British throne, prepared for a duty which his family had perfected to a routine, usually around midnight, when the flag would come down in some far-flung possession to a skirl of pipes and a soft breath of jasmine-scented air. It was the last glad, confident performance of its kind for the Prince of Wales; his divorced wife, Diana, would die in a car crash in Paris almost exactly two months later. Before their separation, officials in Whitehall had considered Charles as a potential governor of Hong Kong with Diana as his consort, an arrangement that Princess Grace of Monaco might have envied for sheer style. In the event it was the middle-class Christopher Patten, the son of Roman Catholic immigrants from Ireland, who had come to perform the empire’s last rites. ‘It wasn’t just the end of empire for Britain, it was the end of a period which people recognised,’ said Patten. ‘People saw it as the end of empire.’

 

查尔斯王子以素描和私人日记来满足自己，这些日记后来被公开。

这位王位继承人写道，中国领导人是 "一群令人震惊的老蜡像"。

王子后来在《星期日邮报》发表这些观点后起诉了该报。

在北京，没有任何反应；考虑到毛泽东陵墓中的蜡像和抛光，中国人可能不会把它完全当作一种侮辱。

 

Prince Charles contented himself with sketches and a private journal that later became public. The Chinese leaders, wrote the heir to the throne, were a ‘group of appalling old waxworks’. The prince later sued the Mail on Sunday newspaper after it published these observations. From Beijing, reaction came there none; mindful of the waxed and polished Mao in his mausoleum the Chinese may not have taken it entirely as an insult.

 

所有这些都是前奏。

外交和礼节决定了总督和他的来访者有一轮最后的约定，英国人巧妙地利用这些约定建立了联合国大会之外最大的网络活动；毫无疑问，其中大部分都是为了录音。

这是在良好的礼仪和坚定的处理方面的一个成功的壮举。

车队在城市中纵横交错，穿过港口隧道。

这是互联网时代的早期，所以大多数香港人从电视直播和广东电台的嘈杂声中获得新闻。

当然，所有人都看到了这样一个时刻：一位情绪激动的总督从他的副官那里接过折叠的国旗，在礼宾府向他的工作人员告别，并在下午时分乘坐豪华轿车离开，登上不列颠尼亚号。

在那些为这一已在新闻日记中铭刻了十多年的时刻而涌入香港的、饱经战火洗礼的媒体老兵中，有一种明显的失望之情。

随着这个汗流浃背、平静的下午，外国记者俱乐部的酒吧销售额不断攀升。

 

All this was prelude. Diplomacy and protocol had dictated a round of final engagements for the governor and his visitors which the British had deftly exploited to set up the biggest exercise in networking outside the United Nations general assembly; much of it, no doubt, wired for sound recording. It was an accomplished feat of good manners and firm handling. Motorcades criss-crossed town and swept through the harbour tunnel. This was the early days of the internet age, so most Hong Kongers got their news from live television broadcasts and a cacophony of Cantonese radio stations. All, surely, watched the moment when an emotional governor received the folded flag from his aide-de-camp, bade farewell to his staff at Government House and left in a limousine to board Britannia in the late afternoon. There was a palpable air of disappointment among the war-hardened media veterans who had flocked to Hong Kong for a moment that had been etched in news diaries for more than a decade. Bar sales at the Foreign Correspondents Club climbed as the sweaty, calm afternoon dragged on.

 

彭定康回忆说："我记得离开政府大楼时的激动心情，我最喜欢的烟斗曲《高地大教堂》由警察乐队演奏。

我记得在[英国]仪式开始时，大雨倾盆，负责安排这一切的香港官员走过来对我说，"雨下得这么大，人们认为我们应该放弃仪式，"我说，"你一定是在开玩笑！"。

我说："你一定是在开玩笑！无论发生什么，这都会继续下去。

‘I remember the emotion of leaving Government House and with my favourite pipe tune “Highland Cathedral” being played by the police band,’ Patten recalled. ‘I remember at the beginning of the [British] ceremony with the rain lashing down, the Hong Kong official who’d been responsible for putting it all together coming up to me and saying, “It’s raining so hard people think we should abandon the ceremony,” and I said, “You must be joking! This goes on whatever happens”.’

 

英国人为他们的日落退场仪式选择了一个阅兵场，该阅兵场位于一个名为塔玛尔号的海滨海军基地的范围内。

计划已久，不允许有任何即兴发挥。

每个部门都有代表。

乐队、音乐、命令都是规定的。

这被称为是部队的告别仪式，从旗帜的旋转到埃尔加的曲子，没有任何一根坚固的心弦没有被拨动。

总督、威尔士亲王和政要们排成一长列。

 游行的部队面对着他们；他们也排成长队，很难保持直线。

 

The British had chosen as the scene for their sunset recessional a parade ground set in the confines of a waterfront naval base called HMS Tamar. Long planned, it brooked no improvisation. Each service was represented. The bands, the music, the barked commands were all prescribed. It was billed as a farewell ceremony for the forces and no stout heartstring was left unplucked, from the swirl of banners to the strains of Elgar. The governor, the Prince of Wales and the dignitaries stood arrayed in one long line. The parading troops faced them; they, too, were strung out in long lines that were hard to keep straight.

 

下了一整天的雨，开始下得很大。

浓密的黑云将它们的暴雨倾泻在行进中的乐队、高高在上的人和那些在看台上占据令人垂涎的座位的人身上。

雨水滴滴答答地流进每一个缝隙，大片大片的雨水在灯光下打转，仿佛中国南部海岸的荒凉气候在提醒野蛮人他们曾经属于那里的东西有多么少。

彭定康说话了。

这是一首挽歌和恳求，经过数天和数月的时间，通过不同的手稿精心制作而成。

 

The rain, which had been building all day, began to fall heavily. Dense black clouds unloaded their torrents on the marching bands, the high and mighty and those occupying coveted seats in the stands. Rain dripped and trickled into every crevice, great sheets of it swirling in the lamplight as though the inhospitable climate of the south China coast was sending the barbarians off with a reminder of how little they had ever belonged there. Patten spoke. It was an elegy and a plea, crafted over days and months through drafts that had gone through assorted hands.

 

作为一段被外交手段束缚住的散文，它并不坏。

这是总督自己的愿望，也许是在早晨刮胡子的那些安静时刻磨练出来的，他把这些时刻保留下来进行反思，以解决中国的历史冤情。

他宣称，今天没有人会试图宽恕香港故事开始时的那些习俗和做法。

他似乎指的是鸦片贸易和英帝国主义如何用武力撬开中国的大门。

 

As a passage of prose straitjacketed by diplomacy, it wasn’t bad. It was the governor’s own wish, perhaps honed in those quiet moments shaving in the morning which he kept for reflection, to address the historic grievances of China. Nobody, he declared, would seek to condone today the customs and practices with which the story of Hong Kong had opened. He was, it seemed, referring to the opium trade and to how British imperialists had prised China open by force.

 

这不是道歉，只是陈述了一个事实。

他赞扬了香港的普通民众，回顾了他们的忍耐力，并坚持认为英国已经为他们做了最好的事情。

总督的嘴唇颤抖着，一滴眼泪--或者是雨滴？- 顺着他的脸颊淌下。

中国媒体无动于衷。

乐队再次演奏，部队转了一圈后解散了。

所有在场的人都松了一口气，沿着码头走到一个巨大的现代会议中心，午夜时分在那里举行典礼。

 

It was not an apology, just a statement of fact. He praised the ordinary people of Hong Kong, recalled their endurance and maintained that Britain had done its best for them. The governor’s lip quivered and a tear – or was it a raindrop? – trickled down his cheek. The Chinese media were unmoved. The bands played again, the troops wheeled about and were dismissed. With some relief, all those in attendance scuttled off down the quayside to a giant modern convention centre where the act of consummation was to take place at midnight.

 

进入中心后，在即将离任的香港政府举办的招待会上，鸡尾酒声此起彼伏。

布莱尔被带去与江泽民进行首次会晤，他似乎当场决定，江泽民是一位改革者。

在边境上，大门被推开，引擎发动，第一批解放军部队开始进入香港。

在维多利亚海滨的古典市政风格建筑--立法会，立法会中被驱逐的民主派政治家的示威活动已经开始，参与者举着鲜黄色的旗帜和喇叭，举着雨伞抵御暴雨。

 

Once inside, cocktails flowed at a reception hosted by the outgoing Hong Kong government. Blair was ushered away for his first meeting with Jiang Zemin, who, he seems to have decided on the spot, was a fellow reformer. On the border the gates were flung open, engines revved and the first PLA units began to roll into Hong Kong. Down at the Legislative Council, a building in classical municipal style on the Victoria waterfront, a demonstration by the ousted democratic politicians on the council was already in progress, the participants holding bright yellow banners and bullhorns, and with umbrellas raised against the deluge.

 

在会议中心内，一切都很安静，有时间的秩序。

这是一个多么人为的、僵硬的、没有灵魂的时刻。

它显示了英国和中国之间的关系是多么的脆弱、缺乏温情和缺乏信任。

对中国领导人来说，这标志着一个民族耻辱的逆转，这不是一个友好的场合。

在一个灰色的大厅里，双方登台亮相。

每一个细节都经过了激烈而精确的讨价还价，每一个立场和步行距离都经过测量。

英国人，除了他们疲惫的汉学家之外，还错误地坚持到晚上，期待着一些友好的姿态，一些放松的迹象。

相反，政治局的人像机器人一样茫然地注视着前方，或者说，确实像蜡像一样。

 

Within the convention centre, all was quiet, timetabled order. What an artificial, stilted and soulless moment it was. It showed how brittle, lacking in warmth and devoid of trust was the relationship between Britain and China. For the Chinese leadership, it marked the reversal of a national shame and it was not an occasion for cordiality. Inside a grey-hued hall, the two parties took the stage. Every detail had been haggled over with ferocious precision, every standpoint and walking distance measured. The British, apart from their weary Sinologists, persisted mistakenly to the end of the night in expecting some gesture of friendship, some sign of relaxation. Instead the men from the Politburo stared blankly ahead like robots, or, indeed, waxworks.

 

彭定康说："我们与中国人就最后一次会议的精确芭蕾舞公式进行了无休止的谈判，谁先进入房间，谁后进入。

最终，我们同意采取坚定的路线，即中国领导人和威尔士亲王同时进入房间，我们在他们之后排队进入。

‘There had been endless negotiations with the Chinese about the precise sort of balletic formula for the last meetings, who had to come into a room first and who would come second,’ said Patten. ‘Eventually it was agreed that we’d take a firm line that the Chinese leaders and Prince of Wales would come into the room at the same time and we’d all file in after them.

 

'于是我们做了这一切，我们坐下来，威尔士亲王在没有注释的情况下说了一些好话，江泽民回应说中国人将遵循《联合声明》和《基本法》。

什么都没有发生--他们说了大约20、30秒，然后威尔士亲王试图让他们进行讨论，他们非常有礼貌地明确表示，这就是结束了。

所以我们就走了。

完全是荒谬的。

‘So we did all this and we sit down and the Prince of Wales makes some good remarks without notes and Jiang Zemin responds by saying the Chinese will follow the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. Nothing happens – they’ve spoken for about twenty, thirty seconds, then the Prince of Wales tries to engage them in a discussion and very politely they make clear that’s the end of that. So off we go. Completely absurd.’

 

公开仪式是奇怪的人造的，是在一个有空调的泡沫中进行的适合阅兵场的展示。

仪式从威尔士亲王开始，他代表女王伊丽莎白二世宣读了一份亲切的告别辞。

他回到自己的位置上，在午夜来临前的几秒钟，英国国旗和香港蓝旗被降下，乐队奏起了《上帝保佑女王》。

 

The public ceremony was weirdly artificial, a display fit for a parade ground carried out in an air-conditioned bubble. It began with the Prince of Wales, who read a gracious farewell on behalf of Queen Elizabeth II. He stepped back to his place and, seconds before midnight struck, the British Union Flag and the Hong Kong Blue Ensign were lowered as the band played ‘God Save the Queen’.

 

午夜时分，中国士兵潇洒地走上前去。

由星星和锤子、镰刀装饰的人民共和国国旗与香港特别行政区的新红旗一起升起，上面印有香港特别行政区的标志--五瓣紫荆花。

旗帜缓慢而笨拙地升上旗杆。

需要用风扇来制造强劲的微风，使它们看起来像是在自然风中飘扬。

中国国歌 "义勇军进行曲 "的尖锐音符响起。

 

At the stroke of midnight, Chinese soldiers stepped smartly forward. The flag of the People’s Republic, adorned by stars and a hammer and sickle, was raised alongside the new red flag of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, bearing its insignia, the five-petalled Bauhinia flower. The flags rose slowly and jerkily up the flagstaffs. Fans were needed to create a stiff breeze so that they looked as if they were billowing in a natural wind. The shrill notes of China’s national anthem, the ‘March of the Volunteers’, rang out.

 

站在舞台上的陈方安生，这位领导香港公务员队伍经历统治者更迭的女性，心情复杂。

她感到一定程度的恐惧，因为这两个主权国家是如此不同。

一个是具有底线价值观的议会民主制，她相信它不会偏离这些价值观。

她想到了法治、基本自由、宽容和多元社会。

另一个是极权主义的一党制。

然而，陈也感到 "希望事情会得到解决"，新的主权国家会 "相当克制地行使其相当大的权力......"。

 

Standing on the stage, Anson Chan, the woman leading the Hong Kong civil service through the change of rulers, had mixed feelings. She felt a degree of trepidation because the two sovereign powers were so different. One was a parliamentary democracy with bottom-line values from which, she believed, it would not depart. She had in mind the rule of law, fundamental freedom, tolerance and a pluralistic society. The other was a totalitarian, one-party system. Yet Chan also felt ‘a hope that things would work out’ and that the new sovereign would ‘exercise its considerable powers … with considerable restraint’.

 

江泽民走上讲台，滔滔不绝地发表了他的讲话，其中充满了口号和恰当的引证。

他向香港同胞传达的信息是，他相信 "一国两制 "会成功。

这是一种安抚，一种保证。

外交部长钱其琛写道："看着祖国的五星红旗冉冉升起，想到外国对祖国领土的占领，想到这个故事的结局，人们不禁感慨万千，因为这一切都浓缩在这个历史性的时刻，"全世界的中国人都感到雨过天晴，洗去了中国的百年耻辱，迎来了香港的新未来。

 

Jiang Zemin went to the podium and droned through his speech, replete with slogans and apt citations. His message to the Hong Kong compatriots was that he believed ‘one country, two systems’ would work. It was reassurance, of a kind. ‘Watching the five starred red flag of the motherland rising, thinking of the foreign occupation of the motherland’s territory and of how this story ended, one couldn’t help feeling up and down as it was all condensed in this historic moment,’ wrote Qian Qichen, the foreign minister, ‘all over the world Chinese people felt the rain washing down, washing away China’s century of humiliation and ushering in a new future for Hong Kong.’

 

在北京，烟花在天安门广场上爆炸，照亮了紫禁城，在紫禁城内，道光皇帝和他的参谋们已经承认将中国领土转让给了野蛮人。

在无数身着制服和便衣的保安人员的注视下，一大群人在欢庆。

这一幕被电视转播到全中国，并与来自香港的画面交织在一起，香港的英国人正在退出这个场景。

 

In Beijing, fireworks exploded over Tiananmen Square and lit up the Forbidden City, within whose walls the emperor Daoguang and his counsellors had conceded the transfer of Chinese territory to the barbarians. A huge crowd celebrated, watched by a myriad of uniformed and plainclothes security men. The scene was televised across China and intercut with images from Hong Kong, where the British were quitting the scene.

 

克里斯-埃米特，一位英国外籍警官，在警方的控制室里，大家都围在电视机前。

一个香槟酒瓶塞爆开了。

当他摘下皇家香港警察的标签时，他的喉咙被卡住了；全香港的警察都在更换他们的外衣和徽章。

他们没有什么可做的。

酒吧里没有麻烦。

电台里传来了一个声音，说中国军队正在越过边境。

埃米特在一本回忆录中回忆说，多年来，人们一直在问自己，移交后会发生什么。

他写道："现在我知道答案了：什么都没有。

当他开车回家时，一个年轻的中国人骑着摩托车在他身后咆哮着，从挂在车上的杆子上拖出一面巨大的红色旗帜，上面印有人民共和国的五颗星。

他拉平了身子，向警察展示了一个醒目的微笑，并做了一个大拇指的手势。

 

Chris Emmett, a British expatriate police officer, was in the police control room, where everyone gathered around the television. A champagne cork popped. There was a catch in his throat as he took off his Royal Hong Kong Police tags; all over Hong Kong officers were changing their tunics and badges. There was little for them to do. There was no trouble in the bars. A voice crackled over the radio to say that Chinese troops were streaming across the border. For years, Emmett recalled in a memoir, people had asked themselves what would happen after the handover. ‘Now I knew the answer: nothing,’ he wrote. As he drove home a young Chinese man roared up behind him on a motorbike, trailing from a pole attached to the pillion a huge red banner that bore the five stars of the People’s Republic. He drew level, flashed the policeman an eye-catching smile and gave the thumbs-up sign.

 

在会议中心内，有一个微妙的转变，那就是中国的礼仪。

新任行政长官、和蔼可亲的航运巨头董建华和他的政府高级官员宣誓就职，其中许多人是由英国人培训的公务员。

董建华发表了一篇模棱两可的演讲，以示对任何人的冒犯。

经中国批准的临时立法机构召开会议，通过了第一批法律。

当政治局批准了这个无论从哪个角度看都是胜利的消息时，酒杯又一次碰在了一起。

 

Inside the convention centre, there was a subtle shift to Chinese protocol. The new chief executive, the amiable shipping magnate Tung Chee-hwa and the senior officials of his administration, many of them civil servants who had been trained by the British, were sworn in. Tung gave a waffling speech written to offend nobody. The Chinese-approved provisional legislature convened to pass its first laws. Glasses clinked once more as the Politburo sealed their approval of what was, by any measure, a victory.

 

查尔斯王子、彭定康和他们的随行人员离开了大厅，被赶到了不列颠尼亚。

雨势已经减弱。

由香港人和外籍人士组成的人群欢呼着，挥舞着。

在几百码外的立法会，被赶出办公室的民主党领袖李柱铭和他的盟友在阳台上高呼反抗，并宣称民主永远不会消失。

然而，现在每个人都疲惫不堪，浑身湿透，几乎有一种意愿要结束这个夜晚。

工人们已经在拆除政府大楼上的王冠标志，并拆除女王的肖像。

 

Prince Charles, Patten and their entourages had left the hall and were driven down to Britannia. The rains had eased. The crowds, a mixture of Hong Kongers and expatriates, cheered and waved. A few hundred yards away at the Legislative Council, the Democrat leader Martin Lee and his allies, evicted from office, were shouting defiance from the balcony and proclaiming that democracy would never die. Now everybody was tired and wet, however, and there was almost a will for the night to end. Workmen were already taking down emblems of the crown on government buildings and removing portraits of the Queen.

 

英国的政治家和他们的公务员们驱车前往启德机场，挤上英国航空公司的波音777飞机，起飞前往伦敦。

在文华酒店的船长酒吧内，一些留在酒店的彭定康的副手与朋友们边喝边聊。

总督已经向伦敦发出了他的最后一封电报。

电报中写道："我已经放弃了这个政府的管理。

上帝保佑女王。

彭定康'。

 

The British politicians and their civil servants drove to Kai Tak airport, crowded onto a British Airways Boeing 777 and took off for London. Inside the Captain’s Bar of the Mandarin Hotel, some of Patten’s lieutenants, who were staying on, commiserated with friends over drinks. The governor had sent his last telegram to London. It read: ‘I have relinquished the administration of this government. God save the Queen. Patten.’

 

不列颠尼亚号的舷梯响了起来，游艇带着它尊贵的乘客，转入了一个阴暗和动荡的港口，被台风的水流冲得满满的。

英国人已经走了。

 

Britannia’s gangway rattled up and the yacht, with its distinguished passengers, turned into a murky and turbulent harbour, swollen with the typhoon’s currents. The British had gone.

 

在这段历史中，香港人自己第一次走到了前台。

中国共产党提出的 "港人治港 "的口号背后是某种务实的现实。

新任行政长官董建华出生在上海。

公务员主管陈方安生也是如此。

他们的家庭都是在革命后逃离上海而较晚到达香港的宗族之一。

许多人仍然说着悠扬的方言，吃着舒缓甜美的食物，并复制了他们的旧生活，由司机、保姆和厨师在办公室到乡村俱乐部、宴会、赛马场和海滩的路上提供服务。

董家和陈家完全不同，但有一个共同的遗产。

两人之间的合作关系，尽管并不融洽，但将引导特别行政区度过新时代的最初几年。

 

For the first time in this history, the people of Hong Kong themselves now stepped to the fore. There was a certain pragmatic reality behind the Chinese Communist Party slogan of ‘Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong’. The new chief executive, Tung Chee-hwa, was born in Shanghai. So was the head of the civil service, Anson Chan. Their families were among the late-arriving clans in Hong Kong who had fled Shanghai after the revolution. Many still spoke its melodious dialect, ate its soothing, sweet food and had replicated their old life, served by drivers, nannies and cooks on the circuit from office to country club, banquets, the racecourse and the beach. The Tung and Chan families were utterly different but shared a common heritage. The partnership between the two, uneasy though it was, would steer the Special Administrative Region through the first years of the new era.

 

董建华也是英国的行政长官人选。

作为一家航运公司的继承人，他跨越了各种文化，在其他富豪中游刃有余。

他为人谦和、有礼貌、稳重。

他在体制内被称为 "C.H."，体制内保留了用名字的首字母称呼一些中国人的习惯。

当他成为管理香港的首选候选人时，彭定康邀请他加入总督的行政委员会，在那里他没有动摇过。

他有元老的气质和绅士的舒适举止，与一些来自北方的粗俗干部截然不同。

他的家庭生活是一个正直的典范。

1997年，他已经60岁了，似乎是安心的缩影。

 

Tung Chee-hwa was also Britain’s choice to be chief executive. The heir to a shipping line, he crossed cultures and was at home among fellow tycoons. In person he was avuncular, courteous and steady. He was known as ‘C.H.’ among the establishment, which preserved the custom of calling some Chinese people by the initials of their given names. When he emerged as the preferred candidate to run Hong Kong, Chris Patten invited him to sit on the governor’s Executive Council, where he did not rock the boat. He had the air of a patriarch and the comfortable manners of a gentleman, quite unlike some of the coarse cadres from the north. His family life was a model of rectitude. In 1997 he was in his sixtieth year and seemed the epitome of reassurance.

 

董建华不喜欢庸俗的媒体，但他在回归前与一群外国记者坐下来，沉思他的世界观。

他谈到了 "中国人的价值观"，如崇尚教育、尊重长辈、敬业、忠于家庭、勤劳和节俭。

当在场的一位犹太记者插话说这些也可以说是犹太人的价值观，或者说是普遍的价值观时，他没有表示异议。

有一次，他显得很困惑，笑着说这次会议 "更像是一场哲学辩论，而不是一次采访"。

这位候任行政长官并没有失去避免麻烦的本能，这种本能使他能够跨越相互冲突的世界。

当话题转向他的出生地上海时，人们自然会问他的富裕家庭是如何提及1949年的革命的。

他们是在说 "上海的沦陷 "还是 "上海的解放"？解放这个词，在中国带有政治含义，被广泛用于街道、公园、报纸和任何被认为值得这样称呼的东西。

候任首席执行官的眉头皱了起来。

我真的不记得了，"他说。

 

Tung did not like the vulgar press but he sat down with a group of foreign correspondents before the handover to muse on his world view. He spoke of ‘Chinese values’ such as a reverence for education, respect for elders, dedication to work, loyalty to family, diligence and frugality. When a Jewish correspondent present interjected that these could also be said to be Jewish values, or indeed universal values, he did not dissent. At one point, appearing bemused, he smiled and said the session was ‘more like a philosophical debate than an interview’. The chief executive-designate had not lost the instinct for avoiding trouble which enabled him to straddle contending worlds. When the subject turned to his birthplace of Shanghai, it was natural to ask how his wealthy family had referred to the revolution of 1949. Had they spoken of ‘the fall of Shanghai’ or of ‘the liberation of Shanghai’? The word for liberation, jiefang, is freighted with political import in China and is applied liberally to streets, parks, newspapers and anything thought worthy of the epithet. The chief executive-designate’s brow furrowed. ‘I really can’t remember,’ he said.

 

董氏王朝经历了二十世纪上海的沧桑巨变；日本人的入侵，逃离征服者，和平时期的短暂繁荣，随后是1949年的革命，以及与战败的国民党的逃亡。

在这一切中，他们的商业头脑是完整的。

董建华的父亲董朝勇是蒋介石的朋友，在第二次世界大战后的几年里建立了一支航运舰队。

他不是一个喜欢幻想的人，在国民党中国垮台之前，他把业务扩展到香港和台湾。

总的来说，该家族不太可能谈论上海的 "解放 "问题。

 

The Tung dynasty had lived out the vicissitudes of twentieth-century Shanghai; invasion by the Japanese, flight from the conquerors, a brief peacetime flourish of prosperity followed by the revolution of 1949 and escape with the defeated Kuomintang. Through it all their commercial acumen was intact. Tung’s father, Tung Chao-yung (‘C.Y.’), was a friend of Chiang Kai-shek and built up a shipping fleet in the years after the Second World War. He was not a man for illusions and diversified to Hong Kong and Taiwan before the collapse of Nationalist China. It was, on balance, unlikely that the family would speak of the ‘liberation’ of Shanghai.

 

他们的船队，即东方海外航运公司，已经成为台湾岛的一个虚拟的旗帜载体。

它的标志是中华民国的国花--梅花。

随着东亚国家成为出口驱动的强国，而中国大陆仍处于义无反顾的孤立状态，该公司蓬勃发展。

董老建造了世界上最大的油轮，并购买了伊丽莎白女王号远洋轮船，这是一个千载难逢的机会，直到它在1971年起火并沉入海底。

 

Their fleet of ships, the Orient Overseas Line, had become a virtual flag carrier for the island of Taiwan. Its logo incorporated the plum blossom, the national flower of the Republic of China. The company thrived as east Asian nations became export-driven powerhouses while the Chinese mainland remained in righteous isolation. Tung senior built the biggest tanker in the world and bought the ocean liner Queen Elizabeth, a trophy purchase for the ages until it caught fire and sank at anchor in 1971.

 

这个家族并不缺乏政治上的精明。

年轻的董建华被送入中华中学，这是一所位于香港岛舒适的半山地区的左翼学校。

对于一个与台湾戒严政权有关的航运巨头的儿子来说，这似乎是一个奇怪的选择，但从共产党的资历来看，这是一项有远见的投资。

董建华进入英国利物浦大学学习，获得了海洋工程学位，并成为利物浦足球俱乐部的球迷。

之后，他去了美国的通用电气公司工作，然后回到香港的家族公司任职。

这是许多富豪家族的儿子所遵循的轨迹，他们的族长在生活中只关注继承权。

 

The family did not lack political shrewdness. The young Tung Chee-hwa was sent to the Chung Wah Middle School, a left-wing institution set in the comfortable mid-Levels district of Hong Kong island. It seemed an odd choice for the son of a shipping magnate associated with the martial law regime in Taiwan, but in terms of credentials with the Communist Party it was a far-sighted investment. Tung went on to Liverpool University in the UK, where he gained a degree in marine engineering and became a fan of Liverpool Football Club. Then he went to work for General Electric in the United States before returning to take up a role in the family firm in Hong Kong. It was a trajectory followed by many sons of wealthy clans, whose patriarchs lived with one eye on the succession.

 

1982年，董浩雲去世。

他的儿子们接手的时候，他们的大船队正陷入困境。

世界范围内的需求正受到70年代石油冲击和西方经济衰退的影响。

在金融危机的威胁下，董建华找遍了银行和华侨华人的富裕家庭，但资金却没有着落。

他求助于亲华的商人霍英东。

霍英东于1923年出生在香港的一个唐卡家庭，在朝鲜战争期间，霍英东违反联合国的禁运，向中国供应货物，赚了一笔钱。

共产党从未忘记霍英东的事迹，并适当地对他进行了奖励和提拔。

在共产党的祝福下，他升任香港中国商会的领导，建立了一个商业帝国，并成为一名慈善家。

20世纪80年代初，当国际大银行让董建华失望的时候，他是一个可以求助的人。

 

In 1982 C.Y. Tung died. His sons took over just as their fleet of big vessels was sailing into trouble. Worldwide demand was suffering from the aftermath of the oil shocks of the 1970s and a recession in the West. As a financial crisis threatened, Tung Chee-hwa scoured the banks and wealthy families of the Chinese diaspora but funds were not forthcoming. He turned to the pro-Chinese businessman Henry Fok. Born Fok Ying-tung in 1923 to a Tanka family in Hong Kong, Fok had made a fortune supplying goods to China during the Korean War in breach of a United Nations embargo. The Communist Party never forgot Fok’s deeds and duly rewarded him with favours and preferment. With its blessing he had risen to lead the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong, built a business empire and became a philanthropist. In the early 1980s he was the man to go to when the big international banks had let Tung down.

 

霍英东组建了一个银团，向东方海外投资1.2亿美元，于1986年拯救了该公司。

这项投资挽救了董建华的航运帝国。

这位大亨本人对谁投资了这笔钱总是含糊其辞，只提到 "中国朋友"。

远东经济评论》后来发表了一篇文章，称中国银行投资了5000万美元，并补充说招商局（一家国家控制的贸易集团）也加入了这一行列。

 

Fok put together a syndicate to invest US$120 million in Orient Overseas, bailing out the company in 1986. The investment saved the Tung shipping empire. The tycoon himself was always engagingly vague about who had put up the money, referring only to ‘Chinese friends’. The Far Eastern Economic Review later published an article which said the Bank of China had invested US$50 million, adding that it was joined by China Merchants, a state-controlled trading conglomerate.

 

此后，董建华的业务在中国境内扩展。

1989年，他回到了自己的出生地，在那里遇到了担任上海市长和党政领导的江泽民。

这是一个非常上海化的事件的完成。

 

After that, Tung’s business expanded inside China. He returned to his birthplace, where he met Jiang Zemin, who served as mayor and party leader of Shanghai, in 1989. It was the consummation of a very Shanghainese affair.

 

中间人是李楚文，这位神秘而老练的官员在20世纪30年代曾在上海的圣约翰大学学习，后来去了耶鲁大学，在公开接受共产主义之前成为一名基督教牧师。

(他可能一直是中国共产党的一个地下代理人，受命渗透到海外社区）。

1983年至1988年，李楚文在香港担任新华社副社长，与上海的权力经纪人保持着联系。

他作为江泽民在殖民地社会和政治方面的知己而享有盛名，他掌握了殖民地任何重要人物的档案。

1990年代初，他向中国领导人建议，董建华也许是新香港的合适人选。

他们在上海会面六年后，当时无可争议的中国领导人江泽民公开与董建华握手，任命他担任这一职务。

 

The intermediary was Li Chuwen, the enigmatic and sophisticated functionary who had studied at St John’s University in Shanghai in the 1930s, had gone to Yale and had become a Christian pastor before openly embracing Communism. (He may always have been an underground agent of the Chinese Communist Party instructed to infiltrate overseas communities.) Li served as the deputy director of the New China News Agency in Hong Kong from 1983 to 1988, retaining his ties to power brokers in Shanghai. He enjoyed a reputation as Jiang’s confidant on society and politics in the colony, where he had mastered the files on anyone of importance. In the early 1990s he advised the Chinese leadership that Tung was perhaps a suitable figurehead for the new Hong Kong. Six years after their meeting in Shanghai, Jiang, by then the undisputed leader of China, publicly shook Tung’s hand, anointing him for the job.

 

董建华赢得了共产党领导层和香港亿万富翁俱乐部的信任。

在一个充满对手的世界里，这是一个相当大的成就。

霍英东、殖民地最富有的大亨李嘉诚和郭氏地产家族等人都认为他是最合适的人选。

董建华和共产党领导人都对任何谅解进行了保密，但该党喜欢履行其长期欠下的感激之情。

2018年，一家中国国有控股的航运公司--中远集团向董氏家族支付了43亿美元，以购买他们在该公司的68.7%的股份。

 

Tung had won the confidence of the Communist Party leadership and of the Hong Kong billionaires’ club. It was a considerable accomplishment in a world of rivals. Henry Fok, the colony’s richest tycoon Li Ka-shing, and the Kwok property family, among others, felt he was the right man. Both Tung and the Communist leaders kept any understandings to themselves, but the party liked to honour its long-term debts of gratitude. In 2018 a Chinese state-controlled shipping line, COSCO, paid the Tungs US$4.3 billion for their 68.7 per cent stake in the firm.

 

董建华可能体现了富裕的上海流亡者仍在为祖国服务，但他的首席行政秘书陈方安在爱国主义的血统上胜过他。

她是民族英雄方振武将军的孙女，他参加了推翻清朝的革命，后来在国民党政府任职。

方振武与蒋介石闹翻了，1941年，当他在前进的日本军队面前离开香港时，被蒋介石的特工暗杀。

蒋介石想打击共产党，而我祖父想打击日本人。

因此，他受到了北京当局的尊重，在他死后，共产党在他的家乡，也就是安徽，为他立了一座纪念碑。

 

Tung may have embodied the wealthy Shanghainese exile who still served the motherland, but his chief secretary for administration, Anson Chan, outclassed him in patriotic pedigree. She was the granddaughter of a national hero, General Fang Zhenwu, who had joined the revolution which overthrew the Qing dynasty and later held office in the Kuomintang government. Fang fell out with Chiang Kai-shek and was assassinated by his agents as he left Hong Kong before the advancing Japanese army in 1941. ‘Chiang Kai-shek wanted to fight the Communists and my grandfather wanted to fight the Japanese. So he was revered enough by the Beijing authorities that after his death the Communist Party erected a monument in his honour in his home town, which is in Anhui,’ Chan recalled.

 

陈家是富裕的、有教养的人，他们认为自己是 "现代人"。

陈的父亲在上海、曼彻斯特和哥伦比亚大学接受了教育，然后开始了他的商业生涯。

她的母亲是 "一个坚定的爱国者......也是一个非常具有文艺复兴精神的女人"，她成为中国当代领先的水墨艺术家，以精致的风景画而闻名。

一家人于1948年离开上海，搬到香港，陈的祖母在那里拥有房产和生意。

 

The Chan family were well-off, cultivated people who saw themselves as ‘modern’. Chan’s father was educated at the universities of Shanghai, Manchester and Columbia before his career in business began. Her mother was ‘a staunch patriot … also very much a renaissance woman’ who became a leading Chinese contemporary ink artist well known for delicate landscapes. The family left Shanghai in 1948 and moved to Hong Kong, where Chan’s grandmother owned properties and businesses.

 

像许多其他家庭一样，我们认为一旦大陆的内乱平息，我们就会回到上海。

但当然，这是不可能的，"她说。

这个家族很大。

陈氏有一个双胞胎姐妹，六个兄弟和一个人数超过100人的大家庭。

1950年，她的父亲突然去世，但家庭财富供他们使用。

陈和她的双胞胎姐妹在一所意大利修道院学校上学，在那里她皈依了罗马天主教并接受了洗礼。

她上了香港大学，然后加入了殖民时期的公务员队伍，当时女学员的工资比男性低。

她凭借着冰冷的专业精神和私下里精明的判断力，在公务员队伍中不断晋升。

她在公共关系方面不太成功。

在她负责福利部门的时候，媒体对一个孩子的待遇进行了大肆报道，使她变得沉默寡言，不善于宣传。

这并没有损害她在本能地保密的殖民政府中的前景，1987年她被提升为经济事务秘书这一重要职位。

在彭定康于1993年挑选她成为第一位女性和第一位华裔官员，在回归后作为首席秘书领导公务员队伍之前，英国和中国都一直关注着她的进展。

他后来说，她是他合作过的最好的人之一。

‘Like many of the other families we thought as soon as the civil turmoil dies down on the mainland we’ll go back to Shanghai. But of course that was never to be,’ she said. The clan was large. Chan had a twin sister, six brothers and an extended family numbering over a hundred. In 1950 her father died suddenly but the family wealth provided for them. Chan and her twin attended an Italian convent school, where she converted to Roman Catholicism and was baptised. She went to Hong Kong University, then joined the colonial civil service at a time when women cadets were paid less than men. She rose through its ranks by dint of icy professionalism and a reputation for astute judgement given in private. She was less successful in public relations. A media furore over the treatment of a child while she was in charge of the welfare department left her reticent and publicity shy. That did not harm her prospects inside an instinctively secretive colonial administration, and in 1987 she was promoted to the important post of secretary of economic services. Both the British and the Chinese kept an eye on her progress before Chris Patten picked her in 1993 to become the first woman and the first ethnic Chinese official to lead the civil service as its chief secretary through the handover. She was, he said later, one of the best people he ever worked with.

 

陈与大陆的联系并没有消失。

她的叔叔Harry Fang教授是一位著名的香港外科医生，他帮助邓小平的儿子邓朴方（1968年被红卫兵袭击后只能坐在轮椅上）改善中国残疾人的权利。

这是最高领导人重视的一项事业。

这加强了一些中国官员的感觉，即陈氏家族的心仍然在正确的地方。

 

Chan’s links with the mainland did not wither away. Her uncle, Professor Harry Fang, was an eminent Hong Kong surgeon who helped Deng Pufang, the son of Deng Xiaoping, and left confined to a wheelchair after the 1968 attack by Red Guards, to improve the rights of disabled people in China. This was a cause the paramount leader valued. It reinforced the sense among some Chinese officials that the hearts of the Chan family remained in the right place.

 

陈氏不时收到一位受共产党当局信任的家庭朋友的接洽，使她能够保持沟通的后方渠道。

1995年6月，英国人授权她秘密访问北京，在那里她见到了外交部长钱其琛和她的上海老乡、港澳事务办公室主任鲁平。

她发现钱其琛是一个彬彬有礼的对话者，并发现她有很多时间与鲁平交谈。

但这次会谈证实了她的观点，即中国的指挥系统是故意不透明的，不可能知道谁在做真正的决定。

这对管理 "一国两制 "的关系不是一个好兆头。

 

From time to time Chan received approaches from a family friend who was trusted by the Communist authorities, allowing her to maintain back channels of communication. In June 1995 the British authorised her to pay a secret visit to Beijing, where she met Qian Qichen, the foreign minister, and her fellow Shanghainese, Lu Ping, the head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office. She found Qian an urbane interlocutor and discovered that she had a lot of time for Lu Ping. But the talks confirmed her view that the chain of command in China was deliberately opaque and it was impossible to know who was taking the real decisions. It was not a good sign for managing relationships within ‘one country, two systems’.

 

尽管如此，这也是董建华和陈方安生的底牌，因为他带领香港进入了新时代，而她则使香港的政府运作。

我们只是继续做我们必须做的事情。

我们的首要任务是确保在实践中，除了像邓小平所说的那样，更换旗帜和主权权力的变化外，其他的都不会改变。

None the less, this was the card dealt to Tung and Chan, as he led Hong Kong into the new era and she made its government work. ‘We just got on with what we had to do. What was uppermost in our minds was to make sure that in practice – other than, as Deng Xiaoping said, the change of flag and the change of sovereign power – nothing else would change.

 

我们继续进行公务员制度的日常运作和政策的制定，并试图安抚人心，以便那些因为想要一份保险而离开的人很快就会看到事情进展顺利......并会开始回来，这在事实上已经发生了。

在最初几年，人们对北京有相当大的信心。

‘We got on with the day-to-day running of the civil service and the formation of policies and tried to settle minds so that those who bolted because they wanted an insurance policy would soon see that things were going well … and would start coming back, which in the event actually happened. And in the early years there was considerable confidence in Beijing.

 

我们真的不知道我们的新主人会如何看待公务员。

我们知道，香港的建制派和坚定的效忠者认为，我们所有人都应该被赶走，由忠于党的人取代。

他们给我们起了一个特别糟糕的中文名字，如果我把它翻译成英文，就是 "殖民政权的杂种残余"。

这就是他们在公务员系统中对我们的称呼。

这是一个非常贬义的说法。

所以我们知道，如果我们犯了错误，有些人就会非常高兴。

‘We really didn’t have any clue as to how our new masters would regard civil servants. We knew that the pro-establishment and the staunch loyalists in Hong Kong felt that the whole lot of us should have been thrown out and replaced by party loyalists. They gave us a particularly bad name in Chinese which if I translate it into English is “the bastard remnants of the colonial regime”. That’s how they termed us in the civil service. It’s a very derogatory term. So we knew there were certain people who would be only too glad if we made mistakes.’

 

起初，有一种阴森的政治平静。

中国官员保持距离，甚至经常不被邀请参加官方活动。

在Chan看来，本土化进程很顺利，这对他很有帮助。

留下来的外籍人士中没有人担任敏感的安全职位。

 

At first there was an eerie political calm. Chinese officials kept their distance and were often not even invited to official functions. It helped that localisation, in Chan’s view, had gone smoothly. None of the expatriates who stayed on held sensitive security positions.

 

陈认为，"一国两制 "是一个实验，它要求香港尽可能地扩展这个框架，即使它遇到中国的阻力。

政府的实践意味着对边界的不断测试；这就是日常政治的意义所在。

相比之下，董建华不喜欢对抗，追求和谐，最重要的是要避免给中国政府带来麻烦。

在一段时间内，这种平衡的做法是有效的。

她回忆说："在早期，当然是在我担任布政司的四年里......他们从未试图，无论是在语言上还是在行动上，干预 "高度自治 "和 "港人治港"。

 

Chan felt that ‘one country, two systems’ was an experiment, one that required Hong Kong to stretch the framework as far as it could even if it met resistance from China. The practice of government meant a constant testing of boundaries; that was what day-to-day politics were all about. Tung, in contrast, was averse to confrontation, sought harmony and meant above all to avoid troubling the Chinese government. For a while, the balancing act worked. ‘In the early years, certainly the four years I remained as chief secretary … they never attempted, not in word, not in deed, to interfere with a “high degree of autonomy” and “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong”,’ she recalled.

 

这是有充分理由的。

1997年，中国正处于自第二次世界大战结束以来世界经济最有利可图的中断阶段，也许是自19世纪以来财富和权力最彻底的重新排序。

它的扩张是如此之快，如此之深远，以至于它正在改变整个行业的运作方式。

它为商品出口商创造了全新的市场，从石油到矿物。

它自己的出口产品正在流入国内生产商没有希望在价格上竞争的市场。

 

There were good reasons for that. In 1997 China was on the threshold of the most profitable disruption of the world economy since the end of the Second World War, perhaps the most radical reordering of wealth and power since the nineteenth century. Its expansion was so fast and so far-reaching that it was changing the way that entire industries worked. It was creating whole new markets for exporters of commodities, from oil to minerals. Its own exports were flowing into markets where domestic producers had no hope of competing on price.

 

由于广东省有远见的统治者，其人民的工业和香港提供的技能和资金，中国南方已经开始了一场世界贸易革命。

供应链的发明意味着其产品可以满足任何地方的客户。

全球化的现象正在全面展开。

为了寻求秩序，主要工业国家希望将中国纳入一套规则，以确保其自身的进步，并保证所有各方都能获胜。

下一步是让北京加入世界贸易组织，该组织于1995年在日内瓦成立，是关税和贸易总协定的继承者。

中国领导人认为加入该组织的谈判是通向伟大奖赏的途径。

如果2008年的奥运会被授予中国，这将是第二项荣誉，这项决定将在2001年作出，就像关于世贸组织的决定一样。

不能让任何事情出错。

 

Thanks to the far-sighted rulers of Guangdong province, the industry of its people and the skills and finance provided by Hong Kong, southern China had started a world revolution in trade. The invention of the supply chain meant that its products could satisfy customers anywhere. The phenomenon of globalisation was in full swing. Seeking order, the major industrial nations wanted to bind China into a set of rules that sought to secure its own progress and to guarantee that all sides would win. The next step was for Beijing to join the World Trade Organisation, the group set up in Geneva in 1995 as the successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The Chinese leadership saw negotiations on membership as the route to a great prize. It would be crowned by a second accolade if the Olympic Games for 2008 were awarded to China, a decision that would come, like that on the WTO, in 2001. Nothing could be allowed to go wrong.

 

11.寻求更广阔的世界

11.To Seek a Wider World

 

 

香港作为中国沿海的一个贸易港口而发迹。

台风、瘟疫、战争和革命并没有吓倒香港人，他们的忍耐力和冒险的天赋是众所周知的。

但在二十世纪末，这个城市面临着一个新的世界。

殖民时代已经结束，中国的崛起正在加快步伐，香港不再是一个东方的好奇心，而是一个亚洲的全球金融和贸易中心。

如果说机会是新的，那么风险也是新的。

 

Hong Kong had made its fortune as a trading port on the China coast. Typhoons, plagues, wars and revolutions did not daunt its people, whose gifts for endurance and risk-taking were proverbial. But at the end of the twentieth century the city faced a new world. The colonial era was over, the rise of China was gathering pace and Hong Kong was no longer an Oriental curiosity but a centre in Asia of global finance and trade. If the opportunities were new, so were the risks.

 

这个新的特别行政区迅速发现自己面临着两个威胁。

第一个挑战是爆发了致命的禽流感，它从中国南部的边境开始，蔓延到香港。

然后是一场始于泰国的金融危机，席卷整个亚洲，几乎摧毁了香港的经济成就。

这两场危机都被坚定而有效的干预所击败。

但是，这些都是董建华没有准备好的考验，他把细节留给了他的部下。

它们的共同主题是跨境传染，是未来事情的预兆。

 

The new Special Administrative Region swiftly found itself facing two threats. Its first challenge was an outbreak of lethal avian influenza which started across the border in southern China and spread to Hong Kong. Then came a financial crisis which began in Thailand, tore across Asia and almost destroyed Hong Kong’s economic success. Both were defeated by determined and effective intervention. But they were tests for which nothing had prepared Tung Chee-hwa, who left the details to his subordinates. In their common theme of cross-border contagion they were omens of things to come.

 

禽流感，俗称鸟类流感，是一种适应鸟类的病毒。

它可以在动物之间和从动物到人之间传播。

它可能由野生鸟类携带，但更多地是在家禽中发现。

牲畜病毒在中国很常见，其传播因人口密度、人与鸡群之间的密切接触以及粗放的饲养和屠宰做法而加剧。

在中国各地，鸟类被饲养在封闭的商业农场或后院里。

它们在市场上被活生生地卖掉，然后被当场或由买家在家里杀死。

卫生状况很差，因为中国，正如其领导人所坚持的，是一个发展中国家。

人类可能会因为处理受感染的死鸟、捡到禽类的液体或接触到被粪便、血液或脏羽毛弄脏的表面而受到污染。

该病毒具有高致病性，这意味着它可以使宿主生病。

整个鸟群可能在感染后几天内死亡。

 这种病毒也会杀死人，他们在遭受发烧、疼痛、呼吸困难和肺炎后死亡。

早期的一项计算表明，60%的人感染了该病毒后死亡。

 

Avian influenza, commonly known as bird flu, is a virus that has adapted itself to birds. It can be spread between animals and from animals to humans. It may be carried by wild birds but is more often found in domestic poultry. Livestock viruses were common in China, their spread exacerbated by the density of population, close contact between people and flocks, and crude practices of rearing and slaughtering. Across China, birds were reared on enclosed commercial farms or in backyards. They were sold alive in markets, then were killed on the spot or by the buyer at home. Hygiene was bad, for China, as its leaders insisted, was a developing country. Humans might be contaminated by handling dead infected birds, picking up avian fluids or touching surfaces soiled by droppings, blood or dirty feathers. The virus was highly pathogenic, which meant it could sicken the host. Whole flocks of birds could die within days of infection. The virus also killed people, who died after suffering fever, aches, breathing difficulties and pneumonia. One early calculation indicated that 60 per cent of those who caught the virus died.

 

1996年，世界卫生组织记录了A型禽流感品种在中国的爆发，被命名为H5N1。

它首次在广东省的一只养殖鹅中被分离出来。

每年，商人们将数以百万计的活禽带入香港，以满足本地的需求，这远远超过了香港小型农场的供应。

运输和储存的条件十分恶劣。

鸟儿们被挤在成堆的笼子里，互相排泄，在禁闭室里争吵，直到被拉出来割喉。

广东菜重视鱼和家禽等食材的新鲜度。

这种味道的代价是很高的。

 

In 1996, the World Health Organisation recorded the outbreak of a type A bird flu variety in China which was christened H5N1. It was first isolated in a farmed goose in Guangdong province. Every year traders brought millions of live poultry into Hong Kong to meet local demand, which far outstripped supply from the territory’s small-scale farms. The conditions of transport and storage were grim. Birds were crowded into stacks of cages, defecated on one another and squabbled in confinement until they were yanked out to have their throats cut. Cantonese cuisine valued the freshness of ingredients such as fish and poultry. The taste came at a high price.

 

该病毒从广东迅速蔓延到香港，在那里首次传播给人类。

有18人被感染，其中6人死亡。

根据世卫组织后来的调查结果，这些人中没有人曾与家禽打过交道。

对一个紧密相连的社区的潜在影响是可怕的。

香港有一支高级别的科学家和传染病专家队伍，他们的补救措施是严厉而有效的。

跨境运输被停止，之后，卫生当局下令对香港的每只鸡进行大规模扑杀。

电视屏幕上充斥着戴着面具的工人和成堆的家禽尸体的可怕场景。

该市热闹的活体市场感觉不那么热闹了。

但威胁得到了控制。

这是政府的一个成功，它面对既得商业利益，忽略了阻止与新祖国的繁忙贸易所涉及的政治敏感问题。

授权采取这些措施是董建华的功劳，但作出反应和干预的决定来自他的公务员队伍。

对于一个习惯于企业谄媚和恭维的首席执行官来说，这是一个不安的时刻。

 

The virus spread rapidly from Guangdong to Hong Kong, where for the first time it was transmitted to humans. Eighteen people were infected and six of them died. According to the WHO’s later findings, none of them had worked with poultry. The potential impact on a closely packed community was frightening. Hong Kong had a high-grade cadre of scientists and experts in contagious diseases, and their remedy was drastic and effective. Cross-border shipments were stopped, after which the health authorities ordered a mass cull of every chicken in Hong Kong. Gruesome scenes of masked workers and heaps of dead poultry filled the television screens. The city’s bustling live markets felt a little less lively. But the threat was contained. It was a success for the administration, which faced down vested commercial interests and ignored the political sensitivities involved in stopping a busy trade with the new motherland. It was to Tung’s credit that he authorised these steps, but the decisions to react and intervene came from his civil service. It was an uneasy moment for a chief executive accustomed to corporate flattery and deference.

 

随着禽流感从头条新闻中消失，一场金融台风席卷了整个亚洲。

它从泰国开始，泰国轻浮的统治精英将增长的成果挥霍在裙带关系、贪污和炫耀性消费上。

泰国的经济掌握在一个集团手中，而许多商业王朝都是中泰氏族。

他们对腐败、卡特尔、操纵市场和微笑式保护主义拒之门外的做法已经习以为常。

曼谷的好时光正在滚动。

泰国经济以每年约9%的速度增长，通货膨胀率低，房地产和建筑业蓬勃发展，信贷扩大，富人抢购海外资产。

大亨们用美元贷款，因为中央银行将泰国货币泰铢以固定汇率与美元挂钩，所以贷款很便宜。

在一个保皇的社会里，银行自然应该由风度翩翩的技术官僚来管理，他们与财阀打交道，在宫廷圈子里活动，所有相关人员都能从这种安排中获得好处。

这似乎是一个安全的赌注，尽管大多数借款人的收入仍然是泰铢，而他们的负债是美元。

 

As bird flu faded from the headlines a financial typhoon swept across Asia. It started in Thailand, whose frivolous ruling elite had squandered the fruits of growth on cronyism, graft and conspicuous consumption. The Thai economy was in the hands of a clique, while many of its business dynasties were Sino-Thai clans. They had grown comfortable with corruption, cartels, rigged markets and smiling protectionism to shut out competitors. The good times were rolling in Bangkok. The Thai economy was growing at about 9 per cent a year, inflation was low, real estate and construction boomed, credit expanded and the wealthy snapped up assets abroad. The tycoons took out loans in American dollars, which were cheap because the central bank kept the Thai currency, the baht, pegged to the dollar at a fixed rate. In a royalist society it was natural that the bank should be governed by suave technocrats who hobnobbed with the plutocracy and moved in court circles, where all concerned were doing nicely out of the arrangement. It seemed a safe bet, even though most of the borrowers’ revenues remained in baht while their liabilities were in dollars.

 

1997年春天，这种不匹配引起了国际货币交易商的注意。

5月，市场上出现了大量抛售泰铢的情况。

泰国当局为货币进行了辩护，但他们的储备没有达到任务要求。

总理也是如此，他是一个腐败的、像蜥蜴一样的军人，Chavalit Yongchaiyudh，他在6月30日宣布他不会让泰铢贬值。

政府无能为力地看着自己的经济奇迹消失。

 

The mismatch caught the eye of international currency traders in the spring of 1997. In May the markets saw heavy selling of the baht. The Thai authorities defended the currency but their reserves were not up to the task. Nor was the prime minister, a venal, lizard-like military man, Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, who declared on 30 June that he would not devalue the baht. The government watched powerless as its economic miracle evaporated.

 

7月2日，当香港人的目光还停留在回归的时候，泰国向投机者妥协了。

泰铢贬值一半，最大的金融公司倒闭，股票市场内爆，建筑工地沉寂，数百万人失去工作，移民工人跋涉回村。

由于以美元借款的公司拖欠贷款，破产现象蔓延。

国际货币基金组织介入，提供了大约200亿美元的救援计划，但条件是要对金融监管进行改革。

泰国人民的韧性、他们的佛教哲学和对君主制根深蒂固的尊重帮助维护了社会秩序，但普通泰国人表现出的坚忍不拔的价值观并没有延伸到精英阶层中。

据曼谷的外国投资银行家说，该国一些最富有和最有权势的人从内部信息中获利，在货币下跌时对自己的货币进行投机。

冬荫功 "危机是以一种人们喜爱的辣汤命名的，它为泰国几十年的政治纷争埋下了种子，而泰国至今仍未摆脱这种纷争。

 

On 2 July, while all eyes in Hong Kong were still on the handover, Thailand gave in to the speculators. The baht lost half its value, the biggest finance company collapsed, the stock market imploded, building sites fell silent, millions lost their jobs and migrant workers trekked back to their villages. Bankruptcies spread as firms that had borrowed in dollars defaulted on their loans. The International Monetary Fund stepped in with a rescue package of some US$20 billion, contingent on reforms to financial regulation. The resilience of the Thai people, their Buddhist philosophy and an ingrained respect for the monarchy helped to preserve social order, but the stoic values exhibited by ordinary Thais did not extend to the elite. According to foreign investment bankers in Bangkok, some of the wealthiest and most powerful people in the country profited from inside information to speculate against their own currency as it went down. The ‘Tom Yam Gung’ crisis, so named after a favourite spicy soup, sowed the seeds of decades of political strife from which Thailand has yet to emerge.

 

相比之下，印度尼西亚的影响是革命性的。

这个庞大的群岛，是一个充满活力和经济上占主导地位的少数华裔的家园，是一个快速增长的国家。

它有大量的贸易顺差，保持低通货膨胀率，并拥有大量的外汇储备。

但印尼公司也大量借入美元。

这似乎又是一个安全的赌注。

他们的利息支付下降，他们的外债随着印尼盾的上升而贬值。

中央银行、商业寡头和印尼独裁者苏哈托周围的腐败统治圈不可避免地交织在一起。

 

By contrast, the impact in Indonesia was revolutionary. The vast archipelago, home to an energetic and economically dominant minority of ethnic Chinese, was a fast-growing nation. It ran a big trade surplus, kept inflation low and held substantial foreign currency reserves. But Indonesian companies had also borrowed heavily in dollars. Once again it seemed a safe bet. Their interest payments fell and their external debts depreciated as the Indonesian rupiah rose. Inevitably the central bank, the business oligarchy and the corrupt ruling circle around Indonesia’s dictator, Suharto, were intertwined.

 

从1997年夏天到第二年的春末，这个纸牌屋倒塌了。

对印尼盾的投机性攻击迫使当局一再贬值。

这导致了螺旋式下降，因为企业争相购买更多的美元为其债务提供资金。

经济开始瓦解。

股票市场崩溃，进口成本飙升，印尼政府债券被降级为垃圾级，企业关门。

雅加达和其他城市爆发了骚乱。

骚乱者以华裔商人为目标，烧毁他们的房屋和生意，强奸妇女并杀害整个家庭。

 

Between the summer of 1997 and the late spring of the following year, this house of cards collapsed. Speculative attacks on the rupiah forced the authorities into repeated devaluations. These led to a downward spiral as corporations raced to buy more dollars to fund their debts. The economy began to break apart. The stock market crumbled, the cost of imports soared, Indonesian government bonds were downgraded to junk status and firms shut their doors. Riots broke out in Jakarta and other cities. The rioters targeted ethnic Chinese traders, burnt out their homes and businesses, raped women and murdered whole families.

 

这些暴行唤起了人们对1965年反华大屠杀的回忆，那次大屠杀使苏哈托在大规模屠杀所谓的共产党员中上台。

安全部队没有采取什么措施来阻止他们。

一些暴力事件是由与苏哈托本人关系密切的人煽动起来的，他们试图利用这种混乱局面。

受到惊吓的中国家庭在雅加达的五星级酒店里寻求庇护，而他们周围的城市却烟雾缭绕，网球场上枪声不断。

当他们躲藏起来的时候，印度尼西亚人集体起来要求改革，这个口号意味着政权的改变。

数以百万计的抗议者日复一日地涌上街头，不顾子弹和催泪瓦斯。

一些精英阶层希望进行中国式的镇压。

 

These atrocities awoke memories of the anti-Chinese pogroms of 1965 which had brought Suharto to power amid mass killings of alleged Communists. The security forces did little to stop them. Some of the violence was incited by people close to Suharto himself who sought to exploit the chaos. Frightened Chinese families sought sanctuary in Jakarta’s five-star hotels, while smoke billowed from the city around them and gunfire sounded across the tennis courts. As they hid away, Indonesians arose en masse to demand reformasi, a slogan that came to mean regime change. Millions of protesters thronged the streets day after day, defying bullets and tear gas. Some in the elite wanted a Chinese-style crackdown.

 

印尼当时正处于内战的边缘，军队首脑维兰托将军去找苏哈托，告诉他一切都结束了。

维兰托后来说："我向他解释说，我们必须本着和谐的精神来解决这个问题，他和他的家人将得到保护，这样国家才能得到拯救。

这是一次艰难的谈话，但他是个聪明人，他不想因为让自己的人民流血而被人记住。

1998年5月21日，这位独裁者下台了。

民主--混乱的、动荡的和不完美的--来到了这个世界上人口最多的穆斯林国家，它在那里一直持续着。

雅加达没有天安门广场的解决方案。

 

Indonesia was on the brink of civil war when the head of the army, General Wiranto, went to Suharto and told him it was all over. ‘I explained to him that we had to settle this in a spirit of harmony, that he and his family would be protected and this way the nation could be saved,’ Wiranto said later. ‘It was a difficult conversation but he was a wise man and he did not want to be remembered for shedding the blood of his own people.’ The dictator stepped down on 21 May 1998. Democracy – messy, turbulent and imperfect – came to the world’s most populous Muslim nation, where it has endured. There was no Tiananmen Square solution in Jakarta.

 

起初，东南亚的动荡在香港被视为投资风险和潜在损失的问题。

很快就发现，危机正在加速发展。

在马来西亚，它使股票市场的价值减半。

中央银行无法捍卫其货币林吉特，林吉特对美元的汇率下降了近50%。

马来西亚的专制总理马哈蒂尔-穆罕默德一反常态，实行资本管制，将令吉与美元固定在一起，并拒绝国际货币基金组织的援助。

他的决定避免了经济崩溃，但破坏了他的执政联盟内部的共识。

他的副手安华-易卜拉欣在与马哈蒂尔的权力斗争中败下阵来，以性犯罪的虚假指控入狱。

他们的争斗使马来西亚政治分裂，并引发了20年的动荡。

马来西亚拥有丰富的潜力，但它既没有实现改革，也没有摆脱其马来人占多数和华人、印度人和泰米尔人社区之间的种族和宗教分歧。

 

At first, the upheavals in southeast Asia were seen in Hong Kong as a matter of investment risk and potential losses. It soon became clear that the crisis was gathering pace. In Malaysia, it halved the value of the stock market. The central bank was unable to defend its currency, the ringgit, which fell by almost 50 per cent against the dollar. Bucking the trend, Malaysia’s autocratic prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, imposed capital controls, fixed the ringgit to the greenback and rejected aid from the IMF. His decisions averted a meltdown but destroyed the consensus within his ruling coalition. His deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, lost a power struggle with Mahathir and was jailed on false charges of sex crimes. Their feud split Malaysian politics and set off two decades of turbulence. Rich in potential, Malaysia has neither achieved reform nor outgrown its ethnic and religious divisions between its Malay majority and the Chinese, Indian and Tamil communities.

 

从香港或北京来看，即使是马来西亚的危机也会显得很琐碎。

菲律宾的缓慢困境也是如此，在接下来的几年里，菲律宾的货币贬值了一半，股市损失了三分之二的价值。

当危机蔓延到韩国这个强大的贸易大国时，香港的警钟才敲响。

 

Viewed from Hong Kong or Beijing, even the Malaysian crisis could seem petty. So were the slow-motion travails of the Philippines, where the currency halved and the stock market lost two-thirds of its value over the next few years. It was when the contagion came to South Korea, a mighty trading powerhouse, that alarm bells sounded in Hong Kong.

 

这个以流经首尔的河流命名的 "汉江奇迹 "依赖于被称为Chaebols的巨大企业集团，如三星、现代和大宇等品牌，其触角从造船业延伸到汽车、超市、电视网络和房地产。

在低调的王朝控制下，它们陷入了债务，以资助扩张。

当市场转向时，它们很脆弱。

韩国货币韩元对美元汇率下跌了一半以上，股票市场下滑。

韩国银行几乎花光了所有的外汇储备来维持银行的正常运转。

面对破产，政府被迫接受国际货币基金组织提供的580亿美元的救助，国际货币基金组织提出了苛刻的条件，迫使韩国取消对外国投资当地公司的限制。

中国的领导人并没有忘记这个教训，他们无意允许这种事情发生。

作为一个开放的资本主义贸易经济体，香港已经习惯了 "狂热、恐慌和崩溃"，但对韩国造成的损害发出了警告，这是自第二次世界大战以来亚洲最严重的金融危机。

 

The ‘miracle on the Han’, named after the river which ran through Seoul, depended on gigantic conglomerates known as chaebols, brands like Samsung, Hyundai and Daewoo, whose tentacles extended from shipbuilding to cars, supermarkets, television networks and real estate. Controlled by low-profile dynasties, they had plunged into debt to fund expansion. They were vulnerable when the markets turned. The South Korean currency, the won, fell by more than half against the dollar and the stock market slumped. The Bank of Korea spent almost its entire foreign currency reserves to keep the banks afloat. Facing bankruptcy, the government was forced to accept a bailout of US$58 billion from the IMF, which imposed harsh conditions and compelled South Korea to abolish limits on foreign investment in local companies. The lesson was not lost on leaders in China, who had no intention of ever allowing such a thing to happen. As an open, capitalist trading economy, Hong Kong was used to ‘manias, panics and crashes’, but the damage inflicted on South Korea gave a warning that this was the worst financial crisis in Asia since the Second World War.

 

金融危机对香港的影响是巨大的。

房地产和股票价值下降了一半左右。

失业率上升，国内生产总值在英国回归后的18个月内收缩了4%。

然而，港币是亚洲唯一没有贬值的可自由兑换货币。

它与美元在7.8港元左右的区间内的联系是一个堡垒。

这也是对投机者的一种诱惑。

其中包括精明的乔治-索罗斯（George Soros），尽管他在恶魔的阴影下比事实更显眼。

香港如何击败对冲基金，击退他们的攻击策略，并通过股市将干预的利润返还给公众，这仍然是一本关于金融危机中运气、技巧和胆量的教科书。

这要归功于两个人，即财政司司长曾荫权和香港金融管理局（香港事实上的中央银行）的负责人任志刚。

 

The impact of the financial crisis on Hong Kong was dramatic. Property and share values fell by about half. Unemployment rose and gross domestic product contracted by 4 per cent during the eighteen months after the handover from Britain. Yet the Hong Kong dollar was the only freely convertible currency in Asia that did not suffer devaluation. Its link to the US dollar in a band around HK$7.80 stood as a bulwark. It was also a temptation for speculators. They included the astute George Soros, although he loomed larger in demonology than fact. How Hong Kong defeated the hedge funds, saw off their strategy of attack, and returned the profits of intervention to the public through the stock market remains a textbook study of luck, skill and nerve in a financial crisis. And it was down to two men, the financial secretary, Donald Tsang, and the head of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority, the territory’s de facto central bank, Joseph Yam.

 

曾荫权是一名警察的儿子，在公务员系统中一直工作。

他思维敏锐，性格多变，自信爆棚。

他总是打着一个标志性的领结。

任志刚是一个更有头脑的人物，他是一个统计学家、经济学家和行政人员，曾在1983年参与固定港元挂钩的工作。

这两人向行政长官董建华负责，但在他们的回忆中，可以看出董建华在危机的日常管理中所发挥的作用很小。

在他们自己的决策中，他们表明，像竹子一样弯曲的能力、放弃意识形态的意愿和改变自己想法的能力往往是成功的关键。

正如曾荫权所回忆的："这是一种你无论如何努力都无法忘记的事件。

我经历了一些最具创伤性的内心挣扎。

正如你所知，我被训练成一个以芝加哥为导向的经济学家，虔诚地相信开放的市场和最小的政府干预。

 

Tsang, the son of a policeman, had worked his way up through the civil service. He was sharp, mercurial and bursting with confidence. He invariably wore a trademark bow tie. Yam, a more cerebral character, was a statistician, economist and administrator who had been involved in fixing the Hong Kong dollar peg in 1983. The pair answered to the chief executive, Tung Chee-hwa, but in their recollections it is noticeable how small a part Tung played in the day-to-day management of the crisis. In their own decision-making they showed that the ability to bend like bamboo, a willingness to abandon ideology and the capacity to change one’s mind are often keys to success. As Tsang recalled: ‘This is the sort of event you can’t forget no matter how hard you may try. I went through some of the most traumatic internal struggles. As you know I was trained as a Chicago-oriented economist, believing devoutly in the open market and minimum government intervention.’

 

在香港这样一个经典的运作市场中，交易者可以自由地采取 "多头 "或 "空头 "头寸。

多头头寸是赌一种资产的价格会上涨；空头是赌它会下跌。

交易员通过有偿借入股票或货币，在公开市场上卖出，然后以较低的价格买回，从而建立空头头寸。

差额代表他们的利润。

他们也可以做一个 "差价合约"，代表对价格的纯纸面赌注。

不过，共同的原则是，卖空者必须能够履行其义务。

做空比持有多头头寸更少见，也更复杂，卖空者并不总是受欢迎。

在中国大陆，他们有时被称为 "不爱国"。

但他们在使市场运作方面发挥着关键作用。

 

In a classically operating market like Hong Kong traders are free to take ‘long’ or ‘short’ positions. A long position is a bet that the price of an asset will rise; a short is a bet that it will fall. Traders take short positions by borrowing shares or sums of currency for a fee, selling them on the open market and buying them back at a lower price. The difference represents their profit. They may also make a ‘contract for difference’ representing a pure paper bet on the price. The common principle, though, is that the short seller must be able to cover their obligations. Shorting is rarer and more complicated than holding a long position and short sellers are not always popular. In mainland China they are sometimes labelled as ‘unpatriotic’. But they play a crucial role in making a market work.

 

根据任志刚的说法，1997年末，货币投机者开始持有大量针对港元的空头头寸，目的是打破联系汇率。

当局没有什么回旋余地。

任志刚认为，"外汇管制对香港来说是不可能的，""任何引入外汇管制的尝试，以及向内转的做法，都将意味着我们繁荣的结束。

他认为，香港之所以成为目标，是因为其金融体系的透明度。

他说："我们被挑选出来是因为我们的效率和可预测性，而不是因为任何基本的缺陷。

 

According to Yam, late in 1997 currency speculators began taking large short positions against the Hong Kong dollar with the aim of breaking the linked exchange rate. The authorities had little room to manoeuvre. ‘Exchange controls are out of the question for Hong Kong,’ Yam maintained, ‘any attempt to introduce them, and to turn inwards on ourselves, would spell the end of our prosperity.’ He believed that Hong Kong became a target because of the transparency of its financial system. ‘We were singled out for our efficiency and predictability rather than for any fundamental flaws,’ he said.

 

与美元挂钩是通过一个被称为货币委员会的系统进行的。

港币货币基础的任何变化都与货币局所持有的外汇储备量的相应变化相匹配。

货币基础的收缩导致利率上升，扩张导致利率下降。

该机制运行顺利，香港有充足的储备，但银行间利率承受了所有的压力；任志刚承认，它对 "投机性攻击高度敏感"。

 

The peg to the US dollar worked through a system known as a currency board. Any change in the Hong Kong dollar’s monetary base was matched by a corresponding change in the amount of foreign reserves held by the board.* It operated, Yam said, on ‘autopilot’. A contraction in the monetary base caused interest rates to rise, an expansion caused them to fall. The mechanism ran smoothly and Hong Kong had ample reserves, but the interbank interest rate took all the strain; it was, Yam admitted, ‘highly sensitive to speculative attack’.

 

第一次攻击导致了极端的波动。

1997年10月23日，隔夜利率飙升至300%，股票市场大跌。

然而，对冲基金陷入了一个陷阱。

他们不得不在银行间市场借款，为他们的港币空头头寸提供资金。

天价利率迫使他们放弃，在损失惨重的情况下平掉了他们的头寸。

投机者撤退了，但任志刚和香港金融管理局因将经济暴露在利率冲击下而受到严厉批评。

第一回合结束了。

 

The first attacks led to extreme volatility. On 23 October 1997, the overnight interest rate shot up to 300 per cent and the stock market tanked. The hedge funds, however, were caught in a trap. They had to borrow in the interbank market to fund their short Hong Kong dollar positions. The sky-high rates drove them to give up, unwinding their positions with heavy losses. The speculators retreated but Yam and the Hong Kong Monetary Authority came under sharp criticism for exposing the economy to interest rate shocks. Round one was over.

 

对曾荫权来说，第二轮市场动荡的迹象出现在1998年春天。

这位财政部长看着一个又一个国家陷入困境，当韩国在几周内几乎失去所有外汇储备时，他感到震惊。

他认为，香港的未来取决于与美元的联系："我们是香港国库的保守的主权保管者。

我从不相信，像香港这样相对较小的货币，我们可以在美元不受冲击的情况下自力更生。

在更大的市场和地缘政治力量的夹击下，港币是脆弱的。

'在我们这个世界上，无论你表现得多么好，你都会发现自己被屠杀。

 

For Donald Tsang, the signs of a second round of market turmoil came in the spring of 1998. The financial secretary had watched as one country after another caved in, and was shocked when South Korea lost almost all its foreign exchange reserves in a couple of weeks. He felt that the future of Hong Kong depended on the link with the US dollar: ‘We are conservative sovereign custodians of the Hong Kong treasury. I never believed that with a relatively small currency like Hong Kong’s we could stand on our own without our dollar being buffeted.’ Caught between much larger market and geopolitical forces, the Hong Kong dollar was vulnerable. ‘In this world of ours, however well you behave you find yourself slaughtered.’

 

曾荫权知道，对冲基金正在重新组合。

他恐惧地预见到对固定汇率的另一次攻击。

捍卫我们的美元意味着利率将上升......直接突破屋顶。

这可能会一直持续到我们崩溃，可能在几周内，然后我们就会死亡，投降，并打破联系。

他不知道这些基金正在为一个更复杂的游戏积累港币。

他们一直等到8月的季风天，当时交易清淡，最新的GDP数据不佳，中国可能贬值的谣言让市场不安。

然后他们出手了。

 

Tsang knew that the hedge funds were regrouping. He anticipated with dread another assault on the fixed exchange rate. ‘Defending our dollar means the interest rate would go up … right through the roof. This could go on until we croak, probably in weeks, then we die, surrender, and break the link.’ He did not know that the funds were accumulating Hong Kong dollars for a much more sophisticated play. They waited until the monsoon days of August, when trading was light, the latest GDP figures were poor and rumours that China might devalue its own currency were unsettling the markets. Then they struck.

 

任志刚后来用简单的语言解释了这个计划。

首先，为了避免受到隔夜高利率的挤压，这些基金在长期债务市场上建立了港币库存（Tsang称之为 "他们的武器库"）。

同时，他们在股指期货市场积累了大量空头头寸。

然后，他们试图通过抛售大量的港币，在货币市场上制造极端条件。

这种抛售的目的是为了造成大幅加息，这反过来又会使股票市场暴跌。

 

Yam解释说："股市的崩溃将使他们能够从他们购买的期货合约中获得丰厚的利润。

 

Joseph Yam later explained the plan in simple terms. First, to avoid being squeezed by high overnight interest rates the funds built up stocks of Hong Kong dollars in the long-term debt market (Tsang called this ‘their armoury’). At the same time they accumulated large short positions in the stock index futures market. ‘They then sought to engineer extreme conditions in the money market by dumping huge amounts of Hong Kong dollars. This sell-off was meant to cause a sharp interest rate hike, which in turn would have sent the stock market plummeting. The collapse of the stock market would have enabled them to reap a handsome profit from the futures contacts they had taken out,’ Yam explained.

 

据Yam说，以港币计算的金额是很惊人的。

据金管局估计，投机者借了300多亿港元，每天要支付约400万港元的利息。

他们同时持有约8万份空头合同，这意味着恒生指数每下跌1000点，他们就可以赚取40亿港元。

如果他们能在一千天内设计出这样的下跌，他们就会收支平衡。

如果他们在一百天内做到了，他们将赚到36亿港元--几乎5亿美元。

危机就在门口。

 

The sums in Hong Kong dollars, according to Yam, were staggering. The HKMA reckoned speculators had borrowed more than HK$30 billion, costing them around HK$4 million a day in interest payments. They simultaneously held some 80,000 short contracts, which translated into a calculation that for every fall of one thousand points in the Hang Seng Index they stood to make HK$4 billion. If they could engineer such a fall within a thousand days they would break even. If they did it within a hundred days they would make HK$3.6 billion – almost half a billion US dollars. The crisis was at the door.

 

曾荫权正在土耳其旅行，以促进贸易和投资，这时他接到了金融事务秘书Raphael Hui的紧急电话，后者敦促他回家。

金管局的任志刚也发出了同样的信息。

曾荫权直接飞回香港，在金管局副局长陈德霖的陪同下，与这两个人挤在一起。

只有这四位官员和少数几个下属知道接下来会发生什么。

 

Donald Tsang was on a trip to Turkey to promote trade and investment when he got an urgent phone call from the secretary for financial services, Raphael Hui, who urged him to come home. The same message came from Yam at the HKMA. Tsang flew straight back to Hong Kong and went into a huddle with the two men, accompanied by the deputy chief of the HKMA, Norman Chan. The four officials and a handful of subordinates were the only ones who knew what was coming next.

 

曾荫权回忆说："很明显，有一群对冲基金与一些本地报纸合作，先是炒作港元脱钩，然后大量做空我们的货币和证券市场。

我们与股票经纪人和银行谈过--说 "你们为什么做空？" 他们回答说。

"不是我们! 我们主要是根据客户的指示行事。

" 他们的客户是谁？我们认为，这些客户是索罗斯和公司。

还有其他人。

有很多名义上的账户通过不同的地方，维尔京群岛，以及其他所有的地方。

你从来没有能够追踪到这些人到底是谁。

但我们感受到了热度'。

 

‘It was quite clear there was a congregation of hedge funds working together with some local newspapers, first speculating on the de-linking of the Hong Kong dollar and then massive shorting of our currency and securities market,’ recalled Tsang. ‘We spoke to stockbrokers and banks – said “Why are you shorting?” They replied: “Not us! We are acting largely on client instructions.” Who were their clients? The clients, we believe, are Soros and company. And others. There’s a lot of nominal accounts going through various places, the Virgin Islands, and all the rest of it. You were never able to trace exactly who these guys are. But we felt the heat.’

 

曾荫权很快就接受了他的芝加哥自由市场原则，如果香港不想面临亚洲邻国的命运，就必须放弃。

陈德霖警告他，如果他们不采取行动，利率将达到50%，并在那里停留数周，"当然，我们会死。

 

Quickly, if unwillingly, Tsang accepted that his Chicago free market principles would have to be jettisoned if Hong Kong was not to face the fate of its Asian neighbours. Norman Chan warned him that if they did not act interest rates would hit 50 per cent and stay there for weeks, ‘and we will die, of course’.

 

责任的重量让人感到敬畏。

曾荫权回忆说："这就是为什么我夜不能寐--一想到香港在殖民地时期到那时为止的所有积蓄都会丧失。

他和他的同事们对这种冷酷无情的不公正状况感到愤慨。

我们问自己--我们没有债务，零债务。

我们从未借过钱。

与泰国和亚洲的许多其他国家不同，我们没有外债。

而且我们有超过1000亿美元的外汇储备。

我们挣扎着。

最终我决定我们必须行动。

 

The weight of responsibility felt awesome. ‘That’s why I had sleepless nights – the thought of losing all the savings Hong Kong had made through our colonial days right up to that point,’ Tsang recalled. He and his colleagues felt outrage at the cold injustice of the situation. ‘We asked ourselves – we’ve got no debt, zero debt. We never borrowed. Unlike Thailand and many others in Asia we had no foreign debt. And we had over US$100 billion in foreign exchange reserves. We struggled. And eventually I decided we had to move.’

 

用富兰克林-罗斯福的话说，除了恐惧本身，没有什么好怕的，尽管恐惧和贪婪正在推动市场。

简单地说，庞大的储备--世界第三大储备--意味着当局持有足够的外汇，足以覆盖所有流通中的港币的七倍，并且可以始终保证以7.8港元左右的汇率购买或出售美元。

如果他们保持胆量，联系汇率就不会被打破。

 

In Franklin Roosevelt’s phrase, there was nothing to fear except fear itself, even though fear and greed were driving the markets. Put simply, the huge reserves – the third largest in the world – meant that the authorities held enough foreign currency to cover all Hong Kong dollars in circulation seven times over and could always guarantee to buy or sell US dollars at a rate around HK$7.80. The peg could not be broken if they kept their nerve.

 

这给了曾荫权和任志刚以反击的信心。

香港团队制定了一个计划。

他们不是在货币市场的战壕里战斗，而是通过在证券交易所采取攻势来包抄对冲基金。

香港政府将购买价值数十亿美元的恒生指数中的主要公司的股票。

这将挫败投机者，扭转局势，恢复信心。

此举打破了香港在整个殖民时代的指导思想--不干预的自由放任理论。

出于这个原因，曾荫权决定采取退出战略。

在民粹主义的激励下，他决定通过一个名为 "盈富基金 "的指数挂钩工具，将政府股份卖回给公众。

 

That gave Tsang and Yam the confidence to strike back. The Hong Kong team devised a plan. Instead of fighting in the trenches of the currency markets they would outflank the hedge funds by taking the offensive to the stock exchange. The Hong Kong government would buy billions of dollars’ worth of shares in the leading companies on the Hang Seng Index. It would thwart the speculators, turn the tide and restore confidence. The move was a break with the laissez-faire doctrine of non-intervention which had been Hong Kong’s guiding philosophy throughout the colonial era. For that reason, Tsang was set on an exit strategy. In a stroke of populist inspiration, he decided that the government shares would be sold back to the public through an index-linked instrument called the Tracker Fund.

 

成功并没有得到保证。

8月12日，曾荫权去见他的上司董建华。

他认为，行政长官并不了解这项行动的详细情况，但明白必须这样做。

法律规定，财政部长，而不是行政长官，是外汇基金的最终保管人。

因此，责任实际上是由曾荫权承担的。

这可能解释了为什么香港领导人保持冷静：他知道这是他的财政秘书的问题。

 

Success was not guaranteed. On 12 August, Tsang went to see his boss, Tung Chee-hwa. He felt that the chief executive did not know the ins and outs of the operation in great detail but understood that it must be done. The law stipulated that the financial secretary, not the chief executive, was the ultimate custodian of the foreign exchange fund. So the buck really stopped where Tsang sat. This may have explained why the leader of Hong Kong remained calm: he knew it was his financial secretary’s problem.

 

8月14日星期五，香港政府在上午10点进入市场，这是一次隐蔽的干预。

直到最后一刻，保密的需要是最重要的。

但有一个技术障碍。

香港没有一个政府经纪人在股票市场上采取行动。

 而且，曾荫权不相信那些大型国际机构。

正如他所说，他们有自己的客户，即对冲基金。

至于像汇丰这样的大银行，他认为它们有自己的议程。

 

On Friday 14 August the Hong Kong government went into the market at 10 a.m. It was a cloak-and-dagger intervention. The need for secrecy until the last minute was paramount. But there was a technical obstacle. Hong Kong did not have a government broker to act in the stock market. And Tsang did not trust the big international houses. As he put it, they had their own clients, namely the hedge funds. As for the major banks like HSBC, he felt they had their own agendas.

 

因此，Tsang和他的团队转向中型中国股票经纪人，即市场上的无名小卒。

他们发出了大量的电话指示--毫无疑问，广东话是一种富含金钱俚语的语言，这对他们很有帮助。

起初，政府订单的电话带来了惊喜，然后经纪人们开始大步流星。

与我们打交道的当地中国经纪人非常高效，"Tsang说。

他们知道市场如何运作，而且行动迅速。

我们还发现，在危机情况下，女性是非常好的交易者。

在那场战斗中，我们接触的大多数主要股票经纪人都是女性。

代表金管局的人也是如此，他发出了购买指令。

 

这很有趣，但也很让人害怕！So Tsang and his team turned to medium-sized Chinese stockbrokers, the unsung footsoldiers of the marketplace. They placed a flurry of phone instructions – it doubtless helped that Cantonese is a language rich in slang for money. At first the calls with government orders brought surprise, then the brokers got into their stride. ‘The local Chinese brokers we dealt with were very efficient,’ said Tsang. ‘They knew how the market worked and they moved quickly. We found also that women were very good traders in crisis situations. Most of the major stockbrokers we dealt with in that battle were women. And so was the person fronting for HKMA, giving out buying orders. Interesting but frightening as well!’

 

财政部长通过打电话给中国的财政部长项怀诚，告诉他这一举措，安排了再保险。

当天下午，总理朱镕基发表声明，支持香港当局。

 

The financial secretary arranged reinsurance by calling up the finance minister in China, Xiang Huaicheng, to tell him of the move. That afternoon the premier, Zhu Rongji, issued a statement backing the Hong Kong authorities.

 

政府资金流向蓝筹股，扭转了局势。

更重要的是，它改变了市场的心理。

但这对各方的神经都是一个考验。

有一个阶段非常可怕，因为我们似乎是市场上唯一的买家。

在战斗的高峰期，我们每5分钟就花掉1亿美元，"Tsang回忆说。

 

The flow of government money into blue-chip shares turned the tide. More importantly, it changed the psychology of the market. But it was a test of nerves on all sides. ‘It was very frightening at one stage because we seemed to be the only buyer in the market. At the peak of the battle we were spending a hundred million dollars every five minutes,’ recalled Tsang.

 

对冲基金的争夺战一直持续到8月底。

他们从纽约带来了一些货币交易员、枪手，到香港来和我们打交道，但他们发现（a）我们的资金雄厚，（b）我们在那个阶段无所畏惧，"Tsang说。

'就这样了。

没有回头路了。

到月底，香港政府在主要公司拥有价值150亿美元的股票。

 

The hedge funds battled it out until the end of August. ‘They brought in a few currency traders, gunslingers from New York, to Hong Kong to deal with us but they discovered (a) we had deep pockets and (b) we were fearless at that stage,’ said Tsang. ‘That was it. There was no turning back.’ By the end of the month the Hong Kong government owned US$15 billion worth of shares in leading companies.

 

然后，它的运气好了起来。

9月初，华尔街的注意力转向顶级对冲基金长期资本管理公司的倒闭，该公司的衍生品业务与其品牌名称正好相反。

14家全球金融机构面临着超过40亿美元的损失。

纽约联邦储备银行召集他们组织了一次救助。

同月，俄罗斯政府的国内债券违约，给固定收入市场带来冲击。

行动已经从亚洲转移开来。

 

Then it had a stroke of luck. In early September, attention on Wall Street turned to the collapse of a top hedge fund, Long Term Capital Management, whose derivatives operations were the inverse of its brand name. Fourteen global financial institutions were exposed to losses of more than US$4 billion. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York corralled them to organise a bailout. In the same month the Russian government defaulted on its domestic bonds, sending shocks through the fixed-income markets. The action had moved on from Asia.

 

香港政府庆祝了它的成功，但这种干预是有争议的。

最尖锐的批评者包括大卫-韦伯，他是一位广受尊敬的私人投资者和股东活动家。

他说："通过直接干预，政府就像一个带着球跑的裁判--事情将不再是一样的了。

'什么时候 "交易 "变成了 "投机性攻击"？什么时候 "干预 "变成了 "干涉"？他认为，香港已经放弃了曾为其服务的自由市场哲学。

这是许多金融精英的观点，他们缺乏韦伯的胆量和独立性，没有在公开场合表达。

 

The Hong Kong government celebrated its success, but the intervention was controversial. Among the most trenchant critics was David Webb, a widely respected private investor and shareholder activist. ‘By directly intervening, the government is like a referee running with the ball – things will never be the same again,’ he said. ‘When does “trading” become a “speculative attack”? When does “intervention” become “interference”?’ He believed that Hong Kong had abandoned a free market philosophy that had served it well. It was a view held by many in the financial elite who, lacking Webb’s guts and independence, did not voice it in public.

 

任志刚在那个动荡的年末提出了反驳意见。

'我们在8月的行动并不是不干涉主义的终结，也不是放弃我们的自由市场原则，而是采取了一项措施，以确保这些原则的胜利。

自由市场不能意味着可以自由操纵的市场，特别是由在小市场经营的大公司操纵的市场。

不采取行动将是不负责任的表现。

政府的股票通过盈富基金向公众出售，盈富基金仍然是一个受欢迎和大量交易的指数投资。

 

The counter-argument was put by Joseph Yam at the end of that turbulent year. ‘Our actions in August were not the end of non-interventionism, nor an abandonment of our free market principles but a measure taken to ensure that those principles prevailed. Free markets cannot mean markets that can be freely manipulated, particularly by big players operating in small markets. Not to have acted would have been the very height of irresponsibility.’ The government’s shares were sold off at a profit to the public through the Tracker Fund, which remains a popular and heavily traded index investment.

 

香港实行了两项持久的改革。

1998年9月5日，金管局宣布了七项技术性措施，以使联系汇率 "不容易被投机者操纵，在银行间市场和利率中产生极端情况"。

1999年初，证券交易所、期货交易所和清算所被合并为一家控股公司，即香港交易及结算所有限公司。

与干预措施一样，这项改革也引起了争论。

曾荫权回忆起当时的愤怒，经纪人抱怨说这相当于没收和国家控制："我们简直是在告诉股票经纪人。

"如果你们不按我们的建议做，我们将采取B计划，即通过法律将交易所国有化，然后再将其浮动。

勉强地，他们服从了。

 

Two lasting reforms were put in place in Hong Kong. On 5 September 1998 the HKMA announced seven technical measures to make the linked exchange rate ‘less susceptible to manipulation by speculators to produce extreme conditions in the interbank market and interest rates’. In early 1999 the stock exchange, the futures exchange and the clearing houses were merged into a single holding company, Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited. Like the intervention, the reform caused controversy. Donald Tsang recalled the outrage, with brokers complaining that it amounted to confiscation and state control: ‘We literally told the stockbrokers: “if you don’t do as we propose, we shall follow Plan B, i.e. nationalise the exchange by law, and then float it off later.”’ Grudgingly, they complied.

 

他们现在都笑得合不拢嘴了，"Tsang说，"因为港交所的股票现在的交易价格是原来上市价格的近100倍。

这就是为什么我们现在与纽约和伦敦并驾齐驱，吸纳来自世界各地的资金。

‘They are all laughing all the way to the bank now,’ Tsang observed, ‘as the HKEx share is now trading nearly one hundred times its original listed price. That is why we are now on par with New York and London in soaking in funds from all over the world.’

 

这位财政部长从1998年的戏剧中带走了一个重要的想法。

他梦想着建立一种单一的亚洲储备货币，成为与美元和欧元并列的三大集团之一，每天24小时进行交易，每次交易时间为8小时。

但他与日本人和新加坡人的探索性会谈毫无进展。

在1998年，当中国的崛起及其人民币货币尚未完全升值时，这是一个尚未成熟的想法。

 

The financial secretary took away one big thought from the drama of 1998. He dreamed of a single Asian reserve currency that would be one of three major blocs alongside the dollar and the euro, trading around the clock for eight hours each. But his exploratory talks with the Japanese and the Singaporeans went nowhere. In 1998, when the rise of China and its yuan currency were not yet fully appreciated, it was an idea before its time.

 

然而，香港、中国和世界其他地区正处于巨大变化的风口浪尖，这些变化将通过全球化改变人们在新世纪的贸易、工作和思想方式。

一小撮经济和金融政策制定者所做的决定将改变数百万人的生活，而这些人对这一过程知之甚少，也不甚了解。

对此几乎没有政治辩论，当选民们后来意识到所做的一切时，他们的反应让那些带来新秩序的精英们感到震惊。

 

Hong Kong, China and the rest of the world were however on the cusp of enormous changes that would transform through globalisation the way people traded, worked and thought in the new century. Decisions taken by a small circle of economic and financial policymakers would alter the lives of millions who knew little and understood less about the process. There was little political debate about it, and when voters later realised what had been done, their reaction stunned the elite that had brought the new order into being.

 

 

 

* 在香港，货币基础包括通过金管局发行的支持商业银行发行的钞票的负债证明；政府发行的纸币和硬币；存放在金管局的商业银行余额；以及由金管局代表政府发行的外汇基金票据和纸币。

资料来源。

香港金融管理局。

* In Hong Kong the monetary base comprises certificates of indebtedness issued via the HKMA to back banknotes issued by commercial banks; notes and coins issued by the government; commercial bank balances kept at the HKMA; and Exchange Fund bills and notes issued on behalf of the government by the HKMA. Source: Hong Kong Monetary Authority.

 

12.对手

12.The Rivals

 

 

在香港南部的马六甲海峡边，矗立着另一座殖民时代的纪念碑。

洒水车在草坪上嘶嘶作响，而廓尔喀卫兵则静静地站在那里，一名助手在通往伊斯塔纳（Istana）的大道两旁的雨林树荫下等待，这是一座白色的帕拉迪奥式建筑，新加坡的圣人李光耀就在这里办公。

 

Far to the south of Hong Kong, on the Straits of Malacca, stood another monument to the colonial past. Sprinklers hissed on the lawns, while Gurkha guards stood silent and an aide waited in the shade of the rain trees that lined the avenue to the Istana, a white Palladian building where the Sage of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, had his office.

 

在香港，没有像李光耀这样的人物。

1996年，他是这个前英国殖民地的高级部长，他从独立开始一直领导到1990年从总理职位上退休。

新加坡是一个独立的城市国家。

它是一个多种族的共和国，于1965年从马来西亚联邦分离出来，此后在一个定期举行选举但总是重新上台的政党领导下，通过贸易、金融和投资实现了繁荣。

香港和新加坡以一种竞争和好奇的心态相互注视着对方。

No figure like Lee existed in Hong Kong. In 1996, he was the senior minister of the former British colony he had led from independence until his retirement from the premiership in 1990. Singapore was an independent city-state. A multiracial republic, it had separated from the Malaysian Federation in 1965, prospering thereafter through trade, finance and investment under a party that held regular elections but was always returned to power. Hong Kong and Singapore eyed one another with a mixture of rivalry and curiosity.

 

在他的晚年，这位高级部长向世界各国领导人提供建议，他们认为他是一位政治家，比他的政治生活所处的舞台更大。

亨利-基辛格（Henry Kissinger）称他为 "非凡"，据说他曾表示，李光耀生来就是为了将他强大的才能用于统治小小的新加坡，而不是中国。

李光耀喜欢的语气是严正的警告。

它建立在对人性和权力平衡的艰难看法上。

1990年代中期，他警告工业化民主国家，他们必须将中国纳入世界贸易体系，否则就有可能发生冲突。

 

In his later years the senior minister dispensed advice to world leaders, who saw him as a statesman larger than the stage on which he had conducted his political life. Henry Kissinger, who called him ‘extraordinary’, is said to have expressed relief that Lee was born to apply his formidable talent to ruling tiny Singapore, not China. Lee’s preferred tone was the austere warning. It was founded on a hard view of human nature and the balance of power. In the mid-1990s he warned the industrialised democracies that they must take China into the world trading system or risk a conflict.

 

李认为，只要一个国家被允许进行贸易，那么它就可以避免侵略。

十九世纪末日本的崛起是他最喜欢的例子，也许是因为他经历了第二次世界大战期间日本皇军占领新加坡的过程。

在二十世纪上半叶，日本军国主义分子和金融家为了维持挤在他们岛链上的一亿人口的生存，推动了对财产和市场的征服。

他们觉得大国正在扼杀他们。

 

Lee believed that as long as a country was allowed to trade then it could avoid aggression. The rise of Japan from the late nineteenth century was his favourite example, perhaps because he had lived through the capture of Singapore by the Imperial Japanese Army during the Second World War. In the first half of the twentieth century Japanese militarists and financiers had pushed to conquer possessions and markets in the quest to sustain a population of 100 million crammed into their island chain. They felt the big powers were choking them.

 

第二次世界大战是由帝国和保护主义引起的，"李说。

'从20世纪30年代的大萧条中产生的每个帝国都在自己周围设置了障碍和围栏。

日本人建立了他们自己的关税墙，然后决定将中国纳入他们的帝国，李认为，'美国人认为够了，在你有一个巨无霸要处理之前。

在他看来，美国决定对日本帝国的石油禁运，引发了一场世界大战。

‘World War Two was caused because of empires and protectionism,’ Lee said. ‘Arising out of the depression of the 1930s every empire put up its barriers and fences around itself.’ The Japanese built up their own tariff walls and then decided to include China in their empire, Lee argued, ‘and the Americans thought that enough was enough, before you had a colossus to deal with.’ In his view the United States decision to embargo oil to imperial Japan set off a world war.

 

李光耀认为，现代中国虽然不同，但原则是一样的。

允许一个国家参与国际商品和服务的交换，"他们可以留在自己的边界内，他们多余的能量、技能和动力被用于生产商品和服务或进行投资，改善他们人民的命运。

如果被剥夺了这个机会，以武力增长的诱惑力就很强。

如果西方试图在经济上孤立中国，它必须准备好在某个阶段发生军事冲突，"李说。

中国的反应'必须是'建立一个由他们自己的商品和服务主导的势力范围--'而这必然会导致冲突。

 

Modern China was different but the principle was the same, Lee held. Admit a nation to the international exchange of goods and services and ‘they can stay within their boundaries and their excess energy and skills and drive are used in producing goods and services or making investments and improving their people’s lot.’ Denied this opportunity, the temptation to grow by force was strong. ‘If the West tries to isolate China economically it must be prepared for a military conflict at some stage,’ said Lee. The Chinese response ‘must be’ to build up a sphere of influence dominated by their own goods and services – ‘and that is bound to lead to conflict.’

 

到20世纪90年代中期，中国的崛起无视形容词。

珠江三角洲已经成为世界上最大的工业加工区。

包括香港和澳门在内的地区已经发展成为地球上最大的都市区之一，稻田、寺庙和祖先的坟墓从推土机中消失，天空因工业污染而变得阴沉。

只有数字才能说明问题，而这些数字是难以掌握的。

1979年至1995年期间，香港投资者与广东的实体签署了23,605份 "合作生产 "合同，投资约140亿美元。

这些投资为一种被称为 "外加工 "的转型提供了保障。

起初，它颠覆了当地的制造系统。

然后，它改变了中国和全球经济之间的关系。

 

By the mid-1990s the rise of China defied adjectives. The Pearl River Delta had become the world’s largest industrial processing zone. The area including Hong Kong and Macau had developed into one of the biggest metropolitan regions on the planet as rice fields, temples and ancestral graves vanished from a bulldozed landscape and the sky grew murky with industrial pollution. Only numbers could tell the story and they were hard to grasp. Between 1979 and 1995 Hong Kong investors signed 23,605 ‘co-operative production’ contracts with entities in Guangdong and invested some US$14 billion. The investments underwrote a transformation dubbed ‘out-processing’. At first it turned the local manufacturing system on its head. Then it changed the relationship between China and the global economy inside out.

 

处于先锋地位的是香港家族企业利丰公司，该公司由英语教师冯伯略和商人李东明于1906年在广州创立。

它是第一批完全由中国资本资助的向西方出口的公司之一，从一开始就迅速发展，从事瓷器、丝绸、竹子、藤器和玉器贸易，直到1937年日本入侵华南，迫使它搬到香港。

利丰在香港廉价制造的时代蓬勃发展，但它是最早意识到将制造业迁回中国同时将其基地留在香港的公司之一。

它是将许多香港企业与广东联系在一起的历史和文化联系的一个典型例子。

到90年代中期，该公司由威廉和维克多-冯两兄弟经营，他们将公司管理和公司的对外外交工作分给他们。

 

In the vanguard was the Hong Kong family firm Li & Fung, founded in Guangzhou in 1906 by Fung Pak-liu, an English teacher, and Li To-ming, a merchant. Among the first companies financed entirely by Chinese capital to export to the West, it grew rapidly from its beginnings trading in porcelain, silk, bamboo, rattan ware and jade until the Japanese invasion of south China forced it to move to Hong Kong in 1937. Li & Fung prospered in the era of cheap manufacturing in Hong Kong, but it was among the first companies to realise that the formula for profit lay in moving manufacturing back to China while keeping its base in the territory. It was a prime example of the historic and cultural links which bound many Hong Kong businesses to Guangdong. By the mid-nineties it was run by two brothers, William and Victor Fung, who divided corporate management and the firm’s external diplomacy between them.

 

最初的业务线是转口贸易。

原材料或半成品从香港运往中国进行加工。

中国工厂将成品运回香港，从那里转口到世界市场，受益于殖民地与其合作伙伴的关税协议。

这是一个有利可图的公式，但利丰并没有自满地坐在收入流的前面。

随着中国工厂的发展，以及在盐田、惠州、珠海和蛇口以及广州本身开辟了一系列的竞争港口，他们完善了对 "供应链 "的管理，将原材料、劳动力、制造、运输和会计整合在一起，向海外买家提供无缝服务，而这些买家在面对中国的商业现实时往往感到困惑和无能为力。

 

The initial line of business was re-exports. Raw materials or half-finished products were shipped from Hong Kong into China for processing. The Chinese factories returned the finished goods to Hong Kong, from where they were re-exported to world markets, benefiting from the colony’s tariff agreements with its partners. It was a profitable formula, but Li & Fung did not sit complacently astride a stream of revenue. As Chinese factories grew more sophisticated and a slew of rival ports opened up at Yantian, Huizhou, Zhuhai and Shekou, and at Guangzhou itself, they perfected the management of a ‘supply chain’ weaving together raw materials, labour, manufacturing, transport and accounting into a seamless offer to overseas buyers, who were often bewildered and helpless when confronted by the reality of business in China.

 

这是半个世纪以来中国工业的第二次大迁移。

在1949年至1951年期间，根据Victor Fung共同撰写的一篇论文，由于来自中国上海和无锡地区的资本、设备和熟练工人的流动，香港的工业发展突飞猛进："这几乎是1920年至1940年长期建立的亚洲第二大制造基地的工业化的整体转移。

香港本身现在也经历了一场 "转移的工业化"。

三十年过去了，冯氏家族是连续的发展浪潮的主要推动者，这一浪潮跨越边境，流向珠江三角洲。

到20世纪90年代初，四分之三的香港制造商在大陆经营，超过60%的香港出口产品在中国制造，80%的传统商品，如玩具、鞋、旅游用品和手提包的制造已经转移。

实质上，在1978年的改革之后，香港的工业经济纳入了三角洲的城市。

 

This was the second great migration of Chinese industry in half a century. Between 1949 and 1951, according to a paper co-authored by Victor Fung, the industrial development of Hong Kong had surged due to the movement of capital, equipment and skilled workers from the Shanghai and Wuxi areas of China: ‘It was almost a wholesale transfer of industrialisation from the long established and second largest Asian manufacturing base of 1920 to 1940.’ Hong Kong itself had now experienced a ‘transferred industrialisation’. Three decades on, the Fung clan were prime movers in a successive wave of development that spread back across the border and flowed up the Pearl River Delta. By the early 1990s three-quarters of Hong Kong manufacturers were operating on the mainland, more than 60 per cent of Hong Kong’s exports were made in China and the manufacture of 80 per cent of its traditional goods such as toys, shoes, travel goods and handbags had shifted. In essence, after the reforms of 1978 the Hong Kong industrial economy incorporated the cities of the Delta.

 

中国国内的结果是不寻常的。

邓小平要求广东达到他称之为 "小康 "水平的目标。

据《人民日报》报道，就人均收入而言，这一目标在1992年比计划提前8年实现，尽管教育、技术和市场经济等其他标准还没有实现。

1993年，深圳经济特区的国内生产总值增长了30%。

该区只占中国人口的0.25%，却创造了全国GDP的1.35%。

 

The results inside China were extraordinary. Deng Xiaoping had called for Guangdong to attain a target he dubbed the xiaokang, or ‘a little well-off’ level. According to the People’s Daily, in terms of income per head this was achieved eight years ahead of plan in 1992, although other criteria such as education, technology and a market economy were yet to be fulfilled. In 1993, the Special Economic Zone of Shenzhen witnessed gross domestic product growth of 30 per cent. With only 0.25 per cent of the Chinese population, the zone generated 1.35 per cent of national GDP.

 

1996年的《广东统计年鉴》对1985年至1995年的长期变化作了简要介绍。

在这十年间，珠江三角洲（不包括香港）电子工业的产值以人民币计算翻了20多倍，纺织品增长了10倍，食品加工增长了15倍，塑料增长了20倍。

 

The Statistical Yearbook of Guangdong for 1996 gave a snapshot of the long-run change from 1985 to 1995. Over the decade the output valued in yuan of electronics industries in the Pearl River Delta (excluding Hong Kong) multiplied more than twenty-fold, that of textiles grew by a factor of ten, food processing grew fifteen times and plastics by twenty times.

 

令冯氏夫妇兴奋的是，增长的速度正在加快，这也开始吸引了世界各地高管的目光。

在1990年后的五年里，电子行业的年增长率超过40%，食品加工行业为58%，塑料行业为41%，纺织品为30%。

在各主要行业中，广东每12个月都有超过40%的扩张。

其结果是，由香港和澳门的小型制造商开创的道路开始吸引更远的资本和管理。

在下一阶段，台湾公司开始将计算机制造业迁往大陆。

在利丰这样的推动者的鼓励下，公司开始将研究和开发以及生产产品的工作交给他们的中国公司。

在大多数西方竞争者意识到这一点之前，中国已经开始了从初级制造业到先进制造业的第二次转型，"附加值 "不断增加。

跨国公司开始小心翼翼地进入这个领域。

世界正在注意到这一点。

 

What excited the Fungs – and began to capture the eyes of executives around the world – was that the pace of growth was accelerating. In the five years after 1990, the annual rate of growth in electronics was more than 40 per cent, that of food processing was 58 per cent, plastics was 41 per cent and textiles were 30 per cent. Across key industries, Guangdong was witnessing expansion of more than 40 per cent every twelve months. The result was that a trail pioneered by small manufacturers from Hong Kong and Macau began to draw in capital and management from further afield. In the next phase, Taiwanese firms began to relocate computer manufacturing to the mainland. Encouraged by facilitators like Li & Fung, companies began to trust their Chinese operations with research and development as well as with making the products. Before most Western competitors had woken up to it, China had already embarked on a second transformation from primary to advanced manufacturing, with ‘added value’ increasing constantly. The multinationals began to step gingerly into the fray. The world was taking notice.

 

最早和最大胆的改革者之一是上海市长朱镕基，他很有能力。

1990年，当天安门广场的阴影笼罩着中国的商业时，朱镕基率领一个代表团前往香港，在那里他以大胆和自嘲的幽默向金融家和工业家讲话。

说到聪明，上海人比不上广东人，更比不上香港人，因为他们缺乏商业意识，"他说。

他说，经过几十年的计划经济，上海人的 "市场观念相当差"，对向世界开放的意义理解有限。

当朱镕基提出一个现代的、有竞争力的、灵活的上海再次融入全球贸易体系的愿景时，听众们坐得很入迷。

香港的演讲是一些外界人士第一次听说它。

 

One of the earliest and most daring reformers was Zhu Rongji, the forceful mayor of Shanghai. In 1990, when the shroud of Tiananmen Square hung over business with China, Zhu led a delegation to Hong Kong, where he addressed financiers and industrialists with verve and self-deprecating humour. ‘When it comes to cleverness, Shanghainese are no match for the Cantonese and even less so for Hong Kong people because they lack business sense,’ he declared. After decades of a planned economy, Zhu said, people in Shanghai had ‘rather poor market concepts’ and a limited understanding of what it meant to open up to the world. The audience sat enthralled as Zhu laid out a vision of a modern, competitive and flexible Shanghai integrated once again into the global trading system. The Hong Kong speech was the first time some outsiders had heard of it.

 

后来成为汇丰控股集团主席的约翰-邦德回忆说，在听完朱镕基概述其雄心勃勃的改革计划后，他经历了一个 "闪光时刻"。

在邦德看来，中国政府面临的挑战是如何创造需求。

经过几十年的毛泽东社会主义，这个国家的庞大经济处于惰性状态。

朱镕基和改革者希望通过出口商品和赚取金钱来激发活力，从而流入城市和经济特区。

货币的速度会增加，支出会增加，一个消费社会将诞生。

 

John Bond, later group chairman of HSBC Holdings, recalled experiencing a ‘lightbulb moment’ after listening to Zhu outlining his ambitious plans for reform. In Bond’s view, the challenge facing the Chinese government was to create demand. The nation’s vast economy was inert after decades of Maoist socialism. Zhu and the reformers wanted to spark life by exporting goods and earning money that would flow into cities and the Special Economic Zones. The velocity of money would increase, spending would rise and a consumer society would be born.

 

邦德意识到，他和他的银行，由于在中国有着悠久的历史，不能忽视正在发生的一切。

在苏伊士运河开通之前，在香港与国际电报网络连接之前，香港上海银行就已经开始营业了。

它对中国的动荡和变化的机构记忆是根深蒂固的，正如该银行对其长期革命的这一最新阶段作出反应的机会感一样。

 

Bond说："如果汇丰银行不在中国改革开放的第一波人流中，那是不可想象的。

汇丰银行成立于1865年，它在上海和香港同时开业。

它的明确目的是为贸易融资，主要是在中国大陆和海外华人之间进行。

邦德知道，贸易融资仍然是汇丰银行的一项核心业务，因为海外华人社区在东南亚地区蓬勃发展。

成功的银行有成功的客户，"他坚持认为。

邦德喜欢回忆说，早在1820年，中国的经济规模就已经大大超过了美国。

在2003年的一次采访中，他提出了一个现代版的 "尼德姆问题"："世界上22%的人口怎么可能只占世界国民生产总值的不到4%？Bond was conscious that he and his bank, with its long history in China, could not ignore what was happening. The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank had been in business before the Suez Canal opened and before Hong Kong was connected to the international telegraph network. Its institutional memory of turbulence and change in China was ingrained, as was the sense of opportunity with which the bank responded to this latest stage of its long revolution. ‘It would have been unthinkable for HSBC not to be in the first wave of people going into China as it opened up,’ said Bond. ‘HSBC was founded in 1865, it opened simultaneously in Shanghai and Hong Kong. It had the explicit purpose of financing trade, which was mainly conducted between mainland Chinese and overseas Chinese.’ Trade finance was still a core business of HSBC, Bond knew, as the overseas Chinese communities prospered in southeast Asia. ‘Successful banks have successful customers,’ he maintained. Bond liked to recall that as late as 1820, China’s economy had been substantially larger than America’s. Speaking in a 2003 interview quoted in a history of the bank, he posed a modern version of the ‘Needham Question’: ‘how can 22 per cent of the world’s population account for less than four per cent of the world’s GNP?’

 

中国群众用他们的脚投票。

他们从深入内陆的省份和地区涌入沿海地区，渴望抓住机会，在现金经济中赚钱和储蓄。

中国没有自由和公平的选举，但人民通过最简单的方法--参与，表明他们对新政策的认可。

涌入的人口数量如此之多，以至于当局努力执行许可证和法规，以控制移民的流动。

 

The Chinese masses voted with their feet. They streamed into the coastal zones from provinces and regions deep in the interior, eager to seize the opportunity to earn and save in a cash economy. There were no free and fair elections in China, but the people showed their approval of the new policies by the simplest possible method – participation. The influx grew so large that the authorities struggled to enforce permits and regulations to control the flow of migrants.

 

经济特区的条件很恶劣。

外国活动家后来参与到运动中来，但对工人生活的首次现实报道的功劳属于中国媒体本身。

1993年5月，《人民日报》刊登了深圳宝安区工厂女工宿舍的照片，照片中的女工无聊地蹲在床铺上，在食堂排队，挤在公共水龙头旁。

它评论说这是一种艰苦、孤独的生活。

1993年11月19日，80名工人在深圳的一家工艺品厂被活活烧死，因为紧急出口被锁住了。

这场悲剧在中国被广泛报道，并引起了一场评论风暴，因为人们开始意识到新经济并不是一条简单的致富之路。

这是一个时代的标志，同年，劳动部召开了自1949年人民共和国成立以来的第一次新闻发布会。

 

Conditions in the Special Economic Zones were harsh. Foreign activists later became involved in campaigning but the credit for the first realistic reporting on workers’ lives belonged to the Chinese media itself. In May 1993 the People’s Daily published photographs of the dormitories for factory girls in Baoan, a district of Shenzhen, depicting bored girls squatting on bunks, queueing in the canteen and crowding around communal water taps. It commented that this was a hard, lonely life. On 19 November 1993, eighty workers were burnt alive in a craftware factory in Shenzhen because the emergency exits were locked. The tragedy was widely covered in China and caused a storm of comment as people began to realise that the new economy was not an easy route to riches. It was a sign of the times that in the same year the ministry of labour held its first press conference since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949.

 

中国在理论上是一个工人的国家。

但随着经济的发展，工人阶级出现了分裂。

仅在深圳就有200万工人。

他们中的许多人没有医疗或意外保险，也没有任何退休金计划。

这些都是国营企业员工和大城市居民所享有的特权。

当地媒体揭露了一些公司不支付工资，扣留一些工资作为不明原因的 "押金"，在工人发生事故时将其解雇，不允许放假，以及无偿解雇员工。

 

China was in theory a workers’ state. But divisions in the working class emerged as the economy developed. There were two million workers in Shenzhen alone. Many of them had no medical or accident insurance, nor any pension schemes. These were privileges reserved for employees of state enterprises and residents of big cities. The local press exposed companies that failed to pay wages, withheld some pay as an unexplained ‘deposit’, sacked workers if they suffered an accident, did not allow holidays and dismissed staff without compensation.

 

1993年9月，《工人日报》发表了一篇大胆的文章，指出中国研究劳动法已有15年之久，但却没有颁布。

需要一部劳动法、一个社会保障网和更好的保护。

该报特别指出新的外资企业和私营企业应受到批评。

它说他们的雇员是 "不顾一切地 "按非法合同雇用的。

他们没有工作保障或保险。

在珠海这个繁荣的港口，只有十分之一的工人有有效的合同。

工人可以随意被解雇。

此外，该文件说，外国公司因不支付国家劳动保险费而违法；在深圳的一个地区，有一半以上的公司都有这种行为。

 

In September 1993 the Workers Daily published a bold article stating that China had been studying a labour law for fifteen years but had failed to enact one. A labour code, a social security net and better protection were needed. The paper singled out the new foreign-funded and private enterprises for criticism. It said their employees were ‘recklessly’ hired on illegal contracts. They had no job security or insurance. In Zhuhai, a booming port, only one in ten workers had a valid contract. Workers could be laid off at will. In addition, the paper said foreign firms broke the law by not paying the state labour insurance fees; more than half the companies in one district of Shenzhen were guilty of this.

 

该报称，在外资企业中，平均每天的工作时间为10至14小时。

一些员工连续工作了28个小时。

某些公司强制要求加班，但不支付额外报酬。

在珠海，有一家工厂的老板贪污了工人的工资后消失了，工人们变得一贫如洗。

 

At foreign-funded firms the average working day lasted ten to fourteen hours, the paper reported. Some employees were at their job for twenty-eight hours continuously. Certain firms made overtime compulsory but did not pay extra for it. In Zhuhai, workers were left penniless at one plant when the owners vanished, having embezzled their wages.

 

工作场所的生活是狄更斯式的。

工人们挤在 "极度炎热、嘈杂和污染的车间 "中度过他们的轮班。

对珠海的七家合资企业的调查发现，其毒性水平是国家标准的八到十倍。

在厦门，一家工厂的10名工人中几乎有一人失去了全部或部分手指。

经理们禁止说话是很常见的。

老板们殴打任何抱怨的人。

宿舍被搜查。

报纸说，条件最差的是制造塑料、玩具、纺织品、鞋和其他劳动密集型产品的工厂。

当然，这些都是香港投资者占主导地位的行业。

 

Life in the workplace was Dickensian. Workers spent their shifts crammed into ‘extremely hot, noisy and polluted workshops’. A survey of seven joint ventures in Zhuhai found levels of toxicity eight to ten times the national standard. In Xiamen, almost one worker in ten at a factory had lost all or part of a finger. It was common for managers to forbid talking. Bosses beat up anyone who complained. Dormitories were searched. The worst conditions, the paper said, were in factories making plastics, toys, textiles, shoes and other labour-intensive items. These were, of course, the very sectors where Hong Kong investors predominated.

 

毫不奇怪，中国工人进行了反击。

他们不是西方陈词滥调中温顺的机器人。

罢工和纠纷层出不穷。

通常这些都是非正式的，因为工会服从于国家的利益，站在工厂主一边。

当冲突和骚乱爆发时，保安部队就会重拳出击。

政府在立法、失业保险和赔偿计划方面取得了进展。

在广东，官员们预见到了生产和利润的损失，佛山地方政府，一个特别严峻的工业区，开创了一个强制性的社会保险计划，其资金来源是对工资征收20%的税，向那些 "被剥夺了工作能力的人"，如孕妇、病人、残疾人、老人和失业者支付福利。

普遍覆盖仍然是一个愿望。

大多数投资者很少注意到震撼中国社会的动荡，而是依靠威权统治来控制它。

在这个阶段，中国的工厂还没有完善的效率，这使得他们的报价令人信服。

然而，有一个标准，他们是无可匹敌的：价格。

Not surprisingly, Chinese workers fought back. They were not the docile robots of occidental cliché. Strikes and disputes proliferated. Often these were unofficial because the trade unions, obedient to the interests of the state, sided with factory owners. When clashes and rioting broke out, the security forces moved in with a heavy hand. The government edged towards legislation, unemployment insurance and compensation schemes. In Guangdong, where officials foresaw damage to production and profits, the local government of Foshan, a particularly grim industrial zone, pioneered a compulsory social insurance scheme funded by a 20 per cent levy on wages to pay benefits to those ‘deprived of the ability to work’ such as pregnant women, the sick, the handicapped, the old and the unemployed. Universal coverage remained an aspiration. Most investors took little notice of the turbulence rocking Chinese society and relied on authoritarian rule to keep it in check. At this stage Chinese factories had not perfected the efficiency which later made their offer compelling. There was, however, one criterion on which they were unbeatable: price.

 

令左派失望的是，中国致力于向世界经济 "开放 "是毫无疑问的。

人民日报》唱出这样的赞歌：1978年，对外贸易额为200亿美元，但这一数字在1993年飙升至1950亿美元以上。

中国作为一个贸易国在世界排名第32位，正在向前十位迈进。

 

To the dismay of Leftists, there was no doubt that China was committed to ‘opening up’ to the world economy. The People’s Daily sang the approved chorus line: in 1978 foreign trade was worth US$20 billion, but this figure had soared to more than US$195 billion in 1993. From ranking thirty-second in the world as a trading nation China was heading for the top ten.

 

在先进的工业民主国家，中国的经济重生吸引了商界和政府高层的浓厚兴趣，但却没有得到公众的关注。

冷战已经结束；一个战争联盟将伊拉克从科威特驱逐出去，恢复了国际秩序；欧盟将扩大；在美国，比尔-克林顿领导的新政府承诺实现繁荣和增长。

思想家弗朗西斯-福山（Francis Fukuyama）曾是美国国务院政策规划的负责人，他认为自由资本主义秩序的成功意味着 "历史的终结"。

在一个没有意识形态冲突的时代，这样的共识，各国可以建立一套务实的规则，以最有效的方式相互贸易。

 

In the advanced industrial democracies, the economic rebirth of China attracted intense interest in the top ranks of business and government but commanded little public attention. The Cold War was over; a war coalition had expelled Iraq from Kuwait, restoring the international order; the European Union was set to expand; and in the United States a new administration under Bill Clinton promised prosperity and growth. The thinker Francis Fukuyama, formerly head of policy planning at the State Department, suggested that the success of the liberal capitalist order meant the ‘end of history’. In an era spared ideological conflict, so ran the consensus, nations could establish a set of pragmatic rules to trade with one another in the most efficient way.

 

早在1986年，中国就申请加入关税与贸易总协定，即关贸总协定。

该组织成立于1948年，旨在削减关税和减少贸易壁垒。

其最初的序言希望达成 "互惠互利的协议"，并承诺其成员要 "消除国际商业中的歧视性待遇"。

在日内瓦的湖畔总部，贸易外交官和部长们在神秘的问题上讨价还价，这些问题往往使不熟悉的人感到困惑和厌烦。

一位英国驻该组织的特使的妻子在迎接她的客人时，在摆放着银器、水晶和亚麻布的餐桌上，发出了一个刺耳的禁令："任何人都不能因为提到关贸总协定而破坏了这个夜晚"。

 

As early as 1986, China had applied for membership of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, known as GATT. Established in 1948, the organisation was set up to cut tariffs and to reduce barriers to trade. Its original preamble desired ‘reciprocal and mutually advantageous agreements’ and committed its members to ‘the elimination of discriminatory treatment in international commerce’. At its lakeside headquarters in Geneva, trade diplomats and ministers haggled over arcane matters that tended to baffle and bore the uninitiated. The wife of one British envoy to the organisation greeted her guests to a dinner table set with silver, crystal and linen with the piercing injunction that ‘nobody is to spoil the evening by mentioning the GATT.’

 

中国代表团中没有人采取类似的态度。

人民日报》宣称，加入关贸总协定将完成中国加入联合国的工作，中华人民共和国已于1971年加入联合国。

它将使中国成为一个伟大的商业大国。

中国大约85%的贸易是与关贸总协定国家进行的，因此加入关贸总协定将有助于中国的发展，而采用商定的标准将提高中国产品的质量。

还有一个动机。

现代化的代价是进口的增加。

1993年，中国的贸易逆差超过了120亿美元。

No one at the Chinese mission took a similar attitude. The People’s Daily declared that admission to GATT would complete China’s entry to the United Nations, which the People’s Republic had joined in 1971. It would make China a great commercial power. About 85 per cent of its trade was with GATT nations, so membership would help it grow, while adopting agreed standards would raise the quality of Chinese products. There was another motive. The cost of modernisation was a rise in imports. In 1993, China ran a trade deficit of more than US$12 billion.

 

主要贸易大国已经同意将关贸总协定转变为一个新的机构，即世界贸易组织，该组织将于1995年1月1日成立。

一个神话已经形成，即中国被推动全球化和自由贸易议程的既得利益者不费吹灰之力就引入了世贸组织。

在这种说法中，华尔街、财富500强和各种阴谋家操纵政策制定者以满足他们的目标。

文件中所描述的现实是不同的。

中国在2001年加入世贸组织的道路是漫长的、艰苦的和艰难的。

 

The major trading powers had agreed to transform the GATT into a new body, the World Trade Organisation, which would come into being on 1 January 1995. A myth has grown up that China was ushered into the WTO with little fuss by vested interests pushing for globalisation and a liberal free trade agenda. In this telling, Wall Street, the Fortune 500 and sundry conspirators manipulated policymakers to suit their aims. The reality traced in the documents is different. The road to accession for China in 2001 was long, painstaking and hard-fought.

 

斯图亚特-哈宾森（Stuart Harbinson）是一名香港公务员，从1994年到2002年，他是香港驻日内瓦贸易机构的代表，后来担任了世贸组织总干事苏帕猜-帕尼查迪（Supachai Panichpakdi）的办公室主任和另一位总干事帕斯卡尔-拉米（Pascal Lamy）的特别顾问。

他这样描述这种转变："关贸总协定是一个有点像绅士的俱乐部。

没有人知道它是什么。

它完全不在雷达上。

关贸总协定只处理货物贸易，但新的世贸组织将处理服务和知识产权，使用一个强化的机制来解决争端。

这是一个进步的变化，"哈宾森说。

 

One participant with a ringside seat was Stuart Harbinson, a Hong Kong civil servant who from 1994 to 2002 was the territory’s representative to the Geneva trade bodies and later served as chief of staff to one WTO director-general, Supachai Panichpakdi, and special adviser to another, Pascal Lamy. He described the transformation this way: ‘The GATT was a bit of a gentleman’s club. Nobody knew what it was. It was completely off the radar.’ The GATT dealt only with trade in goods but the new WTO would deal with services and intellectual property, using a strengthened mechanism to settle disputes. ‘It was a step change,’ said Harbinson.

 

世贸组织诞生的倒计时是充满了矛盾的。

中国认为，作为一个发展中国家，它应该被允许将其关税保持在30%。

其贸易伙伴希望将关税降至15.5%，与墨西哥持平。

他们更具挑战性的要求包括开放中国市场、尊重知识产权以及执行专利和商标法。

北京已经做出了一些让步，将3500种产品的关税降至7.5%。

 

The countdown to the birth of the WTO was fraught. China argued that as a developing country it should be allowed to keep its tariffs at 30 per cent. Its trading partners wanted to cut that to 15.5 per cent, on a par with Mexico. Their more challenging demands included the opening of the Chinese market, respect for intellectual property rights and enforcement of patent and trademark laws. Beijing had made some concessions, cutting tariffs to 7.5 per cent on 3,500 products.

 

谈判受到了冲击。

1994年1月1日，政府废除了5.8元人民币兑1美元的固定汇率，承认官方汇率与 "黑市 "汇率之间存在差距，而大多数离岸业务都是按黑市汇率进行的。

在严格管理的浮动汇率制度下，当局设定了8.28元的新汇率。

从纸面上看，这相当于大幅贬值约30％。

中国的竞争对手们对此感到愤怒。

批评者认为中国是一个巨大的新兴掠夺者。

贬值的人民币成为那些后来争论的人的图腾，他们认为中国已经开始摧毁工业，用无人能在价格上竞争的产品征服市场。

在其极端的形式下，这种历史版本认为北京策划了一个阴谋，通过毁掉其他国家来实现全球经济统治。

这场争论很玄乎，但在政治上是有毒的，而且很难解决，尤其是因为货币的汇率只是影响一个国家竞争力的几个因素之一。

实际上，正如《经济学人》所指出的，中国五分之四的贸易是以离岸汇率进行的，几乎没有任何变化。

Negotiations were subject to shocks. On 1 January 1994, the government abolished its fixed exchange rate of 5.8 yuan to the US dollar, acknowledging the gap between the official rate and the ‘black market’ rate at which most offshore business was done. The authorities set a new rate of 8.28 yuan under a tightly managed floating exchange rate system. On paper it amounted to a huge devaluation of about 30 per cent. There was outrage among China’s rivals. Critics saw the country as a giant emerging predator. The devalued yuan became a totem for those who later argued that China had set out to destroy industries and to conquer markets with products that nobody could compete against on price. In its extreme form this version of history postulated a conspiracy hatched in Beijing to achieve global economic domination by ruining other nations. The dispute is arcane but politically toxic and hard to resolve, not least because a currency’s exchange rate is just one among several factors which influence a nation’s competitiveness. In practice, as The Economist pointed out, the offshore rate at which four-fifths of China’s trade was done barely varied at all.

 

从中国的角度来看，此举纠正了长期以来的高估，相当于双重汇率的 "一体化"。

中国的经济学家认为，这是一个值得称赞的举措，是为了建立一个更加以市场为基础的体系，符合现实。

鉴于当时80%的外汇交易是在互换市场上进行的，货币的实际贬值为6.7%，"一份官方评论说。

汇率一体化改变了长期以来人民币被高估的局面......从1994年到1997年底，人民币对美元汇率加强了4.8%。

它认为，考虑到中国国内的高通货膨胀率，在此期间，人民币对美元的实际升值为39%。

 

From a Chinese perspective, the move redressed a long period of overvaluation and amounted to ‘integration’ of the dual rate. Chinese economists argued that it was a laudable move to a more market-based system which corresponded to reality. ‘The real devaluation of the currency was 6.7 per cent given the fact that eighty per cent of forex transactions then were done in the swap market,’ said an official commentary. ‘The rate integration changed the long-standing situation of renminbi overvaluation … the renminbi strengthened by 4.8 per cent against the US dollar from 1994 to the end of 1997.’ Taking into account high domestic inflation in China, it argued, the real appreciation of the yuan against the US dollar was 39 per cent over the period.

 

然而，在关键的1994年，人民币贬值使中国谈判代表在日内瓦的任务更加复杂，他们面临着越来越多的敌对气氛。

随着秋天的到来，瑞士的冬天变得灰蒙蒙的，很明显，中国不可能在启动时就加入世贸组织。

12月19日，第十九轮关贸总协定谈判未能打破僵局，尽管官方媒体称之为中国代表团的 "极端真诚和灵活"。

汇丰银行家约翰-邦德通过与中国领导人的广泛私下交谈，掌握了中国的战略目标。

他在2019年回忆说："这是迄今为止他们确保其制造业的未来的最佳方式--最终意味着就业。

 

In the crucial year of 1994, however, the devaluation complicated the task of the Chinese negotiators at Geneva, who faced an increasingly hostile atmosphere. As autumn faded to a grey Swiss winter it became clear that China could not join the WTO at its launch. On 19 December the nineteenth round of GATT negotiations failed to break the deadlock, despite what the official media termed the ‘extreme sincerity and flexibility’ of the Chinese delegation. John Bond, the HSBC banker, grasped China’s strategic objective through his extensive private conversations with its leaders. ‘This was by far their best way to secure the future of their manufacturing – and ultimately it meant employment,’ he recalled in 2019.

 

'中国需要世贸组织，世贸组织需要中国，'首席代表顾永亮说。

但北京的评论员声称，美国和其他国家决心利用'权力政治'来为他们国家的崛起踩刹车。

‘China needs the WTO, the WTO needs China,’ said Gu Yongliang, the chief delegate. But commentators in Beijing claimed that the USA and others were determined to use ‘power politics’ to put the brakes on their nation’s rise.

 

在鹰派民族主义者中，气氛越来越暗淡。

三位作家宋强、张藏藏和乔边撰写了一本名为《中国可以说不》的畅销论著，声称外国企业而不是中国在人权方面有不良记录。

这些外国人对他们的员工进行侮辱。

它声称一个韩国老板强迫工人下跪，而许多中国人觉得 "如果一个年轻漂亮的女士在外国公司工作......就会成为外国老板的心上人。

外国的存在是'不健康的'，它认为这是对中国的道德价值和国民经济完整性的威胁。

这样的语言唤起了中国历史上的灾难性事件，但它可能无意中加强了中国谈判者的力量。

此后，中国驻日内瓦的特使可以通过指出国内顽固的对手来为艰难的讨价还价进行辩护。

他们的外国对话者可以警告他们的首都，一个孤立和受委屈的中国所带来的风险。

 

Among hawkish nationalists, the mood grew dark. Three authors, Song Qiang, Zhang Zangzang and Qiao Bian, penned a best-selling polemic with the title China Can Say No. It claimed that foreign enterprises, not China, had a bad record on human rights. The foreigners inflicted humiliations on their employees. One Korean boss forced workers to kneel, it claimed, while many Chinese felt that ‘if a pretty young lady takes a job in a foreign firm … it is to become the sweetheart of the foreign boss.’ The foreign presence was ‘unwholesome’, it argued, a threat to the moral values of China and the integrity of its national economy. Language like this evoked disastrous episodes in China’s history, but it may unintentionally have strengthened the hand of its negotiators. Henceforth Chinese envoys in Geneva could justify hard bargaining by pointing to recalcitrant opponents at home. Their foreign interlocutors could warn their capitals of the risks posed by an isolated and aggrieved China.

 

入世的过程是复杂的，记录显示，每一步对中国来说都很困难。

它与每个主要贸易伙伴都经历了艰难的谈判。

美国掌握着关键。

它是世界上最大的经济体，也是世贸组织中最强大的参与者。

美国和中国认识到，一项协议可能符合他们的利益，但华盛顿和北京的政治压力使之变得不容易。

 

The process of accession was complex and the record shows that every step was difficult for China. It was put through a tough negotiation with each major trading partner. The United States held the key. It was the biggest economy in the world and the most powerful player in the WTO. The US and China recognised that a deal could be in their interests, but political pressures in Washington and Beijing did not make it easy.

 

在比尔-克林顿总统的领导下，美国的政策已经从惩罚 "北京屠夫 "演变为与中国的新领导人江泽民和朱镕基进行谈判。

1992年，克林顿将中国 "最惠国待遇 "的年度更新与中国的人权记录挂钩。

这一政策很快被取消。

1996年，克林顿选择了一位敏锐的律师夏琳-巴舍夫斯基作为美国贸易代表。

她在克林顿政府的剩余任期内领导了与中国的谈判。

 

Under President Bill Clinton, American policy had evolved from punishing the ‘butchers of Beijing’ to negotiating with the new leaders of China, Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji. In 1992 Clinton linked the annual renewal of China’s ‘most favoured nation’ status to its human rights record. The policy was soon dropped. In 1996 Clinton chose a sharp lawyer, Charlene Barshefsky, as the US trade representative. She led the negotiations with China for the rest of his administration.

 

在接下来的四年里，将中国融入世界经济的政治承诺被证明是持久的。

美国和中国之间的谈判经历了1997-8年的亚洲金融危机，以及1999年科索沃战争期间美国轰炸中国驻贝尔格莱德大使馆后的深度冻结，克林顿称这是一次意外并为此道歉。

美国人和中国人之间的艰难讨价还价成为头条新闻；其中有曲折，有最后一刻的戏剧性，有往返于各国首都的上镜率。

世贸组织的内部文件显示，世界其他国家也参与了一个长期的、艰苦的和成功的努力，以从中国获得重大的让步。

入世工作小组的原始 "限制性 "报告为这场战斗提供了宝贵的参考资料。

它也说明了中国政府是如何看待自己的目标的，而这些目标与一些同行所想象的目标是不一样的。

 

For the next four years the political commitment to integrating China into the world economy proved durable. Talks between the US and China survived the Asian financial crisis of 1997–8 and a deep freeze after the American bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade during the Kosovo war of 1999, which Clinton called an accident and apologised for. Hard bargaining between the Americans and the Chinese captured the headlines; there were twists and turns, last-minute dramas and photogenic dashes to and from capitals. Internal WTO documents show that the rest of the world also engaged in a protracted, assiduous and successful effort to extract heavy concessions from China. The original ‘restricted’ report of the working party on accession provides an invaluable companion to the battle. It also illustrates how the Chinese government saw its objectives, which were not the same as those imagined by some of its counterparts.

 

作为他们的首席谈判代表，中国方面选择了一位令人敬畏和经验丰富的贸易专家龙永图。

他的任务是中国特使在世界舞台上遇到的最复杂的任务之一。

龙永图必须平衡在日内瓦达成的妥协和国内的政治反应，不断衡量北京的情绪，就细节问题向他的主人汇报，同时始终盯着奖品。

龙永图告诉聚集在日内瓦的各国，中国已经承诺建立一个 "社会主义市场经济"。

1994年的一揽子改革方案为银行、金融、税收、投资、外汇和外贸带来了变化。

他说，国有企业已经进行了改革。

中国货币在经常项目上是可兑换的，这意味着它可以自由兑换商品和服务。

它的价值是稳定的。

 

As their chief negotiator, the Chinese side settled on a formidable and experienced trade expert, Long Yongtu. His mandate was one of the most complex that had ever faced a Chinese envoy on the world stage. Long had to balance compromises struck in Geneva with political reaction at home, constantly gauging the mood in Beijing, referring back to his masters on details while always keeping his eyes on the prize. China had committed itself to establishing a ‘socialist market economy’, Long Yongtu told the nations gathered in Geneva. A reform package in 1994 had brought change to banking, finance, taxation, investment, foreign exchange and foreign trade. State-owned enterprises, he said, had been reformed. The Chinese currency was convertible on the current account, which meant it was freely exchanged for goods and services. It was stable in value.

 

如果所有这些听起来像是贸易外交官们的音乐，那么它伴随着一个直白的信息。

龙永图说，中国是一个拥有960万平方公里（370万平方英里）的大国，1998年底的人口为12.5亿。

它仍然是一个发展中国家，"因此应该有权享受给予发展中国家的所有差别和更有利的待遇"。

 

If all this sounded as music to the ears of the trade diplomats, it came with a blunt message. China, said Long, was a huge nation of 9.6 million square kilometres (3.7 million square miles) with a population of 1.25 billion at the end of 1998. It was still a developing country ‘and therefore should have the right to enjoy all the differential and more favourable treatment accorded to a developing country’.

 

这就是许多争端的根源。

中国的对手知道它正在快速工业化，提高技术水平，并部署其国家控制的武器库以刺激发展；所有这些都是在关税和监管壁垒的保护性屏幕后面。

 

Here lay the origins of much dispute. China’s rivals knew it was industrialising at a fast pace, moving up the technology ladder and deploying its arsenal of state controls to spur development; all this behind a protective screen of tariffs and regulatory barriers.

 

在1996年3月至2001年9月17日期间，工作小组召开了21次闭门会议。

它的工作在1998年夏天暂停，在1999年中美关系紧张的一年里，根本没有举行任何会议。

但在2000年初，贸易外交官们又开始了讨价还价。

 

The working party met behind closed doors twenty-one times between March 1996 and 17 September 2001. Its labours paused in the summer of 1998 and there were no meetings at all during the year of tension between the US and China in 1999. But in early 2000 the trade diplomats got back to bargaining.

 

在日内瓦的香港代表团对这一过程有一种特殊的看法。

香港在1986年加入了关贸总协定，结束了由英国代表殖民地利益的悖论；有时，这需要英国代表团的一名成员站出来，提出香港在纺织品配额方面的立场，而这可能与英国自己的立场相左。

殖民地因其原则和公平管理而赢得了尊重。

1995年，香港很自然地加入了世贸组织，在撰写本报告时，即2020年，香港从未被提出过贸易投诉。

 

The Hong Kong delegation in Geneva had a privileged view of the process. Hong Kong had joined the GATT in 1986, ending a paradox by which the colony’s interests were represented by Britain; sometimes this had required a member of the British delegation to stand up and present Hong Kong’s position on, say, textile quotas, which may have opposed the United Kingdom’s own stance. The colony won respect for its principles and fair administration. It was natural for Hong Kong to move seamlessly into the WTO in 1995 and at the time of writing, in 2020, it had never had a trade complaint lodged against it.

 

在日内瓦的中国代表团似乎对香港在一个艰难的多边论坛上的成功很着迷。

他们坚定地认为，在1997年移交给中国的过程中，没有任何东西可以破坏它。

这是一个 "一国两制 "符合中国利益的例子。

因此，它得到了严格的遵守。

 

The Chinese delegation in Geneva seemed fascinated by Hong Kong’s success in a tough multilateral forum. They were adamant that nothing should spoil it during the handover to China in 1997. This was a case where ‘one country, two systems’ served Chinese interests. Therefore it was scrupulously observed.

 

1997年回归前几个月，中国大使吴建民邀请Stuart Harbinson去喝茶。

他想和我谈谈我的未来，并说他认为我在关贸总协定中代表香港做得非常好，他想让我知道，就中国而言，如果我继续担任这个角色，他们会非常高兴。

 

A few months before the handover in 1997, the Chinese ambassador, Wu Jianmin, invited Stuart Harbinson to tea. ‘He wanted to talk to me about my future and said that he thought that I’d been doing a very good job to represent Hong Kong in the GATT and he wanted to let me know that as far as China was concerned they’d be extremely happy if I were simply to continue in the role.’

 

中国向日内瓦派出了它最好和最聪明的人之一；吴建民是一位语言学家，曾为毛泽东和周恩来做过法语翻译，担任过外交部的发言人，并在国外担任过一系列职务。

大使的消息很灵通。

他知道，作为香港政府的外籍成员，哈比森可以在1997年带着他的退休金退休。

吴说，如果他这样做，中国代表团会理解，但他们希望他能留下来。

他说，他可以向我保证，中国不会以任何方式建议香港应该以某种方式行事或说某种话--这将是完全放手的。

这就是当时的气氛，"哈宾森说。

 

China had sent one of its best and brightest to Geneva; Wu Jianmin was a linguist who had interpreted in French for Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai, served as spokesman for the foreign ministry and held a string of postings abroad. The ambassador was well-informed. He knew that as an expatriate member of the Hong Kong government, Harbison could retire in 1997 with his pension. Wu said that the Chinese delegation would understand if he did that, but they hoped he would stay on. ‘He said he could give me an assurance that China would not in any way suggest that Hong Kong should behave in a certain fashion or should say certain things – it would be totally hands off. Such was the atmosphere of the time,’ said Harbinson.

 

交接后，香港代表团奉命跟踪中国入世的每一步，但在会议上或公开场合不能说任何话。

许多其他贸易代表曾以为香港代表团会消失在中国代表团的阵营中，但看到他们在那里，他们感到很惊讶。

当然，这是北京政府表明它遵守其协议的一种微妙方式。

 

After the handover, the Hong Kong delegation was under instructions to follow every step towards China’s accession but not to say anything in the meetings or in public. Many other trade representatives, who had assumed the Hong Kong team would simply vanish into the folds of the Chinese delegation, were surprised to see them there. It was, of course, a subtle way for the Beijing government to show that it kept its pacts.

 

中国需要一切可以得到的劝说手段。

文件显示，中国被质疑其统计数字，被施压开放其市场，并被告知拆除其对外国企业的歧视机制。

正如记录中所说。

中国代表......确认中国将为中国企业（包括外资企业）和在华外国企业提供同等的待遇。

中国将消除双重定价做法，以及给予在中国生产销售的商品与出口商品不同的待遇。

 

China needed every means of persuasion it could get. The documents show that it was challenged about its statistics, pressured to open its markets and told to dismantle its apparatus of discrimination against foreign businesses. As the record stated: ‘The representative of China … confirmed that China would provide the same treatment to Chinese enterprises, including foreign-funded enterprises, and foreign enterprises in China. China would eliminate dual pricing practices as well as differences in treatment accorded to goods produced for sale in China in comparison with those produced for export.’

 

这些都是很大的承诺。

中国还承诺放弃对进口的官僚主义障碍--诸如 "产品注册和认证、内部税收、价格和利润控制......进口和分销或销售许可 "等方法。

其反对者剖析了其税收、营业执照、产品测试和检查。

他们关注的细节包括药品的利润率、锅炉的检查制度和复杂的白酒关税规则。

入世谈判的性质是非常艰难的，因为你想加入，"Harbinson说。

'中国受到了很大的挤压。

 

These were big promises. China also undertook to abandon its bureaucratic barriers to imports – methods such as ‘product registration and certification, internal taxation, price and profit controls … licensing for imports and distribution or sale’. Its opponents dissected its taxes, business licences, product testing and inspections. They focused on detail down to profit margins on pharmaceuticals, the inspection regime for boilers and the intricate rules governing duty on spirits. ‘The nature of WTO accession negotiations is that they’re very tough, because you want to get in,’ Harbinson observed. ‘China got squeezed a lot.’

 

在当时，公共卫生并不是贸易关系中的首要任务。

读到中国这个呼吸道疾病死亡率很高的国家被迫同意 "在加入后立即......在全国范围内大幅增加销售进口香烟的零售点"，就更令人震惊。

 

At the time public health was not a top priority in trade relations. It is none the less shocking to read that China, a country with a high mortality rate from respiratory diseases, was compelled to agree that ‘immediately upon accession … the number of retail outlets selling imported cigarettes would be substantially increased throughout the territory’.

 

回到北京后，龙永图和他的谈判代表面临着激烈的批评，认为他们给的东西太多了。

他不得不一次又一次地依靠1998年3月成为总理的朱镕基来进行政治掩护。

这是一个伤痕累累的过程，对一些中国的改革者来说，是一个令人失望的经历。

标准的反应是沉浸在 "斗争外交 "中。

中国代表团一次又一次地被逼上了绝路，因为它的对话者深入研究了法医的细节，要求在知识产权、版权保护、专利、商标、测试数据、商业秘密、政府采购、小股东权利和司法补救等方面做出承诺，以及工作组最后报告中列出的一系列其他主题，这些报告长达近两百页。

 

Back in Beijing, Long Yongtu and his negotiators faced fierce criticism that they were giving too much away. Time and again he had to rely for political cover on Zhu Rongji, who became premier in March 1998. It was a bruising, and for some Chinese reformers, a disillusioning experience. The standard response was to indulge in ‘struggle diplomacy’. The Chinese delegation was forced onto the defensive time after time as its interlocutors went into forensic detail, demanding commitments on intellectual property, copyright protection, patents, trademarks, test data, trade secrets, government procurement, minority shareholder rights and judicial remedies, among a host of other subjects listed in the working party’s final report, which ran to almost two hundred pages.

 

虽然中国在日内瓦逐点让步，但它在与美国贸易团队的平行谈判中也失去了优势。

当世贸组织能够将这些协议协调成一个整体时，终点就会到来。

 

While China conceded point by point in Geneva, it was also losing ground in its parallel talks with the American trade team. The end point would come when the WTO could orchestrate the agreements into one package.

 

美国的意思是要强硬。

美国谈判代表认为，出于冷战的政治原因，他们让日本太容易加入关贸总协定和世贸组织了。

一位美国人告诉哈宾逊："日本人就这样被挥手通过了，从那以后我们就后悔了。

我们不打算在中国犯同样的错误。

这些交易是由高层管理的。

克林顿在关键时刻直接与他的中国同行江泽民交谈。

中国人冒着很大的风险来追求他们的目的。

1999年春天，朱镕基总理在美国，当时一项交易似乎已是板上钉钉，直到摇摆不定的克林顿担心国会不会通过，才将其从桌面上拿下来。

朱镕基忍气吞声，飞回了家。

 

The United States meant to be tough. American negotiators believed that they had let Japan into the GATT and the WTO too easily, for Cold War political reasons. One American told Harbinson, ‘The Japanese were just waved through and we’ve regretted it ever since. We are not going to make the same mistake with China.’ The dealings were run from the top. Clinton spoke directly to his Chinese counterpart, Jiang Zemin, at key moments. The Chinese ran high risks to pursue their ends. In the spring of 1999, premier Zhu was in the United States when a deal seemed in the bag until a vacillating Clinton took it off the table, fearing it would not pass Congress. Zhu swallowed the loss of face and flew home.

 

1999年5月，在科索沃战争期间，美国空袭了中国驻贝尔格莱德的大使馆，造成三名中国公民和十四名塞尔维亚人死亡。

中国的气氛变得很难看，人群在美国驻北京大使馆外聚集，国家媒体激起了民众的愤怒。

中国公众并不知道，但这种反应是经过精心调整的。

香港的一本杂志《前哨》后来发表了它声称是江泽民在退休后写的私人回忆录，承认塞尔维亚的一个军事情报单位在大使馆里得到了庇护，而且美国人提出了塞尔维亚人从大楼里进行通讯的证据。

该杂志享有从中国内部高层泄密的记录，其在2011年的报告没有引起任何否认。

 

In May 1999 came the US air strike on China’s embassy in Belgrade during the Kosovo war, killing three Chinese citizens and fourteen Serbs. The mood in China turned ugly, crowds massed outside the American embassy in Beijing and the state media whipped up popular ire. The Chinese public did not know it, but the response had been carefully calibrated. A magazine in Hong Kong, Qianshao (Outpost), later published what it claimed was a private memoir written in retirement by Jiang Zemin, admitting that a unit of Serbian military intelligence had been given sanctuary in the embassy and that the Americans had presented evidence of Serbian communications from the building. The magazine enjoyed a record of high-level leaks from inside China and its report, in 2011, drew no denials.

 

似乎双方都在寻求一种面子上的退出。

北约官方称这次轰炸是 "一个悲惨的错误"，而克林顿则道歉，指责中情局绘制的目标图有问题。

在中国，宣传被压制住了，愤怒的群众被消解了。

9月，江泽民在新西兰举行的经济峰会上会见了克林顿，同意重启世贸组织谈判。

 

It seems that both sides sought a face-saving exit. NATO officially called the bombing raid ‘a tragic mistake’ and Clinton apologised, blaming faulty target mapping by the CIA. In China, the propaganda was muted and the angry masses melted away. In September, Jiang met Clinton at an economic summit in New Zealand and agreed to restart the WTO talks.

 

从那时起，谈判的节奏加快了。

10月中旬，美国总统再次给江泽民打电话，并寄来一份文件，概述了各种让步。

最终，江泽民作出回应，表示可以达成协议。

11月10日，一个由夏琳-巴舍夫斯基领导的美国谈判小组和克林顿的鹰派经济顾问吉恩-斯佩林一起在北京登陆。

美国人给自己设定了48小时的最后期限，但与贸易部长石广生进行的两天艰苦谈判毫无进展。

现在是实施边缘政策的时候了。

 

The tempo quickened from then on. In mid-October the US president called Jiang again and sent a paper outlining concessions. Eventually Jiang responded, saying a deal could be done. On 10 November a US negotiating team led by Charlene Barshevsky, together with Clinton’s hawkish economic adviser, Gene Sperling, landed in Beijing. The Americans set themselves a 48-hour deadline but two days of grinding talks with Trade Minister Shi Guangsheng went nowhere. It was time for brinkmanship.

 

11月12日星期五晚上，美国人收拾了他们的行李。

一位白宫官员来到皇宫酒店大理石风格的大厅，告诉前台服务员他们将在第二天早上离开。

哦，不，那个人回答说，中国政府已经预订了六天的套房，而不是两天。

这就是美国人如何了解到中国真正的最后期限是什么。

 

On the night of Friday 12 November, the Americans packed their bags. A White House official went down to the marbled imperial-style lobby of the Palace Hotel to tell the desk clerk they were leaving the next morning. Oh no, the man responded, the Chinese government had booked the suites for six days, not two. That was how the Americans learned what the real Chinese deadline was.

 

美国人对那个周末的描述主要集中在它的高潮和低潮。

周六凌晨3点，中国人打电话说，朱镕基总理将在中南海（领导机关）会见他们。

双方在电信和低价 "倾销 "产品等充满争议的问题上测试了他们的极限。

周六晚上还很乐观，但周日的会谈却很糟糕。

美国代表团再次沿着长安街跋涉回到皇宫酒店收拾行李。

电话又一次在凌晨3点响起。

双方在贸易部重新召开会议，并在会上进行了严厉的交锋。

巴尔舍夫斯基和斯佩林在走廊上休息，碰到了国务委员吴仪，他说朱镕基本人已经回到了大楼。

巴尔舍夫斯基回忆说，就在那一刻，她知道中国方面已经达到了他们的底线。

由于朱棣文在现场，交易迅速完成。

 

American accounts of that weekend dwelt on its highs and lows. At 3 a.m. on Saturday, the Chinese called to say Premier Zhu Rongji would see them at Zhongnanhai, the leadership compound. Both sides tested their limits on fraught issues like telecommunications and the ‘dumping’ of products at low prices. There was optimism on Saturday night, but on Sunday the talks went badly. Once again the US delegation trekked back along Chang’an Avenue to the Palace Hotel to pack their bags. Once again the phone rang at 3 a.m. The two sides reconvened at the Trade Ministry, where harsh words were exchanged. Barshevsky and Sperling took a corridor break and bumped into Wu Yi, a state councillor, who said that Zhu himself had come back to the building. That was the moment, Barshevsky recalled, when she knew the Chinese side had reached their bottom line. With Zhu on hand, the deal was swiftly done.

 

我们现在从中国方面知道，巴舍夫斯基和斯佩林的对手在玩一个精心策划的游戏。

根据贸易谈判代表龙永图的说法，当美国人想知道那个周末发生了什么时，中国国务院在朱镕基的主持下召开会议，做出了被推迟到最后一刻的艰难决定。

这是中国谈判策略手册中的直接内容。

龙永图回忆说："一切都在国务院的高级别会议上决定。

'对我们来说，最大的事情是反倾销条款。

这显然是对中国的歧视。

那么，中国为什么同意呢？"他的回答是，朱镕基本人说中国企业在国内仍然沉溺于倾销和价格战。

各部委曾试图解决这些问题，但现在可以通过世贸组织的规则来解决这些问题，但却徒劳无功。

总理说："我认为我们可以接受这一条款，以便对我们自己的公司施加压力，阻止他们互相割喉。

" 此外，他说，我们可以用它来从美国人那里获得更多的让步。

 

We now know from the Chinese side that Barshevsky and Sperling’s opponents were playing a well-planned game. According to the trade negotiator, Long Yongtu, while the Americans wondered what was going on that weekend, China’s State Council, with Zhu in the chair, convened to take the difficult decisions it had postponed until the last minute. It was straight out of the handbook of Chinese negotiating tactics. ‘Everything was decided at that high level meeting of the State Council,’ Long recalled. ‘The biggest thing for us was the anti-dumping clause. It was clearly discriminatory against China. So why did China agree?’ His answer was that Zhu himself said Chinese businesses still indulged in dumping and price wars at home. Ministries had tried in vain to fix these problems but now they could be solved by the rules of the WTO. ‘The premier said “I think we can accept this clause in order to put pressure on our own companies to stop them cutting each other’s throats.” In addition, he said, we could use it to extract more concessions from the Americans.’

 

还有很多事情需要解决，但中国领导人已经做出了他们的政治决定。

带着他的同志们的授权，朱棣文能够在星期一的凌晨出现在贸易部。

魔鬼将在细节中出现，但美国人--不眠不休，鞭长莫及--觉得他们已经得到了他们能得到的最好交易。

 

There was much more to settle, but the Chinese leaders had made their political decision. Armed with the mandate from his comrades, Zhu was able to show up at the Trade Ministry in the early hours of Monday. The devil would be in the details but the Americans – sleepless and whipsawed – felt they had got the best deal they could.

 

或者他们是这么想的。

据巴尔舍夫斯基说，中国的谈判手册中还有最后一片叶子需要忍耐。

就在协议即将签署之前，一群来自贸易部的官员来到她的酒店房间，他们想重新讨论一些条款。

她说："哦，拜托，"她说。

'太复杂了。

不可能处理它。

签约是什么时候？仪式结束后，江泽民亲自穿上大衣，带着巴舍夫斯基和她的团队参观了中南海寒风中的湖泊和展馆，用中文和英文小声交谈，以显示他的喜悦。

 

Or so they thought. According to Barshevsky there was one last leaf from the Chinese negotiating playbook to endure. Just before the agreement was due to be signed she was visited in her hotel room by a group of officials from the Trade Ministry, who wanted to reopen some of the terms. ‘Oh, please,’ she said. ‘Too complicated. Can’t possibly deal with it. What time is the signing?’ After the ceremony, Jiang Zemin himself donned an overcoat to give Barshevsky and her team a tour of the wintry lakes and pavilions of Zhongnanhai, making small talk in Chinese and English to display his pleasure.

 

2001年，时任布鲁金斯学会高级研究员的尼古拉斯-拉迪在向美中安全审查委员会作证时总结了支持中国入世的机构共识："中国进一步的国内经济改革及其在全球经济中的深化融合对美国有很大的利益。

最明显的是，它符合美国的经济利益。

 

The establishment consensus in favour of China’s accession was summed up by Nicholas Lardy, then a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, in testimony to the US-China Security Review Commission in 2001: ‘The United States has a substantial stake in China’s further domestic economic reforms and its deepening integration in the global economy. Most obviously it serves U.S. economic interests.

 

'中国可以继续为美国贸易的急剧增长做出贡献，在截至2000年的8年中，美国贸易翻了一番，达到2.5万亿美元。

廉价进口品的流动使美国在经历'异常低'的价格通货膨胀率的同时实现了增长。

除了经济利益之外，拉迪还指出了一个广泛存在的观点，即一个更富有的中国将使世界更加稳定，而繁荣可能会给中国本身带来政治变革，就像在台湾一样："相比之下，一个经济上失败的中国将给美国和世界其他国家带来巨大的代价。

‘China can continue to contribute to the dramatic growth of U.S. trade, which doubled to $2.5 trillion in the eight years ending in 2000.’ The flow of cheap imports allowed the US to grow while experiencing an ‘unusually low’ rate of price inflation. Apart from the economic benefits, Lardy stated the widely held view that a richer China would make the world more stable, while prosperity could bring about political change in China itself, as it had in Taiwan: ‘An economically failing China, by contrast, would impose substantial costs on the United States and the rest of the world.’

 

因此，乐观的情况是根据经济增长与政治自由化相联系的定理来论证的；对于那些见识过中国基层选举的人来说，这个命题并不是不言自明。

 

Thus the optimistic case was argued according to a theorem linking economic growth with political liberalisation; a proposition that was not self-evident to those who had seen what passed for grassroots elections in China.

 

克林顿的话引起了更高的期望。

在敦促国会通过给予中国永久正常贸易关系来完成交易的主题演讲中，他说："我们将能够出口产品而不出口工作。

同时，我们将获得宝贵的新保障措施，以防止任何来自中国的进口激增。

通过加入世贸组织，中国不仅仅是同意进口更多我们的产品；它还同意进口民主最珍视的价值之一：经济自由。

 

Clinton’s words raised even loftier expectations. In a keynote speech urging Congress to seal the deal by granting China permanent normal trading relations, he said: ‘We’ll be able to export products without exporting jobs. Meanwhile, we’ll get valuable new safeguards against any surges of imports from China. By joining the WTO, China is not simply agreeing to import more of our products; it is agreeing to import one of democracy’s most cherished values: economic freedom.’

 

克林顿相信，当个人拥有 "权力，不仅是梦想，而且是实现他们的梦想"，他们会要求更大的发言权。

他设想了一个由数据驱动的民主化新世界。

我们知道互联网对美国的改变有多大，而我们已经是一个开放的社会，"他说。

想象一下，它能给中国带来多大的变化。

共产党已经很清楚这种可能性，但克林顿似乎认为数字长城将无法击退野蛮人：'现在毫无疑问，中国一直在试图镇压互联网，'这位总统说。

 

Clinton had faith that when individuals had ‘the power, not just to dream but to realize their dreams’, they would demand a greater say. He conjured up a new world of democratisation driven by data. ‘We know how much the Internet has changed America, and we are already an open society,’ he said. ‘Imagine how much it could change China.’ The Communist Party, as it happened, was already well aware of that possibility, but Clinton appeared to believe that a digital Great Wall would fail to repel the barbarians: ‘Now there’s no question China has been trying to crack down on the Internet,’ the president said.

 

观众席上响起了笑声。

'祝你好运！' 克林顿开玩笑说。

'这有点像试图把果冻钉在墙上。

听众们都笑了起来。

克林顿继续说，'但我想对你们说，他们这样做的努力只是证明了这些变化是多么真实，它们对现状的威胁有多大。

总统说，这并不是说要放慢把中国带入世界的努力，而是要加快它。

'在知识经济时代，经济创新和政治赋权，无论任何人喜欢与否，都将不可避免地携手并进。

 

There were chuckles in the audience. ‘Good luck!’ Clinton joked. ‘That’s sort of like trying to nail jello to the wall.’ The audience laughed. ‘But I would argue to you,’ Clinton went on, ‘that their effort to do that just proves how real these changes are and how much they threaten the status quo.’ The president said this did not argue for slowing down the effort to bring China into the world but for accelerating it: ‘In the knowledge economy, economic innovation and political empowerment, whether anyone likes it or not, will inevitably go hand in hand.’

 

克林顿在他的演讲中详述了向他的顾问们招手的阳光高地，这些高地说服了美国的执政精英们，原则和利润可以并存。

 

Clinton dwelt in his peroration on the sunlit uplands that beckoned to his advisers and which persuaded America’s governing elite that principle and profits could go together.

 

他说："当然，现在把中国带入世贸组织并不能保证它将选择政治改革。

但加快经济变革将 "迫使中国更早地面对这一选择"。

美国人自然认为中国的统治者只有一条正确的路可走：'这些领导人是非常聪明的人；他们很清楚自己在做什么--如果他们愿意冒这个风险，我们怎么能拒绝接受他们的机会？‘Now of course, bringing China into the WTO doesn’t guarantee that it will choose political reform,’ he said. But speeding up economic change would ‘force China to confront that choice sooner’. Americans naturally assumed there was only one right way for the rulers of China to go: ‘These leaders are very intelligent people; they know exactly what they’re doing – if they’re willing to take this risk, how can we turn our backs on the chance to take them up on it?’

 

这些信念在中国是众所周知的，那里的高层人士对未来的看法完全不同。

作为国家和党的领导人，江泽民主席警告一群总督和部长说，"竞争将是漫长的"，并向他们解释，美国人意味着要结束他的政权。

江泽民有时被讽刺为哗众取宠，但他显示自己是一个冷酷的现实主义政治家。

 

These convictions were well known in China, where the men at the top took an entirely different view of the future. President Jiang Zemin, who was head of both the state and the party, warned a group of governors and ministers that ‘the contest will be long’ and explained to them that the Americans meant to end his regime. Jiang, who was sometimes caricatured as a crowd-pleaser, showed himself to be a politician of cold realism.

 

他说："我们加入世界贸易组织后，斗争将更加艰难。

'在谈判桌上的15年，真正的战斗还没有到来，在国内和国外。

这场竞争将是漫长的。

中国要维护自己的利益并不容易，因为 "另一方希望把规则固定在对他们有利的位置上"。

‘After we join the World Trade Organisation the struggle will be even harder,’ he said. ‘Fifteen years at the negotiating table yet the real battle is yet to come, at home and abroad. The contest will be long.’ It would not be easy for China to safeguard its interests because ‘the other side hope to fix the rules in their favour.’

 

江泽民明白，西方将中国融入全球经济视为一种行为，其政治结果是不可避免的。

他对此不以为然。

他问道："为什么美国会与我们就世贸组织的协议达成协议？这不是因为它'突然的仁慈'。

他说，美国有一个秘密的战略。

'我们不应该对此感到天真。

通过经济自由化，它意味着要在中国推动所谓的政治自由化。

这是西方政治势力在社会主义国家实施西化和播撒分裂性政治阴谋的一个重要方法。

 

Jiang understood that the West saw his nation’s integration into the global economy as an act with inevitable political results. He was having none of it. ‘Why did America reach an agreement with us on the WTO deal?’ he asked. It was not because of its ‘sudden benevolence’. America, he said, had a covert strategy. ‘We should not be naïve about it. Through economic liberalisation it means to promote so-called political liberalisation in China. This is a key method for Western political forces to implement westernisation and sow divisive political plots in the socialist countries.’

 

中国领导人引用克林顿自己的话说，美国认为加入世贸组织会给中国数百万人带来一场中国政府无法控制的信息革命，加速国有企业的倒闭，使国家脱离人民的生活，创造社会和政治变革。

江泽民总结说。

'我们必须保持清醒的认识，看清它的本质，做好准备，继续致力于实现我们的战略目标。

 

The Chinese leader quoted Clinton’s own words, saying the US thought joining the WTO would hand millions of people in China an information revolution which the Chinese government could not control, accelerating the collapse of state-owned enterprises, getting the state out of people’s lives and creating social and political change. Jiang concluded: ‘We must remain conscious of this and see the essence of it, be prepared and stay committed to achieving our strategic goals.’

 

正如这位美国总统所说，中国领导人非常聪明。

只是他们和他得出了截然相反的结论。

 

As the American president said, Chinese leaders were very intelligent. It was just that they and he reached diametrically opposed conclusions.

 

中国和美国之间的协议为北京加入世贸组织打开了钥匙，但仍有很长的路要走。

谈判人员在2000年和2001年的头十个月里，在日内瓦就关税、农业、立法、知识产权、补贴和服务达成了大量协议。

 

The agreement between China and America had turned the key for Beijing to enter the WTO, but there was still a long way to go. The action shifted back to Geneva, where negotiators spent 2000 and the first ten months of 2001 working through a mass of agreements on tariffs, agriculture, legislation, intellectual property, subsidies and services.

 

美国的权力从比尔-克林顿转移到乔治-W-布什，并没有改变美国和中国之间贸易关系的基本原则。

2001年9月11日对纽约和华盛顿的恐怖袭击加强了这些原则，并且作为一个意外的结果，在对手之间建立了一个临时的反 "恐怖 "联盟。

外交官们回忆说，当袭击的消息传到日内瓦的会议厅时，大家都惊呆了，立即自发地对美国表示同情。

在这种气氛下，2001年11月10日在卡塔尔举行的世贸组织部长级会议批准了中国的加入，并在12月11日正式成为成员国。

该协议对中华人民共和国提出的条件比任何其他申请国都要苛刻。

协议文本长达1500页，重达13公斤。

 

The transfer of power in the United States from Bill Clinton to George W. Bush did not change the fundamental tenets of trade relations between America and China. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington of 11 September 2001 reinforced them and, as an unintended consequence, created a temporary alliance between the rivals against ‘terror’. Diplomats recalled the stunned silence when news of the attacks reached the conference chamber in Geneva and the immediate, spontaneous sympathy with the United States. In this atmosphere the accession of China was approved by the WTO ministerial conference in Qatar on 10 November 2001 and its membership became formal on 11 December. The agreement imposed harder conditions upon the People’s Republic than on any other applicant. The text ran to 1,500 pages and weighed thirteen kilograms.

 

如果没有中国谈判代表龙永图的评价，中国的这一成就的历史将是不完整的，他在十年后谈到了他对接下来发生的事情的惊讶。

他说："中国加入世贸组织带来的最大变化是中国的迅速崛起。

龙永图做梦也没有想到，在中国加入的十年后，其贸易额会超过一万亿美元。

我们当时是5000亿美元，"他回忆说，"我们没有想到在加入后9年就成为世界最大的出口国。

我也没有想到在几年后就成为拥有世界上最大外汇储备的国家'。

No history of this achievement for China would be complete without a verdict from its negotiator Long Yongtu, who spoke a decade later about his surprise at what happened next. ‘The biggest change brought about by China’s accession to the WTO was its rapid rise,’ he said. Long had never dreamed that, ten years after China joined, its trade would exceed one trillion dollars. ‘We were at $500 billion at that time,’ he recalled, ‘we didn’t expect to become the world’s biggest exporter just nine years after joining. Nor did I expect to become the country with the world’s largest foreign exchange reserves just a few years later.’

 

对香港来说，入世是一个值得庆祝的时刻。

机会似乎是无限的，善意是无限的，利润是肯定的。

香港的代表Stuart Harbinson回顾了聚集在日内瓦的贸易国的时代精神："当时，每个人都认为中国是一个单程旅行。

美国和欧盟等主要经济体看到了眼前的机会。

'在中国有巨大的投资。

这就是全球化。

世界经济日益一体化。

这是双赢的。

这就是传统的智慧。

 

For Hong Kong, the accession was a moment to celebrate. The opportunities seemed boundless, the goodwill infinite and the profits certain. Hong Kong’s representative, Stuart Harbinson, recalled the spirit of the times among the trading nations gathered in Geneva: ‘At the time everyone assumed that China was on a one-way journey.’ Major economies like the US and the EU saw the opportunity at hand. ‘There was huge investment in China. It was globalisation. Increasing integration of the world economy. It was win-win. That was the conventional wisdom.’

 

 

13.一个国家，两种文化

13.One Country, Two Cultures

 

 

一个国家，两种文化 "不是一个官方口号。

这种想法是不可取的。

然而，从华南地区到香港，就等于从一个思想领域转到另一个思想领域。

广东文化在这两个地方都很繁荣，但在二十世纪末的人民共和国，它在风格化的传统艺术（如歌剧）中得到了体现，而在香港，一种喧闹的非主流电影和音乐类型使观众为之着迷。

在中国，国家和党仍然是品位的仲裁者。

在香港，市场占主导地位，流行文化的主要主题是犯罪，其人物、俚语和动作直接来自于街头。

‘One country, two cultures’ was not an official slogan. Perish the thought. Yet to cross from southern China to Hong Kong was to quit one realm of the mind for another. Cantonese culture flourished in both places, but in the People’s Republic at the end of the twentieth century it found expression in stylised traditional arts such as opera, while in Hong Kong a raucous demotic genre of films and music held audiences in thrall. In China, the state and the party remained arbiters of taste. In Hong Kong the market ruled, the dominant theme in popular culture was crime and its characters, slang and action came straight from the streets.

 

在殖民时期后期，黑社会一直是香港电影、电视剧、录像带、漫画小说和畅销书的主要内容。

有一个笑话说，本地电影是由黑帮分子制作的，与黑帮分子一起制作的，而且是关于黑帮分子的。

然而，这并不是一个笑话，蒙面枪手偷取胶片，暴徒威胁演员，黑帮勒索拍摄费用。

有组织犯罪渗透到了电影业，当时它就像其他的敲诈勒索一样，是一台盈利机器。

由于香港人的娱乐选择有限，收入蓬勃发展。

数百万人住在狭窄的公寓里，去电影院看电影是一种廉价的逃避。

香港成为东亚的好莱坞。

 

During the late colonial period the underworld had been the enduring staple of Hong Kong cinema, television series, videos, comic novels and best-sellers. A running joke held that local movies were made by gangsters, with gangsters and about gangsters. It was no joke, however, when masked gunmen stole reels of film, thugs threatened actors and gangs extorted fees for location filming. Organised crime infiltrated the film business when it was a profit machine like any other racket. Revenues boomed because people in Hong Kong had limited entertainment choices. Millions lived in cramped apartments and a trip to the cinema provided cheap escapism. Hong Kong became the Hollywood of east Asia.

 

电影吸引了掠夺者，就像澳门的赌场吸引了高利贷一样。

1992年，武打明星李连杰的经理人Jim Choi在他位于九龙的办公室里被装扮成保安的杀手射杀。

同年，坎东流行音乐歌手和演员梅艳芳在一家卡拉OK俱乐部被三合会电影制片人黄龙伟搭讪，并打了她的嘴巴。

第二天，当黄龙伟离开一家餐馆时，三名来自敌对三合会的男子袭击了他，划破了他的脸。

他被送往医院，四十八小时后被枪杀在床上。

众所周知，这位歌手在黑社会有朋友，他离开了香港，直到喧嚣平息。

她成为备受喜爱的小报天后，直到2003年死于卵巢癌。

 

The movies attracted predators in the same way that Macau’s casinos drew loan sharks. In 1992, Jim Choi, the manager of martial arts star Jet Li, was shot dead in his office in Kowloon by assassins dressed as security guards. That same year, Anita Mui, a Canto-pop singer and actress, was accosted in a karaoke club by a Triad movie producer, Wong Long-wai, who slapped her across the mouth. The next day, three men from a rival Triad attacked Wong as he left a restaurant, slashing his face. Taken to hospital, he was shot dead in his bed forty-eight hours later. The singer, who was known to have friends in the underworld, left Hong Kong until the hue and cry died down. She became a much-loved tabloid diva until her death from ovarian cancer in 2003.

 

犯罪的光环给这个行业带来了某种魅力，一些明星和制片人毫不吝啬地利用这种魅力。

吴宇森的经典之作《英雄本色》（1986年）将周润发饰演的忧郁的坏人浪漫化。

导演王家卫的处女作是《泪流满面》（1988年），其粤语片名是《旺角卡门》，这是一个关于兄弟情谊、悲剧性爱情和大男子主义暴力的故事。

1996年，由郑伊健主演的《年轻有为》刷新了这一公式并催生了续集。

随着香港观众越来越成熟，来自好莱坞的竞争越来越激烈，电影制作人转而拍摄从喜剧到半纪录片的犯罪故事，处理忠诚、腐败和代际冲突，这一类型从垃圾演变为崇拜。

三合会为他们提供了一个不可抗拒的调色板，里面有丰富的人物、情节和恩怨情仇。

在这一点上，电影为现实生活举起了一面镜子。

 

The aura of crime lent a certain glamour to the business which some stars and producers were not shy of exploiting. John Woo’s classic A Better Tomorrow (1986) romanticised the brooding bad guy, played by Chow Yun-fat. The director Wong Kar-wai made his debut with As Tears Go By (1988), whose Cantonese title was Mongkok Carmen, a tale of brotherhood, tragic love and macho violence. The 1996 film Young and Dangerous, starring Ekin Cheng, refreshed the formula and spawned sequels. The genre evolved from trash to cult as Hong Kong audiences grew more sophisticated, competition from Hollywood arrived and film-makers turned to riffs on crime from comedy to semi-documentaries, dealing with loyalty, corruption and generational conflict. The Triads offered them an irresistible palette, rich in characters, plots and vendettas. In that, the cinema held up a mirror to real life.

 

三合会的秘密组织可以追溯到17世纪中国少林寺僧人反抗满清王朝的神话。

到帝国时代结束时，他们已经成为犯罪集团，紧紧抓住过去的象征和仪式。

他们与民国时期中国的政治、军事和商业秩序交织在一起，孙中山和蒋介石都是他们的盟友。

1949年，共产党的胜利将三合会从他们在中国沿海城市的据点驱逐到香港、台湾和东南亚。

就像西西里黑手党一样，三合会寻求与统治者之间的权力平衡，允许他们不受干扰地经营他们的交易，同时不时地逮捕一两个人并充当打击麻烦制造者的力量。

 

Triad secret societies traced their foundation myth to the resistance by warrior monks of the Shaolin monastery against the Manchu dynasty, the Qing, in seventeenth-century China. By the end of the imperial era they had become criminal syndicates clinging to symbols and rituals of the past. Interwoven with Republican China’s political, military and commercial order, they counted Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek among their allies. The Communist victory in 1949 exiled the Triads from their strongholds in China’s coastal cities to Hong Kong, Taiwan and southeast Asia. Like the Sicilian mafia, Triads sought a balance of power with the ruling order, allowing them to run their rackets undisturbed while from time to time conceding an arrest or two and serving as muscle against troublemakers.

 

由于毛泽东的审判和处决，三合会在大陆几乎被消灭，他们在英国殖民地找到了一个堡垒。

几十年来，他们一直与英国人和国民党的代表合作。

他们之所以被容忍，部分原因是他们热衷于反共。

1989年，他们帮助民主活动家逃离中国大陆，用船和卡车把他们偷运出去，并收取费用。

但他们也与香港的共产党相处得很谨慎，后者本身就是一个地下运动，喜欢把黑社会的沙文主义起源定义为 "爱国"。

 

All but extinguished on the mainland by Mao’s trials and executions, the Triads found a redoubt in the British colony. They co-operated down the decades with the British and the representatives of the Kuomintang. They were tolerated in part because of their ardent anti-communism. They helped democracy activists escape mainland China in 1989 by smuggling them out in boats and trucks, for a fee. But they also got along warily with the Communist Party in Hong Kong, which was itself an underground movement and liked to define the triads’ chauvinist origins as ‘patriotic’.

 

汉学家Simon Leys写道："共产党本质上是一个秘密团体。

他说，在其方法和心态上，它与黑社会有 "令人不安的相似之处"："它害怕日光；为了成长和发展，它需要阴影。

该党靠'阴谋和谎言'生存，并通过'勒索、阴谋和恐怖'强加其意志。

莱斯引用了匈牙利耶稣会牧师和学者拉斯洛-拉达尼（László Ládányi）神父的结论，他根据该党1921年至1985年的内部文件写了一部历史。

他从香港大学的高处收集了四十年的材料，同时出版了一份关注中国事务的人热衷阅读的通讯。

‘The Communist Party is essentially a secret society,’ wrote the Sinologist Simon Leys. In its methods and mentality, he said, it bore ‘a troubling resemblance’ to the underworld: ‘It dreads daylight; to grow and develop it needs the shadows.’ The party lived by ‘intrigues and lies’ and imposed its will by ‘blackmail, conspiracy and terror’. Leys was citing the conclusion of a Hungarian Jesuit priest and scholar, Father László Ládányi, who wrote a history of the party based on its own internal documents from 1921 to 1985. He collected the material over four decades from his perch at Hong Kong University, all the while publishing a newsletter avidly read by those who followed Chinese affairs.

 

邓小平本人也没有忘记这些相似之处。

正如邓小平在1984年对一个香港商界人士代表团所说："香港的黑人社会非常强大。

他们甚至比其他地方的同行更强大。

当然，并非所有的黑色社会都是黑暗的。

他们中也有许多好人。

1997年，一位退休的中国官员黄文芳在浸会大学的一个论坛上说，他作为新华社副社长的工作包括与三合会老大达成一个不成文的协议，即如果他们在回归后保持 "稳定"，中国就不会找他们麻烦。

对三合会来说，这不是一个意识形态的问题，只是为了争夺地盘和收入而不断地调整。

他们不参与主流政治，但后来出现了，冒充小人物的捍卫者，租借他们的力量来攻击民主运动。

像西西里人一样，他们在一个古老的社会中，家庭和宗族比一个不信任和遥远的国家更有价值。

 

The parallels were not lost on Deng Xiaoping himself. As Deng told a delegation of Hong Kong business people in 1984: ‘Hong Kong black societies are very powerful. They are even more powerful than their counterparts elsewhere. Of course, not all black societies are dark. There are many good guys among them.’ A retired Chinese official, Wong Man-fong, told a forum at the city’s Baptist University in 1997 that his job as deputy head of the New China News Agency included striking an unwritten pact with the Triad bosses that China would not come after them if they kept things ‘stable’ after the handover. For the Triads it was not a matter of ideology, just perpetual realignment in the quest for turf and revenue. They kept out of mainstream politics but emerged later on to pose as defenders of the little man and rented out their muscle to attack the pro-democracy movement. Like the Sicilians, they were at home in an old society where family and clan counted for more than a distrusted and distant state.

 

香港的有组织犯罪是疯狂的不准确的谣言和报道的主题，这增加了它的神秘感，从而适合犯罪分子。

2014年的一项学术研究发现，在特别行政区有四个大的三合会集团。

14K三合会有8个小集团，和氏集团有13个帮派，有影响力的潮州集团（其根源在中国沿海）有4个，包括强大的新义安三合会；而 "四大 "财团有11个，包括在澳门的一个分支。

所有这些都在香港黑社会的无休止地竞争地盘，而第二代和第三代黑帮家族则毕业于礼貌社会，用从犯罪中积累的种子资本经营合法生意。

他们对香港与中国的统一有一个共同的贡献，即随着人民共和国的开放，跨境犯罪企业的整合。

 

Organised crime in Hong Kong was the subject of wildly inaccurate rumour and reporting, which added to its mystique and thus suited the criminals. An academic study in 2014 found there were four big Triad consortiums in the Special Administrative Region. The 14K Triad had eight sub-groups, the Wo group numbered thirteen gangs, the influential Chiu Chau group, whose roots lay in coastal China, had four, including the powerful Sun Yee On Triad; and a ‘Big Four’ consortium numbered eleven, including a branch in Macau. All of these competed for territory in the ceaseless ebb and flow of underworld rackets in Hong Kong, while a second and third generation of mobster families graduated to polite society and ran legitimate businesses with the seed capital amassed from crime. They had in common a singular contribution to the unity of Hong Kong with China, the integration of cross-border criminal enterprises as the People’s Republic opened up.

 

仪式和虚假的荣誉守则用民间传说掩盖了三合会犯罪的肮脏和平庸。

这是一种强有力的遗产，与中国古典文学中颂扬的强盗传统相呼应，其忠诚和惩罚的仪式令人心酸。

在1987年的一个法庭案件中，证人安东尼-钟（Anthony Chung）描述了他自己被一个身穿僧袍、手持象征性宝剑的人启动的过程，该人将新招募的人带到一个道教祭坛前，在那里他们用装有米酒和自己的血滴的瓷杯喝水，并与一只刚被斩首的鸡的血混在一起。

 

Rituals and spurious honour codes masked with folklore the squalor and banality of Triad crime. It was a potent heritage, echoing the bandit tradition celebrated in classical Chinese literature, with its sanguine rites of loyalty and punishment. In a 1987 court case, a witness, Anthony Chung, described his own initiation by a man in monk’s robes, holding a symbolic sword, who paraded the new recruits before a Taoist altar, where they drank from porcelain cups containing a mix of rice wine and drops of their own blood, mingled with that of a freshly decapitated chicken.

 

对被指控的新义安黑社会成员的起诉以陪审团的定罪而告终，并被皇家香港警察誉为一项突破。

上诉由首席法官杨迪良爵士审理，他是殖民主义机构的代表，以技术理由释放了所有上诉人。

这些人走出法庭，宣称他们理应无罪。

本案的皇家检察官凯文-伊根（Kevin Egan）是一位身材魁梧的澳大利亚人，对英语的掌握非常熟练，他辞职了。

他作为刑事大律师进入私人执业领域，代表新义安的成员做了一笔有利可图的生意，他愉快地将这些人描述为一群流氓。

在他于2018年去世之前，他喜欢与 "受人尊敬的 "香港精英们打交道，通常是在他最喜欢的俱乐部里喝酒。

 

That prosecution of alleged members of the Sun Yee On triad ended with convictions by the jury and was hailed by the Royal Hong Kong Police as a breakthrough. The appeal was heard by the chief justice, Sir Ti-liang Yang, a rock of the colonial establishment, who freed all the appellants on technical grounds. The men walked out of court proclaiming their righteous innocence. The crown prosecutor in the case, Kevin Egan, a burly Australian with a ripe command of the English language, resigned. He went into private practice as a criminal barrister and did a profitable business representing members of the Sun Yee On, whom he cheerfully described as a bunch of rogues. Before his death in 2018, he enjoyed tilting at the ‘respectable’ Hong Kong elite, usually over drinks at his favourite club.

 

现实情况是，精英阶层、党派和三合会世代交融。

一个很好的例子是范冰冰的血统，她接受了殖民地立法机构的委任席位，大英帝国司令的头衔，并在总督卫奕信的行政委员会中占有一席之地。

范冰冰出生在上海。

她的父亲，银行业大亨许大同，在街头传说中与涂谨申有联系，涂谨申是上海最强大的三合会--绿帮的老大，负责毒品贸易，与蒋介石的国民党合作并屠杀共产党人。

在共产党 "解放 "上海之前，这两个人都明智地逃到了香港。

尽管有这样多姿多彩的背景，没有人认为范冰冰的行为不那么正直。

她后来谴责了英国人，培养了郊区毛夫人的形象，接受了北京为她选择的新角色，即1997年后的立法会主席。

 

The reality was that the elite, the party and the Triads had intermingled for generations. A good example was the lineage of Rita Fan, who accepted an appointed seat in the colonial legislature, the title of Commander of the British Empire and a place on Governor David Wilson’s executive council. Fan was born in Shanghai. Her father, the banking tycoon Hsu Ta-tung, was linked in street lore to Du Yuesheng, the boss of the city’s most powerful Triad, the Green Gang, which ran the drug trade, worked with Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang and massacred Communists. Wisely, both men decamped to Hong Kong before the Communist ‘liberation’ of Shanghai. Nobody ever suggested that Fan conducted herself with less than the utmost probity despite this colourful background. She later denounced the British and cultivated the image of a suburban Madame Mao, embracing a new role chosen for her by Beijing as head of the Legislative Council after 1997.

 

不时有不言而喻的约定被打破。

1996年，一个在大陆出生的黑帮分子张子强，绰号 "大款"，绑架了香港最富有的大亨李嘉诚的长子李泽钜。

大款敢于亲自到李氏王朝的沿海别墅去讨价还价，据说赎金超过1.2亿美元。

小报媒体对这次逃亡的每一个耸人听闻但未经证实的细节都很关注。

 

From time to time, unspoken pacts were broken. In 1996 a mainland-born gangster, Cheung Tze-keung, nicknamed ‘Big Spender’, kidnapped Victor Li Tzar-kuoi, the eldest son of Hong Kong’s richest tycoon, Li Ka-shing. Big Spender had the audacity to go in person to the Li dynasty’s coastal villa to bargain over a ransom reported to exceed US$120 million. The tabloid press hung on every sensational, if unconfirmed, detail of this escapade.

 

一年后，大手笔再次肆无忌惮地出手。

这一次，他的目标是郭炳湘，他是拥有新鸿基地产的三兄弟中最富有的一个，新鸿基地产是房地产开发商集团之一。

郭氏是处于社会顶层的都市人的缩影。

为什么，"他在总督官邸吃饭时叹息道，"这些本地政客必须对民主大惊小怪？难道他们没有意识到，如果他们举行示威，只会造成麻烦，惹恼中国政府？这对商业来说是不利的。

 

A year later, Big Spender struck again with reckless ease. This time his target was Walter Kwok, the eldest of three fabulously wealthy brothers who owned Sun Hung Kai Properties, one of the cartel of real estate developers. Kwok epitomised the urbane cosmopolitans at the top of society. ‘Why,’ he sighed over dinner at the governor’s residence, ‘do these local politicians have to make so much fuss about democracy? Don’t they realise that if they hold demonstrations that will just cause trouble and annoy the Chinese government? It will be bad for business.’

 

那次谈话后不到一年，郭德纲对法律和秩序的关注发生了个人变化。

大款的团伙在街上抢走了这位大亨，把他绑起来，打他，像动物一样把他关在狭窄的监狱里。

这一次，支付了超过6000万美元的赎金。

郭德纲获得了自由，但从未从他的折磨中恢复过来，他遭受了心理创伤，导致家族企业中的争斗，并在2018年死于中风之前打了一场羞辱性的官司，年仅68岁。

 

Less than a year after that conversation, Kwok’s concerns for law and order took a personal turn. Big Spender’s gang snatched the tycoon off the street, tied him up, beat him and kept him like an animal in cramped captivity. This time a ransom of more than US$60 million was paid. Kwok was set free but never recovered from his ordeal, suffering psychological trauma which led to a feud in the family business and a humiliating court case before his death from a stroke in 2018 at the age of sixty-eight.

 

据香港保安局局长叶刘淑仪说，这两起绑架案都没有向香港警方报告。

公众很快了解到，中国政府有其他方法来恢复法律和秩序，保护友好的大亨。

Neither kidnapping was reported to the Hong Kong police, according to Regina Ip, the secretary for security. The public soon learned that the Chinese government had other methods of restoring law and order and protecting friendly tycoons.

 

大款逃到了广东省，在那里他过着奢华的生活，受到贿赂的保护，直到警察逮捕了他和他的团伙的35名成员。

对他们的审判是迅速的。

供词已被提取，判决是为了起到警示作用。

大手笔以复古的风格退场。

电视画面显示，被判刑的人在被扔进一辆敞开的卡车后面，被扔到刑场上时，唱歌和大笑，喝得酩酊大醉，警卫在他们的脖子后面开了一枪，把他们每个人都杀了。

 

Big Spender fled to Guangdong province, where he lived lavishly, protected by bribes, until the police arrested him and thirty-five members of his gang. Their trial was swift. Confessions had been extracted and the verdicts were meant to be salutary. Big Spender bowed out in vintage style. Television pictures showed the condemned men singing and laughing, drunk on bottles of spirits, as they were thrown into the back of an open truck to the execution ground where guards killed each one of them with a shot to the back of the neck.

 

当晚，在据称是三合会领地的澳门，当新闻播出时，人们在阳台上欢呼和跳舞。

一些人曾担心大款和他的同伙拥有真正的民众追随者。

在大众媒体中，他有时被比作中国历史上一次又一次威胁到统治阶级的土匪叛乱者之一。

这是个夸张的说法。

事实证明，很少有人为他的结局感到悲哀。

三合会和他们的东道主社区存在于一种原始的自然状态中，而没有人喜欢寄生虫。

通过杀死大款，共产党恢复了权力的平衡。

香港、澳门和三角洲城市的有组织犯罪恢复了其低调、有利可图的节奏，与顺从的企业和腐败的警察联合起来。

但是，反抗、蔑视权威和激烈的地方特征的主题仍然困扰着党。

随着时间的推移，它们将凝聚成一种完全不同的挑战。

 

That night in Macau, supposedly a Triad fiefdom, people cheered and danced on their balconies when the news was broadcast. Some had feared that Big Spender and his ilk commanded a genuine popular following. In the mass media he was sometimes compared to one of the bandit rebels who, time and again in Chinese history, had threatened the ruling class. That was an exaggeration. It turned out that few mourned his end: Triads and their host communities existed in a state of raw nature, and nobody likes a parasite. By killing Big Spender, the Communist Party restored the balance of power. Organised crime in Hong Kong, Macau and the cities of the Delta resumed its low-key, profitable rhythm, in league with compliant businesses and corrupt policemen. But the themes of defiance, scorn for authority and fierce local identity remained to trouble the party. In time they would cohere into a wholly different kind of challenge.

 

20世纪90年代末，黎明的《苹果日报》是香港最畅销的报纸，它定期出版一个专栏，对九龙砵兰街附近由三百家小妓院组成的红灯区的妓女进行消费者评级，这些妓院都由当地帮派经营。

作者是一名自称是三合会成员的 "肥龙"，他显然是这些昏暗的楼梯间（由粉红色和黄色的霓虹灯照亮）和深夜食物摊位的常客，在那里满足地吃着面条，在报纸上标出赌注的赔率，而热雨则在帆布遮篷上嘶嘶作响。

来自中国北方和马来西亚的新女孩，午夜时分有很多选择，还有一个公平的妓院老板，"对一家机构的典型评论。

这个地方有一部新的色情电影，一个日本明星第一次脱掉衣服，露出她的阴毛，加上高大的俄罗斯和中国女孩在床上打斗，"作者兴奋地说，"所有的动作都非常逼真，我给它打了七十分。

你会喜欢它的。

 

In the late 1990s, Jimmy Lai’s Apple Daily, the best-selling newspaper in Hong Kong, published a regular column of consumer ratings of prostitutes in a red-light district of three hundred small brothels around Portland Street in Kowloon, all run by the local gangs. Its author, a self-admitted Triad member who went by the nom de plume of ‘Fat Dragon’, was clearly an habitué of their dim stairwells, lit by pink and yellow neon, and of the late-night food stalls where contented patrons wolfed down noodles and marked up the betting odds in their newspapers while the hot rain hissed on canvas awnings. ‘Fresh new girls from northern China and Malaysia, plenty to choose from around midnight and a fair brothel keeper,’ read a typical review of one establishment. ‘This place has a new porn movie with a Japanese star taking her clothes off for the first time to show her pubes, plus tall Russian and Chinese girls fighting in bed,’ enthused the writer, ‘all the action is highly realistic and I give it seventy out of a hundred. You’ll enjoy it.’

 

卖淫在香港并不违法，但拉皮条是违法的。

因此，在狭小的房间里有独身女子妓院的巧妙制度。

警方的扫黄小组和三合会展开了一场猫捉老鼠的游戏。

贿赂很普遍。

没有人能够想象，在这个昏暗的世界里，妇女是不受暴力和胁迫的。

她们存在于一个犯罪的培养皿中。

然而，《肥龙》的精辟论述，夹杂着对中国政府的暗讽，在香港最著名的民主报纸上找到了一个受欢迎的位置，并得到了其坚定的罗马天主教经营者的认可。

 

Prostitution was not illegal in Hong Kong, but pimping was. Hence the ingenious system of one-woman brothels in warrens of tiny rooms. The police vice squad and the Triads waged a cat-and-mouse game. Bribery was common. Nobody could imagine that women in this twilight world were free from violence and coercion. They existed in a Petri dish of criminality. Yet Fat Dragon’s pithy musings, mixed with dark sarcasm against the Chinese government, found a popular niche in Hong Kong’s most prominent pro-democracy newspaper with the approval of its staunch Roman Catholic proprietor.

 

肥龙是如此受欢迎，如此有艺术性，以至于他的散文被认为是不断发展的粤语的一个主要例子。

在1997年的一项研究中，学者秦万根将他对粗俗口语的使用定义为独立的语言发展模式。

在人民共和国，公民应该说普通话的共同语言，即普通话，作为方言国家的统一标志。

 

Chin认为，粤语不但没有消亡，反而成为身份和抵抗的象征，重新崛起。

肥龙在一个专栏中写道："如果我在1997年后得不到自由，我就在大屿山当游击队。

哈! 哈! 无论是否粗俗，它都具有深刻的政治意义。

 

Fat Dragon was so popular and so artful that his prose was recognised as a prime example of the evolving Cantonese language. In a 1997 study, the academic Chin Wan-kan defined his use of vulgar colloquial expressions as a model of separate linguistic development. In the People’s Republic, citizens were supposed to speak a Mandarin common tongue, Putonghua, as a badge of unity within a nation of dialects. Chin argued that far from dying away, Cantonese had become a resurgent symbol of identity and resistance. In one column, Fat Dragon wrote: ‘if I get no freedom after 1997, I’ll fight as a guerrilla on Lantau Island. Ha! Ha!’ Vulgar or not, it was profoundly political.

 

英国人直到1974年才允许使用中文作为官方语言，大概是基于这样的假设：中文可能会在他们的臣民中培养不受欢迎的凝聚力。

香港人用一种由知识分子在1930年代开发的标准化中文写作。

但他们传统上讲自己的语言，所以街道上响起了广东话、客家话、福建话、上海话和其他方言的声音。

在这些方言中，粤语占主导地位。

移交时，政府的数据显示，95.2%的人口能听懂粤语。

只有四分之一的人能够说普通话。

 

The British did not allow the use of Chinese as an official language until 1974, presumably on the assumption that it might foster unwelcome cohesion among their subjects. People in Hong Kong wrote in a form of standardised Chinese developed by intellectuals in the 1930s. But they traditionally spoke their own tongues, so the streets resounded to a babel of Cantonese, Hakka, Fukienese, Shanghainese and other dialects. Among these Cantonese predominated. At the time of the handover, government figures showed it was understood by 95.2 per cent of the population. Only a quarter could speak Putonghua.

 

一般来说，任何方言的识字者都能读懂标准汉语的文字。

书面粤语的出现开始改变这种情况，它使用当地发明的汉字来表达其独特的语法和词汇。

最早的例子包括一本民歌和十九世纪的《新约》译本。

它的受欢迎程度越来越高。

到20世纪90年代，新的书面粤语已经传播到歌剧、戏剧、流行歌词、漫画、广告和流行报纸。

中国大陆的经济和意识形态未能将其文化的正统性强加给香港人，"Chin写道。

'另一方面，粤语获得了地位。

 

In general, a literate speaker of any dialect can read a text in standard Chinese. The emergence of written Cantonese, which uses locally invented Chinese characters to convey its distinct grammar and vocabulary, began to change that. The earliest examples included a book of folk songs and a translation of the New Testament from the nineteenth century. Its popularity grew. By the 1990s, new written Cantonese had spread to opera, theatre, pop lyrics, comics, advertisements and popular newspapers. ‘The economy and ideology of mainland China have failed to impose their cultural orthodoxy on Hong Kong people,’ Chin wrote. ‘On the other hand, Cantonese has gained status.’

 

共产党官员认为粤语仅仅是一种南方方言。

他们下令从广州的广告牌上抹去粤语，并对张贴广告的香港广告公司进行罚款。

但他们无法阻止粤语在香港本土的复兴。

语言颠覆传播到受过良好教育的人所阅读的高级报纸中，传播到电视字幕中，传播到政府反对毒品和酒后驾驶的广告口号中。

星岛日报》通过使用正统文本中的粤语引言而做出了让步。

恒生银行针对日益壮大的中产阶级，毫不犹豫地在粤语广告中宣传其信用卡。

计算机的出现使作家们能够以美丽的图形风格创造新的字符，读者可以下载软件来更新他们的排版。

人们甚至借用英语单词并将其放入字符中。

他们创造了一种非官方的、活生生的语言，这种语言没有被学院标准化，没有被政府监管，也没有在学校里教授。

 

Communist Party officials viewed Cantonese as a mere southern dialect. They ordered a campaign to erase it from billboards in Guangzhou and fined the Hong Kong advertising agencies who had put them up. But they could not stop its renaissance in Hong Kong itself. Linguistic subversion spread into highbrow newspapers read by the well-educated, into television subtitles and into government advertising slogans against drugs and drunk driving. The daily Sing Tao conceded by using quotes in Cantonese set in an orthodox text. The Hang Seng Bank, which targeted the growing middle class, had no hesitation in pitching its credit cards in Cantonese advertisements. The advent of computers allowed writers to coin new characters in beautiful graphic style and readers could download software to update their typescript. People even borrowed English words and put them into characters. They created a demotic, living language that was not standardised by an academy, regulated by the government or taught in schools.

 

随着与中国业务的扩大和回归的临近，殖民当局推广了标准中文，但直到1997年后，这一政策才变成了政治需要。

据学者Chin说，中国政府很早就担心一种独立的语言可能会导致独立的思想。

香港的知识分子、出版商和作家似乎都同意，他们采用了独特的本地风格。

 

Chin引用了一句谚语："用竹子和丝绸写的，信息会传得很远，而且持续时间很长。

 

As business with China expanded and the handover drew near, the colonial authorities promoted standard Chinese, but it was not until after 1997 that the policy hardened into a political imperative. According to Chin, the academic, the Chinese government worried early on that a separate language might lead to separate ideas. Intellectuals, publishers and writers in Hong Kong seemed to agree as they adopted a distinctive local style. Chin cited a proverb: ‘written in bamboo and silk, the message will reach afar and last long.’

 

粤语和普通话之间的划分是一个古老的划分，将中国北方和南方分开。

在北京，所有语言上的不和谐似乎都是通往背叛的道路。

李登辉是台湾第一位民选领导人，当他在1996年用普通话和他的母语台湾话发表就职演说时，中国媒体对他大加挞伐。

这让他们想起了一个令人不快的事实：在1911年清朝灭亡之前，帝国中国一直是一个使用满语和汉语的双语国家。

共产党人也没有忘记，共和国的创始人孙中山曾在南京的议会中用粤语发表演讲。

 

The division between Cantonese and Mandarin was an ancient one separating north and south China. From Beijing, it appeared that all linguistic dissonance was a path to betrayal. The Chinese media tore into Lee Teng-hui, the first democratically elected leader of Taiwan, when he gave his inaugural speech in 1996 in both Mandarin and his native Taiwanese. It reminded them of the unpalatable truth that imperial China had been a bilingual state employing Manchu and Mandarin until the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. Nor did the Communists forget that Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the republic, delivered his speeches to its parliament at Nanjing in Cantonese.

 

因此，语言是统一者和反对者手中的武器。

香港人以一种和平的、完全没有计划的方式，开始了多元化的实验，对专制主义产生了消极的抵抗。

中国历史上从未允许人民有如此高的自由度，可以从帝国的书面语言形式中转移出来，并在大众媒体中传播，"Chin写道。

他指出，在中国的传统中，"文字代表着权力"。

这就是在中国统治下的城市中绽放的身份政治的一个来源。

 

Language, therefore, was a weapon in the hands of both unifiers and dissenters. In a peaceful and entirely unplanned way, Hong Kong’s people had embarked on an experiment in diversity which created passive resistance to absolutism. ‘Never in Chinese history have the people been allowed such a high degree of freedom to divert from the imperial form of the written language and have it spread in the mass media,’ Chin wrote. In Chinese tradition, he noted, ‘the word speaks to power’. Here lay one source of the identity politics which blossomed in the city under Chinese rule.

 

在深圳河对岸，两种文化面对面交流。

早年的深圳是粗糙的，一个渔村变成了一个大都市。

一个旅行者从干净整洁的罗湖火车站出来，就进入了小贩、劳工、移民、骗子和乞丐的喧嚣之中，所有这些都被一些无聊的警察所监视。

有一天，来自香港的游客看到一个穿着绿色军装的中年男子躺在人行道上，他的妻子和女儿撕扯着自己的头发，为他哀嚎。

几步之外，一家餐馆的顾客无视这一幕，宁愿看着一个服务员悠闲地割开一条蛇的喉咙，把它的血挤进午餐时的火锅里。

 

Across the Shenzhen River, the two cultures came face to face. In its early years Shenzhen was rough and ready, a fishing village mutating into a metropolis. A traveller crossing from the cleanliness and order of the Lo Wu railway station stepped out into a hubbub of vendors, labourers, migrants, hustlers and beggars, all watched by a few bored policemen. One day, visitors from Hong Kong saw a middle-aged man in green army uniform lying dead on a sidewalk with his wife and daughter tearing at their hair and wailing over him. A few paces away, patrons at a restaurant ignored the tableau, preferring to watch a waiter as he leisurely slit the throat of a snake and squeezed its blood into their lunchtime hotpot.

 

交通越来越混乱。

酒吧、桑拿和卡拉OK俱乐部如雨后春笋般出现，为来自香港的男人和来自中国各地的新移民服务。

人与人之间的交融使这个城市成为一块多语言的飞地。

粤语不是他们的通用语言，大多数新来的人互相说普通话，形成了他们自己的俚语和口语。

深圳把人们吸进了一个巨大的实验中，出现 "负面效应 "并不奇怪，因为年轻的男人和女人发现自己摆脱了家庭、村庄或工作单位的约束。

 

The traffic grew chaotic. Bars, saunas and karaoke clubs sprang up to serve the throngs of men from Hong Kong and new arrivals from all over China. The mingling of people made the city a polyglot enclave. Cantonese was not their lingua franca and most newcomers spoke Mandarin to each other, evolving their own slang and colloquialisms. Shenzhen sucked people in to a gigantic experiment and it was no surprise that there were ‘negative effects’ as young men and women found themselves free from the constraints of family, village or work unit.

 

在当代中国人对深圳生活的描述中，性占据了重要地位。

1989年，一份青年杂志发表了一份关于女性卖淫的调查报告，以震惊的语气叙述了年轻的工厂工人如何将性作为副业来出售。

深圳经过九年的奋斗，吸引了全国人民的目光，当然，毫无疑问，党的改革开放政策是正确的，"它谨慎地开始说，"但西方开放和放纵的性观念正在影响着这个经济特区，比如 "性自由 "和 "性解放 "的思想潮流。

作者指出，在旧社会，妇女经常被 "逼入卖淫的火坑"。

革命已经废除了这种罪恶，但现在大多数从事这一行业的年轻妇女是 "为了追求享受和锦上添花"。

深圳警方在12个月内逮捕了280名妓女，发现只有一个是本地女孩，其他大多数来自中国东北的工业锈蚀带，"寻找让世界运转的金钱，满足她们的虚荣心和消费欲望，把自己打扮得漂漂亮亮，购买项链，享受美食。

 

Sex figured prominently in contemporary Chinese accounts of life in Shenzhen. In 1989 a youth magazine published an investigation of female prostitution, recounting in shocked tones how young factory workers sold sex as a sideline. ‘Shenzhen has attracted the attention of the whole country after nine years of struggle and of course there is no doubt that the party’s reform and opening up policy is correct,’ it cautiously began, ‘but open and indulgent Western ideas on sex are impacting the special economic zone, such as the ideological trends of “sexual freedom” and “sexual liberation”.’ The writer pointed out that in the old society, women had often been ‘forced into the fire of prostitution’. The revolution had abolished such evils but now the majority of young women who engaged in the trade did so ‘in pursuit of enjoyment and the icing on the cake’. The Shenzhen police arrested 280 prostitutes in one twelve-month period, finding that only one was a local girl and most of the others came from the industrial rustbelt of northeast China ‘in search of money that makes the world go round, to satisfy their vanity and their urge for consumption, dressing up to the nines, buying necklaces and enjoying delicacies’.

 

作者采访了几个从事这一行业的女孩。

来自上海的蒋某，"一个身材苗条的女孩，有一头卷曲的黑发和一张漂亮的白脸"，她把自己租给一个来自香港的男人，在他不在的时候招待别人。

被捕时，她被发现有一本银行存折，显示她存了2万元，这在当时是一笔巨款，她宣称 "男人给我钱，我卖身，我们合作愉快，没有人受伤。

 

The author interviewed several girls in the trade. Jiang Mou, from Shanghai, ‘a slender girl with curly black hair and a pretty white face’, rented herself out to a man from Hong Kong and entertained others while he was away. When arrested, she was found with a bank passbook showing she had saved 20,000 yuan, a huge sum for the time, and she declared that ‘the man paid me, I sell my body, we have a happy co-operation and nobody is hurt.’

 

一个叫李的女孩认为自己是个企业家，她放弃了在上海的新闻学习，在深圳赚了足够的钱，"以实现我的夙愿，去远方旅行"。

在过去的12个月里，李某为200多名男子提供服务，包括香港商人、本地推销员、司机、承包商和服务员。

 

A girl called Li saw herself as an entrepreneur, having abandoned journalism studies in Shanghai to make enough money in Shenzhen ‘to realise my long-cherished wishes and travel far away’. Li had serviced more than two hundred men in the previous twelve months, including Hong Kong businessmen, local salesmen, drivers, contractors and waiters.

 

第三个女孩彩凤在审判中证实了使一些人选择卖淫的严酷计算方法。

由于厌恶工厂的低工资和条件，她选择卖身，并告诉法庭 "解一次裤子总比工作半年要好"。

但她的客户包括 "水手、搬运工、流氓和当地流氓"，她知道其中一些人有性病。

 

A third girl, Caifeng, testified at her trial to the harsh calculations that made some choose prostitution. Disgusted with poor pay and conditions in a factory, she opted to sell sex instead, telling the court ‘unbuttoning your pants once is better than going to work for half a year’. But her clients included ‘sailors, porters, rogues and local ruffians’, some of whom, she knew, had venereal diseases.

 

在整个时期，中国大陆的媒体将香港视为道德污染的来源。

在20世纪90年代末，它估计有10万名来自香港和澳门的男子在珠江三角洲包养情妇，并声称有5万名儿童在没有法律文件的情况下非婚生子女，剥夺了他们的教育或医疗服务。

沿着深圳河北岸，整个 "二奶 "村都在成长，居住着集装箱卡车司机、白领工人、工厂经理和商业主管的妻妾。

她们中的大多数人都是中年人，她们一觉醒来，发现自己的青春已经逝去......但是随着深圳和香港的联合，她们突然发现，金钱可以为她们带来新鲜的东西，比如年轻的身体和情欲的刺激，"一个说法说。

 

Throughout the period, mainland Chinese media identified Hong Kong as a source of moral contamination. In the late 1990s, it estimated that 100,000 men from Hong Kong and Macau kept mistresses in the Pearl River Delta, claiming that 50,000 children had been born out of wedlock with no legal documents, denying them education or health care. Whole villages of ‘second wives’ grew up along the north bank of the Shenzhen River, inhabited by the concubines of container truck drivers, white-collar workers, factory managers and business executives. ‘Most of them are middle aged, they have woken up to find that their youth is gone … but as Shenzhen and Hong Kong unite, they suddenly discovered that money can get them fresh things like youthful bodies and erotic stimuli,’ said one account.

 

经济活动的蓬勃发展、跨境贸易和大量人口的流入，在深圳创造了一个独特的实验室。

严肃的学者和政治家认为，除了粗糙、粗俗和贪婪之外，它为中国提供了新的东西。

 

The boom in economic activity, cross-border trade and huge inflows of people created a unique laboratory in Shenzhen. Serious scholars and politicians believed that beyond coarseness, vulgarity and greed, it offered China something new.

 

学者广志刚写道："香港和深圳只隔着一座桥，西方文化的不断涌入，引发了两种完全不同的文化在这里的碰撞、渗透和融合。

当然，这位作家警告中国读者，"严肃、优雅的文学和艺术 "在香港得到的支持很少，人文和社会科学的价值被低估了，几乎没有什么高雅的文化。

另一方面，香港的电影和杂志'提倡性放纵，用谋杀、打斗、淫秽、封建主义和低级趣味刺激观众的感官'，损害了年轻人的心理健康。

他说："香港文化中的这些毒素已经严重扩散到深圳......1997年后问题可能会更加严重。

令人遗憾的是，深圳人迷恋外国品牌，给他们的孩子取 "西方 "名字，而香港的学生说英语多于普通话，对中国历史或地理知之甚少，缺乏 "对祖国的认同和归属感"。

‘Hong Kong and Shenzhen are separated only by a bridge,’ wrote scholar Guang Zhigang, ‘the continuous influx of Western culture has triggered the collision, infiltration and integration of two totally different cultures here.’ Naturally, the writer warned Chinese readers that ‘serious, elegant literature and art’ got scant support in Hong Kong, the humanities and social sciences were undervalued and there was little highbrow culture. On the other hand its films and magazines ‘promoted sexual indulgence and stimulated the audience’s senses with murder, fighting, obscenity, feudalism and low taste’, damaging young people’s mental health. ‘These toxins in Hong Kong’s culture have seriously spread to Shenzhen … the problem is likely to grow more serious after 1997,’ he said. It was lamentable that people in Shenzhen were obsessed with foreign brands and gave their children ‘Western’ names, while students in Hong Kong spoke more English than Mandarin, knew little of Chinese history or geography and lacked ‘a sense of identity and belonging to their motherland’.

 

但耐人寻味的是，阿光的分析并不局限于剧本中的谴责。

这是一个中国作家将深思熟虑的信息掩盖在顺从之中的典型案例。

正如他所解释的，只看到 "香港的电影、电视连续剧和大众报纸中黄色的、粗俗的东西 "是 "简单而片面的理解"。

轻度管制使香港文化'充满生机和活力'，虽然官方对电影和电视有审查，但基本政策是让竞争来调节市场。

'理论家和艺术家一般都能自由写作或创作，他们享有更大的学术民主和创作自由，使他们有更大的空间发挥自己的所有才能。

在商业竞争的推动下，新闻自由被认为是香港大众媒体的基本原则。

 

But there was, intriguingly, more to Guang’s analysis than the scripted denunciation. It was a classic case of a Chinese writer cloaking a thoughtful message in conformity. As he explained, it was ‘a simple and one-sided understanding’ to see only the ‘yellow, vulgar things in Hong Kong’s films, television serials and popular papers’. Light regulation made Hong Kong culture ‘full of vitality and vigour’ and while there was official censorship of film and television, the basic policy was to let competition regulate the market. ‘Theorists and artists are generally free to write or create, they enjoy greater academic democracy and creative freedom, giving them greater scope for all their talents.’ Freedom of the press, driven by commercial competition, was recognised as a fundamental principle of the mass media in Hong Kong.

 

阿光承认，自由是 "现代企业文化 "的关键，这种文化为深圳的经济注入了活力，并通过基于道德、员工责任、诚信、效率和强调质量和信息的管理制度，"改变了人们的精神面貌"。

这也许是香港文化对深圳最大和最有益的影响，"他说。

殖民地的法治也有很多值得学习的地方："多年来，用法律来约束自己，依靠法律来保护自己的意识已经深深扎根于香港人的心中，成为他们的生活方式。

 

Guang acknowledged that freedom was key to the ‘modern enterprise culture’ which had dynamised the economy of Shenzhen and was ‘changing people’s spiritual outlook’ with a management system based on ethics, staff responsibility, integrity, efficiency and an emphasis on quality and information. ‘This is perhaps the biggest and most beneficial influence of Hong Kong culture on Shenzhen,’ he stated. There was also much to learn from the colony’s rule of law: ‘Over the years the sense of using the law to restrain oneself and relying on the law to protect oneself has been deeply rooted in the hearts of Hong Kong people and has become their way of life.’

 

这就是中国思想中的自由主义倾向，在今天的威权时代几乎看不到。

它不仅认识到光启的价值观，而且敢于论证个人和经济自由可以在深圳这样的试验基地发展成民主政治。

这是2003年至2010年深圳副市长张思平的观点："深圳是第一个接触到......香港的核心价值和生活方式的地方，如法律自由、民主、多元文化、廉洁政府、诚信和透明。

随着特区的日益富裕，其社会 "将不可避免地要求在社会、政治和文化方面做出相应的改变"。

他说，深圳是公民政治参与、基层民主、更好地理解法律和公民意识的先驱。

虽然补充说 "这个过程充满了困难和曲折，许多努力被放弃了"，但张晓明还是认为深圳在促进中国社会转型和治理体系现代化方面的作用是 "不可估量的"。

 

Such was the liberal strain in Chinese thinking, all but invisible in today’s authoritarian era. It not only recognised the values outlined by Guang but dared to argue that personal and economic liberty could develop into democratic politics in a testbed like Shenzhen. This was the view of Zhang Siping, the city’s vice mayor from 2003 to 2010: ‘Shenzhen was the first to contact … the core values and lifestyle of Hong Kong, such as legal freedom, democracy, multiculturalism, clean government, integrity and transparency.’ As the zone grew richer, its society ‘will inevitably demand corresponding changes in social, political and cultural aspects’. Shenzhen was a pioneer of citizen political participation, grassroots democracy, better understanding of the law and civic consciousness, he said. While adding that ‘this process is full of difficulties and twists and turns, and many efforts have been abandoned’, Zhang none the less believed that Shenzhen’s role in promoting China’s social transformation and modernising its system of governance was ‘immeasurable’.

 

葡萄牙殖民地澳门横亘在珠江三角洲，沉浸在被翻滚的骰子声打破的遐想中。

历史的浪潮已经冲刷了它。

在第二次世界大战中，澳门是一个中立的避风港，躲过了对香港的破坏，但却未能利用战后的繁荣。

它是一个遗迹。

严肃的教堂矗立在其防御工事内；一些殖民时期的住宅，所有的空气和灰泥，装饰在海滨；而一个繁华的中国城市笼罩着其余的过去。

澳门有一项资产。

赌博是合法的。

成群结队的赌徒来自被禁止赌博的中国，而来自香港，那里唯一允许的赌注是赛马会举办的赛马，渡轮把那些渴望机会的人带到水面上。

在澳门，赌场日夜都在老虎机的喧嚣声中回荡，赌台的呼叫声和中国顾客的低语声交织在一起，否则他们会沉默不语，甚至发现幸运之轮对他们来说太过反复无常。

大亨、黑社会和腐败的官场的自然秩序以现金流为生。

 

The Portuguese colony of Macau lay across the Pearl River Delta, sunk in a reverie broken by the clatter of tumbling dice. The tides of history had washed past it. A neutral haven in the Second World War, escaping the destruction visited on Hong Kong, Macau had failed to capitalise on the post-war boom. It was a relic. Sombre churches stood within its fortifications; a few colonial residences, all airiness and stucco, adorned the seafront; and a bustling Chinese city enveloped the rest of the past. Macau had one asset. Gambling was legal. Crowds of punters came from China, where it was banned, while from Hong Kong, where the only bets allowed were on horse races run by the Jockey Club, ferries brought over the water those thirsty for chance. In Macau casinos resonated day and night to the din of slot machines, the calls of the croupiers and the murmurs exchanged whenever the Chinese clientele, otherwise grimly silent, found fortune’s wheel too capricious even for them. A natural order of tycoons, the underworld and corrupt officialdom fed on the cash flow.

 

对于安东尼奥-萨拉扎的葡萄牙独裁政权来说，澳门是其正在瓦解的帝国中一个被遗忘的前哨。

该政权一直专注于非洲战争，直到1966年底，澳门爆发了一场关于教育的争端，当时天主教和共产党的学校是分开的。

当地的毛泽东主义者受到中国境内红卫兵运动的启发，发起了一场暴力运动，这一次他们正确地将目标称为 "法西斯"。

警察无法应对挑战，商人阶级畏缩不前，政府屈服了，接受了事实上的中国权力，以换取军事和海军封锁来阻止红卫兵的入侵。

此后，里斯本的独裁政权只行使了名义上的控制权，直到1974年春天被一场左翼政变推翻。

新的葡萄牙政府承认中国的主权，一年后撤出其最后的军队，并提出在1978年移交该殖民地。

但是，由于在中国没有大使馆，它被束缚住了，同时，在北京的邮局分拣室里，外交信函有时会丢失，这也是一种适当的戏谑。

 

For the Portuguese dictatorship of António Salazar, Macau had been a forgotten outpost of its disintegrating empire. The regime was preoccupied by African wars until late in 1966, when a dispute broke out in Macau over education, which was segregated between Catholic and Communist schools. Local Maoists, inspired by the Red Guard movement inside China, launched a violent campaign, for once correctly labelling their targets as ‘fascists’. The police were unequal to the challenge, the merchant classes quailed and the government gave in, accepting de facto Chinese authority in exchange for a military and naval blockade to stop a Red Guard invasion. After that the dictatorship in Lisbon exercised only nominal control until it was overthrown by a left-wing coup in the spring of 1974. The new Portuguese government recognised Chinese sovereignty, withdrew its last troops a year later and offered to hand over the colony in 1978. But it was hamstrung by the lack of an embassy in China while, with a suitable touch of operetta, diplomatic communications were sometimes lost in the post office sorting room in Beijing.

 

1979年，一位年轻的外交官João de Deus Ramos飞往北京，重开葡萄牙代表团。

他用英语与外交部长黄华互致问候；拜访了苏联大使，后者向他详细解释了为什么他不应该对中国人抱有任何期望；并在英国大使馆与珀西-柯利達爵士爵士共进晚餐，后者回顾了他们两国最古老的联盟，并警告他不要落入陷阱，以为几个月后他就了解中国的一切。

 

In 1979 a young diplomat, João de Deus Ramos, flew to Beijing to reopen the Portuguese mission. He exchanged courtesies in English with the foreign minister, Huang Hua; called on the Soviet ambassador, who gave him a long and lugubrious explanation of why he should expect nothing from the Chinese; and dined at the British embassy with Sir Percy Cradock, who recalled that their two countries enjoyed their oldest alliance and warned him not to fall into the trap of thinking he understood everything about China after a few months.

 

拉莫斯忍受着外交官在北京熟悉的命运，与人民隔绝，仅限于与官员的仪式性接触，并被迫通过官方媒体的版面解读政治和政策。

但这使他成为少数几个对中国有经验的葡萄牙外交官之一。

1985年，拉马略-埃内斯总统对北京的访问带来了突破性进展，他被任命为澳门移交谈判小组成员。

他的负责人是一位大使，他交给下属一本由美国国家安全委员会的理查德-所罗门撰写的关于中国谈判行为的手册，该手册由兰德公司出版。

鉴于葡萄牙自1557年以来一直统治着澳门，大约比美国独立早两个世纪，这证明萨拉扎尔时代留给其行政阶层的只有孤立。

 

Ramos endured the familiar lot of diplomats in Beijing, being isolated from the people, confined to ritual contacts with officials and forced to decipher politics and policy through the pages of the official media. But it made him one of the few Portuguese diplomats with experience of China. When a visit by President Ramalho Eanes to Beijing in 1985 led to a breakthrough, he was appointed to the team negotiating the handover of Macau. The chief, an ambassador, handed his subordinates a handbook on Chinese negotiating behaviour written by Richard Solomon of the US National Security Council and published by the Rand Corporation. Given that Portugal had ruled Macau since 1557, some two centuries before American independence, this was proof that the Salazar years had bequeathed to its administrative class little but isolation.

 

尽管他们处于劣势，但在1986年6月开始谈判时，葡萄牙人还是打出了一手好牌。

他们的王牌是，他们没有最后期限。

从形式上看，葡萄牙永久持有澳门；它没有像英国在香港新界那样面临租赁期满的断头台。

中国方面的压力是要在领导层的时间表内达成协议。

他们希望在1997年与香港同时夺回澳门。

葡萄牙人恢复了他们的自尊，拒绝了。

 

Despite their disadvantages, the Portuguese played a weak hand well when talks opened in June 1986. Their trump card was that they had no deadline. Formally, Portugal held Macau in perpetuity; it did not face the guillotine of an expiring lease as Britain did in Hong Kong’s New Territories. The pressure was on the Chinese side to achieve an agreement within the leadership’s timetable. They wanted to take back Macau at the same time as Hong Kong in 1997. The Portuguese, recovering their pride, said no.

 

接下来是一场熟悉的一轮又一轮的耐力测试。

抽着烟的周南主持了近500个小时的谈判，他被阻力吓了一跳，因为他曾向他的主人保证过这将是一帆风顺的。

中国人也许低估了他们的对手，希望在1987年10月的党的第十三次代表大会之前结束谈判。

据拉莫斯说，在葡萄牙方面，有些人认为谈判只是把中国的原始建议翻译成更好的版本而已。

他想，"急什么呢？A familiar round-after-round endurance test followed. Almost five hundred hours of negotiation were presided over by the chain-smoking Zhou Nan, who was taken aback by the resistance, having assured his masters it would be plain sailing. The Chinese, perhaps underestimating their opponents, wanted to wrap up the talks before the thirteenth party congress in October 1987. On the Portuguese side, according to Ramos, some thought the negotiations were just a matter of handing over a better translated version of China’s original proposals. ‘What’s the rush?’ he thought.

 

事实证明，按兵不动是个好策略。

葡萄牙渴望在新世纪之前一直保留这个城市；而中国则发誓要在那之前将其收回。

面对一个自我设定的最后期限，中国人在两个关键点上达成了妥协。

澳门将于1999年回归祖国，比香港晚两年。

中国承认大约五分之一人口持有的葡萄牙护照，这实际上打破了中国拒绝承认双重国籍的做法。

对葡萄牙人来说，这是他们的协议和英国的解决方案之间的一个根本区别。

 

Holding out proved to be a good strategy. Portugal yearned to hang on to the city until the new century; China had vowed to take it back before then. Faced with a self-imposed deadline, the Chinese reached a compromise on two key points. Macau would return to the motherland in 1999, two years after Hong Kong. And China recognised the Portuguese passports held by about a fifth of the population, in effect breaking its practice of refusing to acknowledge dual nationality. To the Portuguese this was a fundamental distinction between their agreement and the British settlement.

 

1987年4月13日签署的《联合声明》保证了澳门的权利和自由，允许其资本主义经济继续发展，并建立了一个由亲中国的精英阶层主导的政治制度。

在接下来的12年里，葡萄牙人以断断续续的技巧进行了撤退。

他们利用天安门大屠杀后中国的政治弱点，为基础设施项目赢得更好的条件。

一个新的机场建在填海的土地上，在1999年开放时为当地出口商提供了一条直接通往世界市场的货运路线。

 

The Joint Declaration signed on 13 April 1987 guaranteed Macau rights and freedoms, allowed its capitalist economy to continue and set up a political system dominated by the pro-China elite. Over the next twelve years the Portuguese conducted their retreat with intermittent skill. They took advantage of China’s political weakness after the Tiananmen Square massacre to win better terms for infrastructure projects. A new airport was built on reclaimed land, providing local exporters with a direct freight route to world markets when it opened in 1999.

 

葡萄牙人将澳门的赌场业留给了其垄断性的大亨何鸿燊，并试图不参与14K和水坊三合会之间因赌博和卖淫而爆发的地盘战争。

新任政府的一个早期优先事项是打破何鸿燊的垄断，允许外国投资者进入。

到2020年，澳门有超过40家赌场，赌博业几乎占国内生产总值的一半。

这里有一种卡萨布兰卡的味道，有大包小包的现金，有躲躲闪闪的警察，有吃拿卡要的官员，有四处游荡的骗子。

偶尔会有一具尸体出现，因为盗贼们闹翻了。

移交后，中国安全部队打击了这些团伙，并试图阻止腐败资金的流动，逮捕了逃亡的官员。

胡锦涛本人经受住了商业挑战，与王朝斗争，享受了四次婚姻，在香港安详地死去，享年九十八岁。

 

The Portuguese left Macau’s casino industry to its monopolistic tycoon, Stanley Ho, and tried to stay out of a turf war which broke out between the 14K and Shui Fong Triads over its gambling and prostitution rackets. An early priority for the incoming administration was to break Ho’s monopoly and allow in foreign investors. By 2020 Macau had more than forty casinos and gambling contributed almost half of gross domestic product. It had a whiff of Casablanca with bags of cash, dodgy policemen, officials on the take and crooks on the prowl. Occasionally a dead body turned up when the thieves fell out. After the handover, the Chinese security forces stamped on the gangs and tried to staunch the flow of corrupt money, arresting fugitive officials. Ho himself weathered the commercial challenge, fought dynastic battles and enjoyed four marriages, dying peacefully in Hong Kong at the age of ninety-eight.

 

澳门的公民活动家认为，与英国人在香港采取的措施相比，葡萄牙人在建立民主社会方面做得很少。

最后一任总督Vasco Rocha Viera中将在里斯本安静地退休了。

一个著名的商业王朝的子孙Edmund Ho Hau Wah，被中国任命为第一任地方行政长官。

2004年，何厚铧以近百分之九十九的票数被委员会再次选中。

他还担任了澳门高尔夫球协会的主席。

 

Macau’s civic activists felt that the Portuguese had done little to build up a democratic society in comparison with the steps taken by the British in Hong Kong. The last governor, Lieutenant-General Vasco Rocha Viera, went into quiet retirement in Lisbon. Edmund Ho Hau Wah, scion of a prominent business dynasty, was appointed by China to take over as the first local chief executive. Ho was re-elected by committee in 2004 with almost ninety-nine per cent of the vote. He also served as president of the Macau Golf Association.

 

对于葡萄牙人的撤离，有一种忧郁的气氛。

尽管交接顺利，但学术界和官员们在后来的日子里争论不休，葡萄牙分裂的联盟和训练有素的外交官队伍是否削弱了其与中国政府谈判的能力。

事实上，当萨拉查独裁政权在1966年向毛泽东主义者交出权力时，这张通行证就已经被卖掉了，因为在这样的退却之后，没有人能够收复失地。

曾经是大国的国家以不同的方式处理衰退问题。

对葡萄牙来说，未来在于一个现代化的伊比利亚半岛，它是欧洲的一部分，同时关注葡语国家大家庭，包括巴西和安哥拉，那里有2.7亿人使用葡萄牙的语言。

当前总理安东尼奥-古特雷斯在北京的支持下于2017年就任联合国第九任秘书长时，它的中国遗产产生了一种外交上的甜蜜。

 

There was an air of melancholy about the Portuguese withdrawal. Despite the smooth handover, academics and officials debated in later years whether Portugal’s fractious coalitions and its poorly trained cadre of diplomats had weakened its hand in negotiating with the Chinese government. In truth, the pass had been sold when the Salazar dictatorship surrendered its authority to the Maoists in 1966, for there was no regaining lost ground after such a retreat. Nations that were once great powers deal with decline in different ways. For Portugal, the future lay in a modernised Iberian peninsula that was part of Europe, keeping one eye on the family of Lusophone countries, including Brazil and Angola, where 270 million people spoke its tongue. Its Chinese legacy yielded one diplomatic sweet when the former prime minister António Guterres, with Beijing’s support, took office in 2017 as the ninth secretary-general of the United Nations.

 

在香港，这几年是蝗虫吃人的年代，但蝗虫长得很肥。

钱从与中国的贸易中流入这个城市。

从九龙往北到广州的火车上挤满了商业人士。

当装有空调的火车车厢驶过铁丝网，穿过鸭子塘和村里的寺庙，在日夜冒烟的建筑工地和工厂中，第一次来的人总是有一种兴奋的期待。

旅行者听到了芬兰计算机专家、法国超市买家或尼日利亚商人用手机进行热烈的讨价还价的声音--虽然看起来很神奇，但手机在边境两边都能使用。

中国已经以老手无法想象的方式开放了。

 

In Hong Kong, these were the years that the locust ate, but the locust grew very fat. Money flowed into the city from trade with China. The trains north from Kowloon to Guangzhou were packed with business people. There was always an air of excited anticipation for first-timers as the air-conditioned rail carriages rolled past the barbed wire fence and through a landscape where duck ponds and village temples remained amid construction sites and factories that billowed smoke night and day. The traveller overheard the tones of Finnish computer geeks, French supermarket buyers or a Nigerian trader engaged in lively bargaining on his mobile phone – which, miraculous though it seemed, worked on both sides of the border. China had opened up in ways unimaginable to the old hands.

 

游客可以毫不拖延地在香港获得商务签证，第二天就可以在深圳或珠海进行交易。

外国人在珠江三角洲的城市定居，其规模在人们的记忆中是前所未见的。

中国取消了层层官僚机构，简化了任何想把钱带进来、把货物运出去或从与贸易有关的法律、物流和金融服务中获利的人的程序。

香港把自己变成了一台机器，使这一切都运转起来。

1998年，当新机场在大屿山附近的一块填海地上启用时，它在经历了一开始的技术故障后，确立了自己作为世界领先航空枢纽之一的地位。

中国加入世界贸易组织后，该城市获得了新的利益。

随着中国出口经济进入高速发展阶段，海上交通不断增长。

酒店、餐馆和商店都因人流而兴旺起来。

银行和金融业蓬勃发展。

对于任何对机会和风险有兴趣的人来说，这些年是令人振奋的。

 

Visitors could get a business visa in Hong Kong without delay and be trading in Shenzhen or Zhuhai the next day. Foreigners settled in the cities of the Pearl River Delta on a scale unseen in living memory. China abolished layers of bureaucracy and streamlined procedures for anyone wanting to bring money in, ship goods out or profit from the legal, logistical and financial services associated with trade. Hong Kong turned itself into a machine that made it all work. When the new airport opened on a reclaimed site off Lantau Island in 1998, it established itself after a start marred by technical hitches as one of the world’s leading aviation hubs. The city reaped fresh benefits from China’s entry to the World Trade Organisation. Sea traffic grew as the Chinese export economy moved into high gear. Hotels, restaurants and shops all prospered thanks to the flow of people. Banking and finance boomed. These were heady years for anyone with an appetite for opportunity and risk.

 

最重要的是，人们有一种稳定感，并对有关中国统治的可怕预言没有成真感到欣慰。

在北京，江泽民和朱镕基的政权一直掌权到新千年。

它唯一的挑战来自于一个名为法轮功的精神团体。

1999年，法轮功被安全机构镇压，在一次无声的和平抗议活动包围了中南海的领导机构后，被打成 "邪教"。

在香港的街道上可以看到其被驱逐的信徒，他们挥舞着标语牌和小册子，指控江泽民的滔天罪行。

警察并没有逮捕他们。

香港的政治陷入了沉寂。

立法机构由被任命的人控制，而董建华则表现出一种适合这个时代的温和平静的气质。

有一次，他召见了好斗的反对派立法会议员刘慧卿。

他说："艾米丽，艾米丽，"他好像在纠正一个犯错的孩子，"不要说得太多。

 

Above all there reigned a sense of stability, mingled with relief that the dire predictions about Chinese rule had not come true. In Beijing, the regime of Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji held power into the new millennium. Its only challenge came from a spiritual group named Falun Gong, which was crushed by the security apparatus in 1999 and branded as ‘an evil cult’ after a silent, peaceful protest encircled the leadership compound at Zhongnanhai. Its banished adherents could be seen in the streets of Hong Kong, waving placards and pamphlets accusing Jiang of monstrous crimes. The police did not arrest them. Politics in Hong Kong fell into a lull. The legislature was controlled by appointees, while Tung Chee-hwa affected an air of avuncular serenity which suited the temper of the times. On one occasion he summoned the feisty opposition lawmaker Emily Lau. ‘Emily, Emily,’ he said, as if correcting an errant child, ‘don’t talk too much.’

 

在媒体领域，顺应潮流的压力是隐性的。

尽管《南华早报》的日发行量仅略高于10万份，但由于其高额的广告收入，包括在分类页面的主导地位，它是世界上最赚钱的报纸之一。

南华早报的老板，马来西亚华裔大亨郭伯雄，在说服员工和读者相信南华早报是一个可靠的新闻来源的同时，也很想不与中国政府作对。

编辑乔纳森-芬比（Jonathan Fenby）在这些相互冲突的愿望之间起到了缓冲的作用。

他回忆起一个定期的 "周一下午的游戏"，当时他被传唤到行政楼层，被告知 "郭先生又开始不高兴了"，因为直言不讳的刘慧卿的每周专栏，他说必须取消。

当曾在伦敦编辑《观察家报》的芬比说如果该专栏被取消，他也会被取消时，管理层不可避免地退缩了。

 

In the media, pressure to conform came by stealth. Despite a daily circulation of only a little above 100,000, the South China Morning Post was one of the most profitable newspapers on earth thanks to its high advertising revenue, including dominance in classified pages. Its proprietor, the Malaysian-Chinese magnate Robert Kuok, while persuading the staff and the readers that the Post was a credible source of news, was keen at the same time not to antagonise Beijing. The editor, Jonathan Fenby, acted as the buffer between these contending aspirations. He recalled a regular ‘Monday afternoon charade’ when he would be summoned to the executive floor to be told that ‘Mr Kuok’s most unhappy again’ about the weekly column by the outspoken Emily Lau, which he said must be dropped. Inevitably the management backed down when Fenby, who had edited The Observer in London, said that if the column went, he did too.

 

然后，编辑被告知，他的老板认为 "编辑部需要更多关于在中国如何工作的知识和指导"。

一位来自北京的年长的前宣传官员来到办公室，满足了这一需求，他的职责是模糊的。

在舰队街的新闻室战争中留下了一些伤痕的芬比，接受了这个挑战。

这个插班生被安排在一个新的玻璃办公室里，他的电脑被切断了与编辑系统的联系，他既没有被邀请参加日常会议，也没有得到新闻清单。

最后，他就像来时一样不慌不忙地消失了。

 

The editor was then informed that his proprietor thought that ‘editorial needs more knowledge and guidance about how things work in China’. The need was fulfilled by the arrival in the office of an urbane, elderly former propaganda official from Beijing, whose duties were vague. Fenby, who had acquired a few scars in the newsroom wars of Fleet Street, was equal to the challenge. The interloper was placed with due deference in a new glass office, his computer was cut off from the editing system and he was neither invited to daily conferences nor given the news list. Eventually he vanished with as little fuss as he had arrived.

 

这样的策略只能拖延不可避免的事情。

芬比于1999年离开该报。

一年后，该报著名的中国问题分析家林伟立辞职，因为郭文贵说他的报道充满了暗示和歪曲。

其他员工也纷纷离职。

来自中国北方的天才记者王向伟曾在英国广播公司工作，受雇于芬比，他在新闻编辑部中崭露头角，并于2012年成为总编辑。

王向伟还担任过中国人民政治协商会议的代表，该机构的存在是为了验证党的决定，显然他对当时的政治更加适应。

 

Such tactics could only delay the inevitable. Fenby left the newspaper in 1999. A year later its renowned China analyst, Willy Wo-lop Lam, resigned after Kuok said his coverage was marked by innuendo and distortion. Other staff also departed. A talented journalist from north China, Wang Xiangwei, who had worked for the BBC and was hired under Fenby, emerged as a power in the newsroom and became editor-in-chief in 2012. Wang, who also served as a delegate to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a body which existed to validate party decisions, was evidently more attuned to the politics of the day.

 

保持平静符合中国的利益。

政府的注意力被其成功加入世贸组织所消耗，这要求它重新设计国家，减轻对工人和行业的冲击。

现在，共产党把目光投向了另一个奖项。

它想主办2008年奥运会，它认为这是标志中国重返世界舞台的一个重要途径。

 

It was in China’s interests for calm to prevail. The government’s attention was consumed by its triumphant entry into the WTO, which required it to re-engineer the state and to mitigate the shock effects on workers and industries. Now the Communist Party had its eyes on a further prize. It wanted to host the 2008 Olympic Games, an event it saw as a prestigious way to mark China’s return to the world stage.

 

在必须保持香港公众舆论的情况下，该党愿意遏制自己的人民。

在解决一个早期的问题时，它准备进行干预：香港永久居民在大陆出生的孩子在该市定居的权利问题。

他们大多是跨境工作的香港男子的后代，他们的数量引起了人们对超过150万人口涌入的担忧，这将使医院、住房和学校面临压力。

1999年，终审法院作出两项判决，支持他们在香港的居留权，媒体对此大加挞伐，报道说内地孕妇占据了许多产床，以致本地准妈妈找不到床位。

本地工人开始感到不安：从1997年到2002年，经济平均每年只增长1.6%，而80年代的繁荣时期平均增长7.6%。

与祖国统一的成果分布不均，并非所有人都能看到。

 

The party was willing to curb its own people when it had to keep public opinion in Hong Kong on side. Its readiness to intervene was demonstrated in the resolution of one early problem: the right of children born on the mainland to permanent residents of Hong Kong to settle in the city. Mostly the offspring of Hong Kong men working across the border, their numbers raised fears of an influx of more than one and a half million people that would strain hospitals, housing and schools. In 1999, when the Court of Final Appeal handed down two judgments upholding their right of abode in Hong Kong, there was an outcry in the media, which reported tales of pregnant mainlanders occupying so many maternity beds that local mothers-to-be were unable to find a bed. Local workers began to feel uneasy: from 1997 to 2002 the economy grew by an average of only 1.6 per cent a year compared with the boom years of the eighties when it averaged 7.6 per cent. The fruits of reunifying with the motherland were unequally spread and not obvious to all.

 

董建华向北京的领导人提出了他的担忧。

作为回应，全国人民代表大会常务委员会否决了终审法院的判决。

它利用其权力重新解释了《基本法》--在这种情况下，第23条和第24条--恢复了来自中国大陆的人必须有本国政府的许可才能进入香港的规定。

就这样，危机缓解了。

这项裁决开创了一个先例，使宪政律师和民主政治家感到困惑，他们认为，如果法律是错误的，就应该加以修改，而不是任意审查。

但是，由于普遍的宽慰，这个问题未能在香港公众中得到重视。

 

Tung Chee-hwa raised his concerns with the leadership in Beijing. In response, the standing committee of the National People’s Congress overruled the Court of Final Appeal. It did so using its powers to reinterpret the Basic Law – in this case, Articles 23 and 24 – restoring the rule that people from mainland China must have a permit from their own government to enter Hong Kong. With that, the crisis ebbed. The ruling set a precedent which vexed constitutional lawyers and democratic politicians, who argued that if the law was wrong it should be amended rather than be subject to arbitrary review. But, such was the widespread relief, the issue failed to gain traction among the Hong Kong public.

 

香港的治理看起来是一个稳定的模式。

但实际上，董建华已经开始改变其工作方式了。

在亲切的外表下，董建华和他的公务员主管陈方安生之间的分歧越来越大。

陈方安生是殖民时期任人唯贤的产物。

她认为，公务员应该在政治上保持中立，凭能力晋升，并忠于从西方行政系统继承的核心标准。

董建华是一个遵守不同价值观的中国家长。

他把和谐看得比辩论更重要，并倾向于达成共识，也就是顺从。

香港是中国的一部分，它必须接受一套新的规则。

 

The governance of Hong Kong looked like a model of stability. In reality, Tung was beginning to make changes to the way it worked. Behind a cordial façade, disagreements were growing between Tung and his head of the civil service, Anson Chan. The chief secretary was a product of the colonial meritocracy. She believed that civil servants should be politically neutral, promoted by ability and loyal to core standards inherited from Western systems of administration. Tung was a Chinese patriarch who observed different values. He prized harmony over debate and favoured consensus, by which he meant obedience. Hong Kong was part of China and it had to accept a new set of rules.

 

当同情北京的人被安排在影响政府政策的咨询委员会网络中时，新秩序就开始了。

行政长官收到了来自这些有名望的人的电话，他们寻求一个展示其爱国资格的名额。

他倾向于采取阻力最小的路线，从而惹恼了陈，她感到有压力要接纳这些求援者进入政府圈子。

 

The new order began when people sympathetic to Beijing were placed inside a web of advisory committees which influenced government policies. The chief executive received a stream of phone calls from such worthies seeking a slot to showcase their patriotic credentials. He tended to take the line of least resistance, thereby annoying Chan, who felt pressure to admit these supplicants to the circle of government.

 

陈和她那些曾在英国人手下工作的同事对正在发生的事情不抱幻想。

共产党已经渗透到了政府的硬实力部门、警察和移民局等纪律部门、反腐败独立委员会和保安司部门。

现在轮到了整个官僚行政部门。

 

Chan and her colleagues who had served under the British had no illusions about what was happening. The Communist Party had already infiltrated the hard power sectors of government, the disciplined services such as the police and the immigration department, the Independent Commission against Corruption and the department of the secretary for security. Now it was the turn of the bureaucratic administration as a whole.

 

董建华在自己的办公室里安排了一些顾问，他们对新路线的忠诚度是有保证的。

在任何政治体系中，这些都是正常的举措，但行政长官决定将可靠性测试扩大到公共行政部门的各个层面。

他的计划享有 "主要官员责任制 "这一平淡的名称。

迄今为止，由职业公务员担任的最高职位变成了由政治任命者直接向董建华汇报的部长类职位。

任何被任命为此类职位的官僚都将离开公务员队伍，由其自行决定以合同形式聘用。

这是一场大笔一挥的革命；结束了由常任官员组成的政府，而引入了由领导人恩准的统治。

 

Tung installed advisers in his own office whose fidelity to the new line was assured. These were normal moves in any political system, but the chief executive decided to extend the test of reliability down the ranks of the public administration. His scheme enjoyed the bland title of the Principal Officials Accountability System. The top jobs, hitherto held by career civil servants, became ministerial-type posts held by political appointees reporting directly to Tung. Any bureaucrat appointed to such a post would leave the civil service to be employed on contract at his discretion. It was revolution at the stroke of a pen; the end of government by permanent officials and the introduction of rule by favour and preferment in the gift of the leader.

 

陈方安生认为此举将使公务员制度失去其中立性和问责制。

它将缺乏制约和平衡。

聪明的年轻官员如果不能获得高薪的高级职位--其中一些职位的年薪超过50万美元--他们的职业前景将变得暗淡。

她并不反对用从私营部门挑选的人才来充实队伍，但她反对雇用那些不适合工作的人的趋势，因为他们愿意服从中联办或港澳办的任何中国官员的命令。

 

Anson Chan felt the move would cost the civil service its neutrality and accountability. It would lack checks and balances. Bright young officials would see their career prospects dimmed if they could not aspire to the well-paid top posts – some of which came with salaries of more than half a million US dollars a year. She was not against salting the ranks with talent picked from the private sector but she resisted the trend towards hiring people who were not up to the job, merely because of their readiness to comply with whatever Chinese officials in the Liaison Office or the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office ordained for the day.

 

她和董建华并没有争吵。

行政长官会听，他只是不喜欢争吵。

一条误解的鸿沟将他们两个人分割开来。

她说，董建华想要的制度从根本上说是有缺陷的，因为它将使公务员队伍政治化。

她要么不理解，要么选择不承认，从他的角度来看，这完全是问题所在。

这不是为了追求卓越，而是为了服从。

在董建华看来，这才是香港新中国的本质。

 

She and Tung did not quarrel. The chief executive would listen; he was merely impervious to argument. A chasm of misunderstanding divided the two of them. Chan said that the system Tung wanted was fundamentally flawed because it would politicise the civil service. She either failed to appreciate or chose not to acknowledge that from his perspective this was entirely the point. It was not about excellence but conformity. That, in Tung’s view, was the essence of the new Chinese-ness of Hong Kong.

 

陈氏花了一年时间，试图说服董建华放弃他的公务员计划。

当她发现自己失败后，这位长期任职的布政司决定退休，比原计划提前一年。

作为香港最受欢迎和最受尊敬的公众人物之一，陈方安没有再在政府中扮演任何角色。

她对2002年生效的董建华计划的影响的预测是正确的。

 

Chan spent a year trying to talk Tung out of his plans for the civil service. When it was clear that she had failed, the long-serving chief secretary decided to retire, a year earlier than planned. At one point the most popular and respected public figure in Hong Kong, Chan did not play a role in government again. She was correct in anticipating the effects of the Tung plan, which took effect in 2002.

 

董建华的新政府被他称为开放、开明和进步的政府，是一个充满野心、任人唯亲和能力水平值得商榷的混合体。

政府中充满了行政长官的朋友和顺从行政长官意愿的临时人员。

一些人是精心挑选的局外人，如可靠的学者、香港中文大学副校长李国章（Arthur Li），他在后来的几年里，在校园爆发时忠实地支持政府的路线。

其他人，如财政司司长曾荫权，退出了公务员队伍，开始像政治家一样行事。

工业家唐英年是共产党的终身朋友，他担任商务秘书。

律师梁爱诗在担任司法部长时表现出预测董建华意愿的才能。

负责纪律部门的叶劉淑儀在提出国家安全立法方面发挥了主要作用。

新秩序的一切似乎都是公平的，直到2003年的灾难性一年。

 

Tung’s new government, which he called open, enlightened and progressive, was a mixed bag of ambition, cronyism and debatable levels of competence. It was packed with friends of the chief executive and placeholders obedient to his wishes. Some were hand-picked outsiders, such as the reliable academic Arthur Li, vice-chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, who would faithfully support the government line when the campuses erupted in later years. Others, like the financial secretary Donald Tsang, withdrew from the civil service and began to act like politicians. The industrialist Henry Tang, a lifelong friend of the Communist Party, was secretary for commerce. The lawyer Elsie Leung showed a talent for anticipating Tung’s wishes in her role as secretary for justice. Regina Ip, in charge of the disciplined services, was to play the main role in bringing forward legislation on national security. Everything seemed set fair for the new order – until the calamitous year of 2003.

 

2002年深秋，中国南方拥挤的城市开始流传一种神秘疾病的谣言。

他们谈到一种可怕的肺炎菌株，具有高度传染性。

11月16日，佛山市出现了第一个已知病例。

病人是一名35岁的男子，名叫黄新初，因发烧和呼吸困难而被送入医院。

在他死之前，他感染了七名医务人员。

佛山是一个典型的工业城市，在中国以外几乎不为人所知，但是有200多万人居住。

它是铁路和公路网络的交界处。

不久之后，广东省的六个城市都有病例报告。

 

In the late autumn of 2002, rumours began to circulate about a mysterious illness in the crowded cities of southern China. They spoke of a frightening strain of pneumonia which was highly contagious. The first known case was seen in the city of Foshan on 16 November. The patient was a thirty-five-year-old man, Huang Xinchu, who was admitted to hospital suffering from fever and breathing difficulties. Before he died, he infected seven medical staff. Foshan was a typical industrial conurbation, barely known outside China, but home to more than two million people. It was a junction for rail and road networks. Before long, cases were reported in six cities across Guangdong province.

 

中国媒体对此只字未提。

这并没有阻止恐慌的蔓延，因为家庭从亲戚、朋友和工作伙伴那里得知了这种致命的疾病。

一名驻广州（地区首府）的外国外交官从她的一名工作人员那里听到了一个低声的故事，她说有几十个人在市立医院死亡，但是疫情被保密了。

她的线人说，当地政府不想减缓经济增长，也不想让社会稳定受到威胁。

医务人员因 "散布谣言 "而被威胁要受到严厉惩罚。

Not a word appeared in the Chinese media. That did not stop the spread of panic as families learned of the deadly sickness from relatives, friends and workmates. A foreign diplomat in Guangzhou, the regional capital, heard a whispered story from one of her staff, who said dozens of people were dying in the city hospitals but the outbreak was being kept secret. Her informant said the local government did not want to slow economic growth or put social stability at risk. Medical staff had been threatened with severe punishment for ‘spreading rumours’.

 

居民们急忙囤积干粮和家庭主食。

人们交换了传统药方，如加了醋的热汤。

这促使当地报纸于2003年1月3日首次刊登了负责该省8000万人口福祉的卫生当局的消息。

他们说，没有流行病，只是随着年关到来的常见疾病。

这是一个迷雾重重的时代，是中国南部沿海地区潮湿而低沉的季节，随着数百万人在中国农历新年前的几周内迁移到各地与家人团聚，感冒和流感经常出现。

虽然它被称为春节，但农历意味着新的一年往往是在寒冷的深处。

2003年的羊年始于2月1日，一个星期六。

 

Residents rushed to stock up on dried food and household staples. People exchanged recipes for traditional medicinal remedies, such as hot soups laced with vinegar. That prompted the first publication in the local papers on 3 January 2003 of a message from the health authorities, who were responsible for the wellbeing of the province’s 80 million people. There was no epidemic, they said, merely the usual ills that came with the turn of the year. It was a time of mists, a damp and lowering season on the South China coast when colds and flu regularly blossomed as millions of people migrated across the land to reunite with their families in the weeks before the Chinese lunar new year. Although it was called the spring festival, the lunar calendar meant that the new year often fell in the depths of the chill. In 2003 the Year of the Goat began on 1 February, a Saturday.

 

这五个星期的官方掩盖被证明是决定性的。

农民工和商务旅行者离开广东，前往中国的四个角落和其他地方。

1月下旬，省内报纸上出现了当局的第二个消息。

它承认，上个月爆发了一种病毒，但它得到了控制，有一种有效的治疗方法，群众不应感到恐慌。

 

Those five weeks of the official cover-up proved decisive. Migrant workers and business travellers left Guangdong for the four corners of China and beyond. In late January, a second message from the authorities appeared in the provincial press. There had been an outbreak of a virus over the last month, it conceded, but it was under control, there was an effective treatment and the masses should not panic.

 

2月10日，世界卫生组织北京办事处收到一封电子邮件，描述一种 "奇怪的传染病"，在一周的时间里，广东省 "已经有一百多人死亡"。

作者描述了 "一种 "恐慌 "的态度，目前，人们正在清空他们认为可能保护他们的任何药品库存。

 

On 10 February, the office of the World Health Organisation in Beijing received an email message describing a ‘strange contagious disease’ that had ‘already left more than one hundred people dead’ in Guangdong province in the space of one week. The writer described ‘a “panic” attitude, currently, where people are emptying pharmaceutical stocks of any medicine they think may protect them’.

 

消息传出后。

第二天早上，当地政府官员在广州召开了一个新闻发布会。

他们承认爆发了一种被称为严重急性呼吸系统综合症的疾病，简称SARS。

他们再次坚称疾病得到了控制，没有理由恐慌。

 

The news was out. The very next morning, local government officials convened a press conference in Guangzhou. They admitted there had been an outbreak of an illness dubbed severe acute respiratory syndrome, which was shortened to SARS. Once again they insisted it was under control and there was no cause for panic.

 

这并没有满足当地记者的好奇心。

从香港派来的电视记者加入了他们，他们并不害怕报复。

当天晚些时候，他们向公共卫生局局长黄庆涛提出了一连串的问题。

在压力下，黄庆涛宣读了六个城市的病例清单。

广州有两百多人。

有一百多名医务工作者感染了病毒。

它已经蔓延到深圳，那里每天有数千人往返于香港。

一位记者问，为什么现在才公布？黄之锋蹩脚地回答说，非典型肺炎并不在法定报告的传染病之列。

尽管如此，中国卫生部于2月14日正式通知世卫组织，疫情与非典型肺炎一致，并重复说疫情已得到控制。

世卫组织不以为然，将其全球流感实验室网络置于警戒状态。

 

This did not satisfy the curiosity of local journalists. They were joined by television reporters sent up from Hong Kong, who were not scared of reprisals. Later that day they subjected the director of public health, Huang Qingtao, to a barrage of questions. Under pressure, Huang read out a list of cases in the six cities. There were more than two hundred in Guangzhou. Over a hundred medical workers had caught the virus. And it had spread to Shenzhen, where thousands commuted every day to and from Hong Kong. Why had this only been published now, a reporter asked? Huang replied lamely that atypical pneumonia was not on the list of infectious diseases subject to statutory reporting. None the less, the Chinese ministry of health formally informed the WHO on 14 February that the outbreak was consistent with atypical pneumonia, repeating that it was under control. The WHO, unconvinced, put its global influenza laboratory network on alert.

 

一个知道真相的人是一位杰出的医生刘建伦教授，他在广州中山医院监督对SARS病人的护理。

64岁的刘建伦在中国南方的医学界地位很高，这种地位使他有特权接触到政府认为是国家机密的病理报告。

几个星期以来，他一直在观察这种新的肺炎菌株有多大的传染性。

证据就在他眼前，在中山医院，他的病人以令人恐惧的速度在医务人员中传播感染。

第一个人，一个卖海鲜的小贩，在48小时内感染了其他95个人。

一名儿童将病毒传给了五名医务人员，包括一名医生和一名救护车司机，他们都死了。

刘教授自己也开始出现感冒和流感的症状。

然后，鉴于他的职业责任，他做了一件令人费解的事情。

2月21日上午，刘教授在广州登上了一架蓝白相间的中国南方航空公司波音737飞机，飞往香港，45分钟后抵达世界上最繁忙的国际机场之一。

 

One man who knew the truth was a distinguished doctor, Professor Liu Jianlun, who was supervising the care of SARS patients at the Zhongshan Hospital in Guangzhou. At sixty-four, Liu ranked high in the medical hierarchy in southern China, a status which gave him privileged access to pathology reports that the government considered to be state secrets. For weeks he had observed how contagious this new strain of pneumonia was. The evidence lay before his eyes in Zhongshan Hospital, where his patients spread infections among the medical staff with frightening speed. The first, a seafood vendor, infected ninety-five other people within forty-eight hours. A child passed the virus on to five medical workers, including a doctor and an ambulance driver who both died. Professor Liu himself began to develop symptoms of cold and flu. Then he did something which, given his professional responsibility, remains inexplicable. On the morning of 21 February, Liu boarded a blue-and-white China Southern Airlines Boeing 737 at Guangzhou for the flight to Hong Kong, arriving forty-five minutes later at one of the busiest international airports in the world.

 

这位教授即将成为这个城市的 "零号病人"。

当他下飞机时，已经出现了高烧和咳嗽的不适，搭上了前往九龙的出租车，入住了大都会酒店的911房间。

但刘晓明有一个家庭婚礼要参加，不想取消他的行程。

他还知道，他的上级强调需要表明，在党的指导下，一切都很正常。

 

The professor was about to become the city’s ‘patient zero’. He was already unwell with a high fever and a cough when he disembarked from his aircraft, caught a taxi to Kowloon and checked into room 911 at the Metropole Hotel. But Liu had a family wedding to attend and did not wish to cancel his trip. He was also aware that his superiors had emphasised the need to show that under the party’s guidance everything was normal.

 

在等待前往九楼的电梯时，刘晓明一直在咳嗽。

病毒是由唾液和空气中的飞沫携带的。

它可能留在电梯按钮和门把手上，传播给任何接触过它们的人。

他和半打同伴一起乘坐电梯。

当天下午，他觉得自己很强壮，可以和他的姐夫（一个住在香港的五十三岁的男人）一起出去在拥挤的旺角区购物。

 

Liu was coughing as he waited for the lift to the ninth floor. The virus was carried by saliva and droplets in the air. It might remain on lift buttons and door handles, spreading to anyone who touched them. He shared the lift with half a dozen fellow guests. That afternoon he felt strong enough to go out shopping in the packed district of Mongkok with his brother-in-law, a man of fifty-three who lived in Hong Kong.

 

第二天醒来时，刘先生感到非常不适，于是他去了附近的广华医院。

起初，工作人员认为他们面对的是一个标准的肺炎病例。

他们对中国境内发生的事情知之甚少。

柳传志警告工作人员，他的传染性很强，要求戴上口罩，并被关进一个双密封门的隔离室。

在临终前，他告诉了医生一切。

他们被吓了一跳，急忙采取了隔离措施，但对于感染病毒的77名医院工作人员来说，为时已晚。

刘晓明于3月4日去世。

 

Liu awoke the next day feeling so ill that he went to the nearby Kwong Wah hospital. At first the staff thought they were dealing with a standard case of pneumonia. They knew little of what was happening inside China. Liu warned the staff that he was highly contagious, asked for a mask and was put in an isolation room behind a double-sealed door. On his deathbed, he told the doctors everything. Stunned, they hastily instituted isolation measures, too late for seventy-seven hospital staff who contracted the virus. Liu died on 4 March.

 

在他短暂停留在大都会酒店期间，刘将SARS病毒传播给了七到十二位客人。

一名26岁的当地男子曾到过大都会酒店的九楼，被送入威尔士亲王医院，在医院的工作人员中传播了他的疾病。

更糟糕的事情还在后面。

在受感染的客人中，有一位来自多伦多的七十八岁的妇女，她在死前将病毒传给了她的家人。

一位年轻妇女将病毒带到了新加坡，一位华裔美国商人Johnny Chen将病毒带到了越南。

该商人感染了在河内法国医院治疗他的工作人员，包括世界卫生组织的Carlo Urbani博士。

该医生对这种不寻常的疾病感到吃惊，并担心它可能是一种禽流感，或称鸟类流感，他向世卫组织总部发出警告，后者提高了警戒状态。

陈和乌尔巴尼医生都死了。

刘教授的姐夫也是如此，他曾与刘教授一起外出购物。

这位中国医生获得了 "超级传播者 "的墓志铭，是医学史上最有效的疾病传播者之一。

 

In his short stay at the Metropole Hotel, Liu had spread the SARS virus to between seven and twelve guests. A local man aged twenty-six, who had visited the ninth floor of the Metropole, was admitted to the Prince of Wales Hospital, spreading his illness among its staff. Worse was to come. Among the infected guests was a woman of seventy-eight from Toronto, who passed the virus on to her family before dying. A young woman carried it to Singapore and a Chinese-American businessman, Johnny Chen, brought it to Vietnam. The businessman infected staff treating him at the French Hospital in Hanoi, including Dr Carlo Urbani of the WHO. Taken aback by the unusual illness and concerned it might be a form of avian influenza, or bird flu, the doctor warned WHO headquarters, which raised its state of alert. Both Chen and Dr Urbani died. So did Professor Liu’s brother-in-law, who had gone out shopping with him. The Chinese doctor earned the epitaph of a ‘super-spreader’, one of the most efficient carriers of disease in medical history.

 

疫情给香港带来了一种奇怪的安静。

著名的文华酒店以低廉的价格提供房间，但只吸引了少数的客人。

夜总会区沉寂下来，空荡荡的出租车在中环游弋，学校关闭，人们呆在家里。

政府征用了一个度假营，对淘大花园的居民进行隔离，该屋区的一组病例被证明是由一个有问题的污水管泄漏人类粪便造成的，而这些粪便携带病毒。

一个绝望的年轻人李泰在营地外等待，希望能见到他的女朋友。

他说："中国人可能非常迷信，他们中的许多人会觉得自己是被抛弃的。

 

The epidemic brought a strange hush to Hong Kong. The fabled Mandarin Hotel offered rooms at a pittance but attracted only a handful of guests. The nightclub districts fell silent, empty taxis cruised Central, schools closed and people stayed at home. The government commandeered a holiday camp to quarantine residents from Amoy Gardens, a housing estate where a cluster of cases turned out to have been caused by a faulty sewage pipe leaking human faeces, which carried the virus. A forlorn young man, Li Tai, waited outside the camp in the hope of seeing his girlfriend. ‘Chinese people can be very superstitious and many of them will feel they are outcasts,’ he said.

 

疫情爆发后，香港有1,755人受到感染，299人死亡。

疫情结束后，立法会的一个专门委员会批评当局没有做好准备，与公众沟通不畅。

卫生、福利和食物局局长杨永强博士和医院管理局主席梁智鸿博士都辞职了。

 

The outbreak infected 1,755 people in Hong Kong and killed 299. When it was over, a select committee of the Legislative Council criticised the authorities for their lack of readiness and poor communication with the public. The secretary for health, welfare and food, Dr Yeoh Eng-kiong, and the chairman of the Hospital Authority, Dr Leong Che-hung, both resigned.

 

香港中文大学的李瑞洪教授在一篇论文中分析了这些缺点："最初，医疗和卫生人员的口罩和防护服严重短缺，他们受到疾病的严重打击。

当时缺乏关于病毒如何传播的信息，这使得病毒难以控制。

由于沟通不足，社会上出现了恐慌，削弱了公众的合作和支持，"Lee说。

香港没有这样的传染病医院。

由于普通医院的病房不是为这些疾病的病人设计的，医护人员的风险成为一个严重问题。

据Lee称，近四百名医疗、护理和辅助人员患上了SARS，其中八人死亡，包括四名医生。

 

The shortcomings were analysed in a paper by Professor Lee Shui Hung of the Chinese University of Hong Kong: ‘Initially there was an acute shortage of masks and protective clothing for the medical and health personnel, who were hard hit by the disease.’ There was a lack of information about how the virus spread, which made it hard to control. ‘Because of inadequate communication, panic developed in the community and weakened cooperation and support from the public,’ Lee reported. Hong Kong had no infectious-disease hospital as such. Since the wards of the general hospitals were not designed for patients with these diseases, the risk to healthcare staff became a serious issue. According to Lee, almost four hundred medical, nursing and ancillary staff developed SARS and eight of them died, including four doctors.

 

一个多世纪以来，大流行病从中国南方的拥挤省份中涌现出来。

1957年的亚洲流感和1968年的香港流感都被追溯到其稻田和鸡舍。

科学家们仍然在争论1918年的流感大流行是否是从这里开始的，这次大流行造成七千万人死亡，比第一次世界大战还要多。

2003年5月，研究人员宣布，他们在蒙面果子狸和浣熊犬这两种在活体市场上出售的野生动物身上发现了一种类似SARS的病毒。

怀疑的焦点集中在果子狸身上，这是一种凶猛的、毛发褴褛的野兽，鼻子有一层粉红色的粘膜。

基因测试证明，从市场上的果子狸身上提取的病毒样本与人类病毒之间有99.8%的相关性。

此外，研究人员还发现一只患病的果子狸猫与广东两名受感染的卫生工作者之间有直接联系。

他们不知道病毒是如何从动物跳到人类的 "物种屏障 "上的，但有一个强烈的怀疑，那就是病毒从野生动物通过免疫系统较弱的家禽传给猪，然后再传给人类。

任何普通人都可以通过访问中国南部的市场来发现一个可能的感染链。

它们是病毒学家的恶梦。

 

For more than a century, pandemics had sprung out of the crowded provinces of south China. The Asian flu of 1957 and the Hong Kong flu of 1968 were both traced to its paddyfields and chicken coops. Scientists still debate whether the flu pandemic of 1918, which killed seventy million people, more than the First World War, started there. In May 2003 researchers announced that they had found a SARS-like virus in the masked palm civet and the raccoon dog, two wild animals sold in live markets. Suspicions focused on the civet cat, a fierce, ragged-furred beast with a pink mucous membrane for a nose. Genetic tests proved that there was a 99.8 per cent correlation between virus samples taken from civets in markets and the human virus. In addition, the researchers found a direct link between a sick civet cat and two health workers infected in Guangdong. They did not know how the virus had jumped the ‘species barrier’ from animals to humans but there was a strong suspicion that it passed from wildlife via poultry, which had weak immune systems, to pigs and then to humans. Any layman could spot a probable chain of infection by visiting the markets of southern China. They were a virologist’s nightmare.

 

疫情爆发时，广州是一个新的全球贸易中心。

制造商和买家蜂拥而至参加其贸易展览会，交通堵塞爬过摩天大楼的酒店，夜总会跳动到黎明。

每天有四百个航班将这个大都市与世界相连。

中国加入世贸组织后，推动了其向现代化的急速发展。

 

When the epidemic broke out Guangzhou was a new hub of global trade. Manufacturers and buyers flocked to its trade fairs, traffic jams crawled past skyscraper hotels and nightclubs pulsated until dawn. Four hundred flights a day connected the metropolis to the world. China’s entry to the WTO had propelled its headlong rush to modernity.

 

离中心几英里远的地方是旧中国，还没有被钢铁和光纤净化。

活体动物市场是一个散发着恶臭的破烂，属于另一个时代。

一队队赤手空拳的屠夫将狗、猪和牛的尸体蒸熟并剥皮。

血液、皮肤和内脏被印在泥土中，与鸭子和鸡的粪便混合在一起，这些鸭子和鸡被关在一个又一个的笼子里，数以千计。

广东顾客希望他们的肉是新鲜的，许多人亲自来购买当天的供应。

人群在摊位之间的肮脏小道上踯躅不前，争先恐后，大声讨价还价。

中国政府经常开展公共卫生运动，反对随地吐痰、咳嗽和打喷嚏而不遮盖脸部的习惯；但似乎没有什么效果，因为在市场的小巷里，人的唾液与成堆的垃圾和被丢弃的动物器官一起凝固。

政府有一大批一流的科学家，他们定期发出警告，要求清理市场，但不知何故，他们的信息总是在收受贿赂的官场丛林中丢失。

 

A few miles from the centre was the old China, yet to be sanitised by steel and fibre optics. The live animal market was a reeking shambles that belonged to another age. Teams of bare-handed slaughterers steamed and skinned the carcasses of dogs, pigs and cows. Blood, skin and offal were stamped into the mud, mixing with the droppings of ducks and chickens confined by the thousand in cages stacked one upon another. Cantonese customers expected their meat to be fresh and many came in person to buy the day’s supply. The crowds tramped through filthy lanes between stalls, jostling and bargaining at the top of their voices. The Chinese authorities ran frequent public health campaigns against habits like spitting, coughing and sneezing without covering the face; to little avail, it seemed, as pools of human saliva congealed alongside heaps of rubbish and discarded animal parts in the market alleys. The government had legions of first-rate scientists who issued regular warnings about the need to clean up the markets, but somehow their message always got lost in the thickets of bribe-taking officialdom.

 

一旦科学家证明野生动物与人类SARS病毒之间存在联系，共产党的机构就开始行动起来。

包括果子狸在内的野生动物的销售被禁止了。

中国和香港之间的边境检查得到了加强。

机场安装了温度检查。

虽然全球各地继续出现病例，但病毒在其来源地的传播速度放缓，然后减弱。

世卫组织最终于7月5日宣布疫情得到控制。

 

Once scientists proved there was a link between wild animals and the human SARS virus, the Communist Party apparatus swung into gear. A ban on the sale of wild animals, including civets, was imposed. Border checks between China and Hong Kong were intensified. Airports installed temperature checks. While cases continued to appear around the globe, the virus slowed, then ebbed, in its place of origin. The WHO finally declared the epidemic contained on 5 July.

 

在中国，公众的报复程度不同寻常。

这场疾病是对刚刚接任领导人的胡锦涛的一次早期考验。

他解雇了卫生部长张文康和北京市长孟学农，两人都淡化了SARS的严重性。

新市长是一位名叫王岐山的新星，他关闭了学校，并在首都实行严格的检疫规定，以控制病毒。

政治局警告省级官员今后不要掩盖疫情，否则将受到 "严厉惩罚"。

 

Inside China, there was an unusual level of public retribution. The disease was an early test for Hu Jintao, who had just taken over as leader. He sacked the minister of health, Zhang Wenkang, and the mayor of Beijing, Meng Xuenong, both of whom had played down the severity of SARS. The new mayor, a rising star named Wang Qishan, shut schools and imposed strict quarantine rules in the capital to bring the virus under control. The Politburo warned provincial officials not to cover up outbreaks in future on pain of ‘severe punishment’.

 

中国政府甚至为没有向世卫组织通报情况而道歉，这是一种时尚。

即便如此，它的专制反射还是根深蒂固。

世卫组织的官方时间表显示，其第一个专家小组于2月抵达，但被禁止与中央政府以外的任何人合作。

一个月后，中国才要求提供技术和实验室支持。

直到3月17日，世卫组织才提供一份关于广东疫情的报告，而且只是简短的报告。

世卫组织的第二个专门小组在北京等待了近两星期，才获准前往南方。

该组织的专家被禁止访问北京的军事医院，那里的疾病很猖獗。

当他们最终获准进入时，他们没有被授权报告他们的发现。

 

The Chinese government even apologised, after a fashion, for not keeping the WHO informed. Even so, its authoritarian reflexes were ingrained. The official WHO timeline records that its first team of experts arrived in February but were forbidden to work with anyone outside the central government. It was a month before China asked for technical and laboratory support. It did not provide a report on the Guangdong outbreak until 17 March, and that was only in brief. A second specialised WHO team were kept waiting in Beijing for almost a fortnight before getting permission to go to the south. The organisation’s experts were barred from visiting military hospitals in Beijing, where the illness was rife. When they finally gained admittance they were not authorised to report their findings.

 

所有这一切都直接来自安全国家的剧本。

只是由于世卫组织总干事挪威的格罗-哈莱姆-布伦特兰（Gro Harlem Brundtland）的政治支持，该组织在中国的团队才得以采取强有力的立场，她的任期已接近尾声，因此不受中国压力的影响。

如果学到了教训，它们一定被埋藏在日内瓦的世卫组织档案中。

 

All of this came straight from the security state playbook. It was only due to political backing from the WHO director-general, Gro Harlem Brundtland of Norway, who was near the end of her term and thus immune to Chinese pressure, that the organisation’s team in China were able to take a robust stance. If lessons were learned, they must have been buried in the WHO’s archives in Geneva.

 

事后看来，令人瞩目的是，变化甚微。

对野生动物销售的禁令在8月被悄悄地放弃了。

世卫组织大胆地称此举 "为时过早"，其一些专家敦促应彻底、永久地关闭这些市场。

但该组织正小心翼翼地保持与政府的关系，避免冲突。

该组织在中国的团队负责人朱莉-霍尔（Julie Hall）承认，食用野生动物是一种 "根深蒂固的文化"，关闭市场只会使这种贸易转入地下。

这是一个合理的观点。

然而，到了年底，一切照旧，2003年12月，在广州新源批发市场的游客可以看到疫情发生前的那种血腥的肮脏景象。

 

In hindsight, it was remarkable that so little changed. The ban on wildlife sales was quietly abandoned in August. The WHO ventured to call the move ‘premature’ and some of its experts urged that the markets should be shut down completely and for good. But the organisation was treading carefully to keep its relations with the government intact and to avoid conflict. Its team leader in China, Julie Hall, acknowledged that eating wildlife was ‘heavily embedded culturally’ and that closing down the markets would simply drive the trade underground. It was a fair point. By the end of the year, however, it was business as usual, and in December 2003 a visitor to the Xinyuan wholesale market in Guangzhou could witness the same bloody squalor that existed before the epidemic.

 

在新源市场的七种动物中发现了这种病毒--果子狸猫、浣熊犬、中国雪獾、猕猴、果蝠、蛇和野猪。

这些动物的唾液、尿液、眼泪和粪便中都含有病毒，当这些动物在等待的老饕们饥饿的目光中被杀死并开膛破肚时，所有这些都混杂在一起。

果子狸和其他携带病毒的动物仍然被堆放在笼子里。

一堆排泄物、皮毛、羽毛和液体在栅栏上涂上了一层有毒的外壳。

黑白相间的大猫用爪子抓着孤零零的笼子里的栅栏，在被拖出来殴打致死或被塞进麻袋时，它们不停地挣扎和吐口水。

这是一个有利可图的交易。

一只三公斤重的猫大约需要180元人民币，或者大约20美元。

买家解释说："冬天吃火锅非常好。

 

The virus was found in seven types of animal in the Xinyuan market – the civet cats, raccoon dogs, Chinese ferret badgers, macaques, fruit bats, snakes and wild pigs. These animals shed the virus in saliva, urine, tears and faeces, all of which mingled as the creatures were killed and gutted before the hungry eyes of waiting gourmets. The civets and other virus-carrying creatures were still stacked in cages. A cascade of excrement, fur, feathers and fluids coated the bars with a toxic crust. Large black and white cats clawed at the bars of their solitary cages, thrashing and spitting as they were hauled out to be bashed to death or stuffed into sacks. It was a profitable trade. A three-kilo cat cost about 180 yuan, or about twenty US dollars. ‘Very good for winter hotpot,’ its buyer explained.

 

一些家庭住在他们的牲畜旁边的简单房子里。

孩子们在沼泽地里玩耍，当大人们把动物拉出来，当场割断它们的喉咙，或者用锤子敲打它们时，他们毫不在意。

一些年轻人捡起身体的一部分，并与它们玩耍。

我们都很健康，没有什么问题。

"一位开朗的女商人宣称，她五个月大的儿子在泥潭中快乐地打滚。

几英尺外，他的祖父坐在一个塑料凳子上玩牌。

 

Some families lived in simple homes next to their livestock. Children played in the morass, taking no notice as adults pulled out animals and cut their throats on the spot or bludgeoned them with a hammer. Some of the youngsters picked up body parts and played with them. ‘We’re all healthy, there’s nothing wrong,’ declared a cheery woman trader whose five-month-old son rolled happily in the mire. A few feet away his grandfather sat on a plastic stool, playing cards.

 

研究人员在调查野生动物和疾病之间的联系时看到了这一切，积累了一些证据，使SARS可以解释，但仍然是个谜。

在广州，大约40%的野生动物商人和20%的屠宰者的SARS抗体检测呈阳性，这意味着他们在某个阶段感染了这种病毒。

然而，他们中没有一个人报告了在重病患者身上观察到的类似流感的症状，这表明持续接触病毒可能会带来一定程度的免疫力。

这些问题将再次困扰着后来的调查人员。

 

The researchers had seen all this and more as they investigated the link between wildlife and the disease, amassing evidence that made SARS explicable yet still enigmatic. About 40 per cent of wild animal traders and 20 per cent of slaughterers in Guangzhou tested positive for SARS antibodies, meaning that they had at some point contracted the virus. Yet none of them reported any of the flu-like symptoms observed in severely ill patients, suggesting that continuous exposure to the virus may have conferred a level of immunity. These were questions that would return to vex a later group of investigators.

 

SARS沿着国际航线横扫全球。

它的最终死亡人数不多--八千多个病例中只有不到八百人--但这意味着死亡率约为十分之一。

旅游业和航空业瘫痪了几个月，使亚洲经济损失了数十亿美元的收入。

世界卫生组织继续监测中国的病例。

有一次爆发与北京的国家病毒学研究所有关，该研究所储存的标本和两名研究人员患病。

但该组织有足够的信心在2004年宣布，人与人之间的传播链已经被打破。

 

SARS造成的心理和经济损失比其受害者的数量可能要多。

不过，就医学和公共政策而言，它是有朝一日中国将出现的更大祸害的前兆。

 

SARS scythed across the world along international airline routes. Its eventual death toll was small – fewer than eight hundred people out of more than eight thousand cases – but that represented a fatality rate of about one in ten. Tourism and aviation were crippled for months, costing the Asian economies billions of dollars in lost revenues. The World Health Organisation continued to monitor cases in China. One outbreak was connected to the National Institute for Virology in Beijing, where specimens were stored and two researchers fell ill. But the organisation was confident enough to declare in 2004 that the chain of human-to-human transmission had been broken. SARS inflicted more psychological and economic damage than the number of its victims may have warranted. In terms of medicine and public policy, though, it was a precursor to a greater scourge that would one day come out of China.

 

董建华很不走运，SARS疫情发生时，他正计划制定一部反颠覆法。

2003年1月，这位行政长官满面春风，和蔼可亲，在一系列阶段性的磋商中启动了他的运动。

董建华与区议会领导人围坐在一张桌子旁，散发着令人放心的光芒。

他说，有必要通过保护国家安全的法律，使香港能够在全国各地的信任和尊重中找到自己在祖国的位置。

 

It was Tung Chee-hwa’s bad luck that the SARS epidemic coincided with his plan to introduce a law against subversion. Beaming and affable, the chief executive had kicked off his campaign at a series of stage-managed consultations in January 2003. Tung sat around a table with district council leaders and radiated reassurance. It was, he said, necessary to pass laws protecting national security so that Hong Kong could find its place in the motherland amid trust and respect from the rest of the nation.

 

基本法》第23条规定，香港必须通过立法，将 "叛国、分裂、煽动、颠覆 "和 "窃取国家机密 "的行为定为非法。

它要求禁止外国政治团体或组织在香港的活动，但这一条款被模糊了，并禁止本地政治团体与外国同行建立联系。

 

Article 23 of the Basic Law ordained that the territory must pass legislation to outlaw ‘treason, secession, sedition, subversion’ and the ‘theft of state secrets’. It required a ban on activity by foreign political groups or bodies in Hong Kong, a clause which was left vague, and a ban on local political groups establishing links with their foreign counterparts.

 

董建华的一些部长倾向于不对信息进行糖衣化处理。

保安局局长叶刘淑仪在一家五星级酒店的晚宴上说，社会正处于危险之中："有时我看到一股不健康的风吹遍社会。

人们把什么是对的，什么是错的，什么是黑的，什么是白的混为一谈。

我甚至在一些媒体中感受到了文革时期的心态和语言。

她的听众是一群亲北京的工会成员，他们鼓起了掌。

然而，当叶小纲以更直白的语言向充满敌意的大学听众讲话时，掌声就少了。

不要相信民主会是一剂灵丹妙药。

阿道夫-希特勒是通过普选产生的，他杀死了700万犹太人。

 

Some of Tung’s ministers preferred not to sugar-coat the message. The secretary for security, Regina Ip, told a dinner at a five-star hotel that society was in danger: ‘sometimes I see an unhealthy wind blowing across society. People mix up what is right and what is wrong, what is black and what is white. I even sense a Cultural Revolution-era mentality and language in some of the media.’ Her listeners, a group of pro-Beijing trade unionists, applauded. There was less applause, however, when Ip addressed a hostile university audience in even blunter terms: ‘Don’t believe democracy will be a panacea. Adolf Hitler was returned by universal suffrage and he killed seven million Jews.’

 

叶后来说她对这句话感到后悔，并补充说，当她说出租车司机和服务员等人不会对法案的细节特别感兴趣时，她被误解了。

后者是在豪华酒店的下午茶上听到的那种不可言喻的话语，它暴露了精英们对其对象的真正想法。

 

Ip later said she regretted this statement, adding that she had been misunderstood when she said that people like taxi drivers and waiters would not be particularly interested in the details of the bill. The latter was the kind of ineffable remark heard over afternoon tea in luxury hotels which gave away how the elite really thought about their subjects.

 

在这种流行病的影响下，董建华在面对激烈和详细的批评时，仍然坚持他的立法草案。

代表法律界的强大的大律师Margaret Ng特别指出了草案中对颠覆等罪行的模糊定义，认为 "人们将不知道他们是否违法"。

当然，这正是法律在中国的运作方式。

它的目的是为了恐吓，以及为执法提供无限的理由。

吴建民认为，这并不是香港的普通法传统。

这些陈述没有取得什么进展。

 

While the epidemic took hold, Tung ploughed on with his draft legislation in the face of intense and detailed criticism. The formidable barrister Margaret Ng, who represented the legal constituency, singled out its vague definitions of crimes like subversion, arguing that ‘people would not know whether they were breaking the law or not’. This was, of course, precisely the way the law worked in China. It was meant to intimidate as well as allowing infinite grounds for enforcement. That was not, Ng argued, the common law tradition of Hong Kong. Such representations made little headway.

 

董建华认为，他不需要新的法律，因为现有的殖民时代的法律意味着香港已经履行了宪法规定的义务，这种说法在法律上更为棘手。

的确，香港在纸面上有严厉的权力。

但是，这些权力没有得到执行，而且在许多情况下，随着香港根据国际公约作出新的承诺，这些权力已经消失了。

 

Tung was on trickier legal ground against the argument that he did not need a new law because existing legislation from the colonial era meant Hong Kong already fulfilled its constitutional duty. There were, indeed, draconian powers on paper. But they were not enforced and had, in many cases, fallen away as the territory made new commitments under international conventions.

 

北京政府及其追随者可以忍受甚至陶醉于来自律师、人权团体和保护记者委员会等人的批评，后者称该立法 "在现代世界中不合适"。

中国领导人不喜欢的是无能。

该法案草案显示了上一任总督彭定康称之为 "先发制人 "的综合症的所有迹象。

草案中的一些建议，如授予警察更多权力的建议，超出了《基本法》的要求。

人们对自己的自由感到担心。

董建华与公众情绪脱节，他的政治判断失误因一个亿万富翁对房地产价值崩溃和经济放缓的隔绝而加剧。

两者都削弱了辛勤工作的香港人的愿望。

 

SARS的影响使人们更加愤怒。

它提醒他们住在中国南方隔壁的风险。

这对民族团结不是一个好兆头。

 

The Beijing government and its acolytes could have lived with and even revelled in criticism from lawyers, human rights groups and people like the Committee to Protect Journalists, which termed the legislation ‘out of place in the modern world’. What Chinese leaders did not like was incompetence. The draft bill showed all the signs of a syndrome the last governor, Chris Patten, had dubbed ‘the pre-emptive cringe’. Some of its proposals, such as those granting more powers to the police, went beyond anything required by the Basic Law. People feared for their liberties. Tung was out of touch with the public mood, his political misjudgement compounded by a billionaire’s insulation from the collapse in property values and a slowing economy. Both dented the aspirations of hard-working Hong Kongers. The impact of SARS made people even angrier. It reminded them of the risks of living next door to southern China. That did not augur well for national unity.

 

随着董建华的团队在立法机构中进行了五轮修正，大大削弱了法案中的权力，但未能满足民主阵营的要求，中国官方圈子里的不安情绪也在增加。

事实上，最后的草案是一份比2020年强加给香港的国家安全法更自由的文件。

但民主派几乎无法读懂未来。

公众的抵抗从咆哮发展成了怒吼。

7月1日，50多万香港人上街游行，纪念他们回归祖国六周年，对中国为他们选择的领导人进行了羞辱性的斥责。

虽然抗议活动的标题是召集人们反对颠覆法案，但它扩大为对董建华政府的经济政策和对SARS疫情处理不当的普遍反对。

 

Unease grew in official Chinese circles as Tung’s team ploughed on through five rounds of amendments in the legislature which significantly weakened the powers in the bill but failed to satisfy the democratic camp. The final draft, in fact, was a more liberal document than the national security law imposed on Hong Kong in 2020. But the democrats could hardly read the future. Public resistance grew from a growl into a roar. On 1 July, more than half a million Hong Kongers marched in the streets, marking the sixth anniversary of their return to the motherland with a humiliating rebuke to the leader chosen for them by China. While the protest’s headline cause rallied people against the subversion bill, it broadened into a general rejection of Tung’s government for its economic policies and its mishandling of the SARS epidemic.

 

董建华再也没有恢复他的政治地位。

几天后，亲商的自由党领袖田北俊撤回了对法案的支持，并从董建华的行政委员会辞职，称香港有可能成为世界眼中的一个笑话。

行政长官的盟友找中国官员倾诉，说这一切都是一团糟。

立法被搁置，然后被放弃。

 

Tung never recovered his political footing. Within days, the leader of the pro-business Liberal Party, James Tien, withdrew his support for the bill and resigned from Tung’s Executive Council, saying that Hong Kong risked becoming a joke in the eyes of the world. Allies of the chief executive sought out Chinese officials to confide that it was all a mess. The legislation was shelved, then dropped.

 

叶劉淑儀辞去了安全事务秘书的职务，前往加拿大学习。

她在2006年回来参加香港岛选区的补选，输给了陈方安生，陈方安生从退休状态中走出来，夺得了这个席位。

得益于对爱国事业的坚定忠诚，她在两年后卷土重来，赢得了该选区。

然而，她在两次竞选行政长官的过程中都失败了；即使是最忠实于北京路线的人也一定会怀疑她的政治能力。

 

Regina Ip resigned as secretary for security and went to study in Canada. She would return in 2006 to contest a by-election in the Hong Kong island constituency, losing to Anson Chan, who came out of retirement to take the seat. Thanks to Ip’s steadfast loyalty to the patriotic cause, she made a comeback and won the constituency two years later. She failed, however, in two bids to become chief executive; even the most faithful adherents to the Beijing line must have doubted her political skills.

 

中国领导人相信，只要香港的同胞能够看到祖国的回报，他们就会被征服，从而热爱祖国。

2003年6月，他们批准了一项与香港的自由贸易协议，即《内地与香港关于建立更紧密经贸关系的安排》（CEPA）。

个人旅游计划向单身的中国游客开放香港，不再限制他们参加旅行团。

该计划旨在帮助旅游业从SARS中恢复，按照商业标准，该计划是成功的，吸引了几百万游客。

这两项举措都没有赢得很多人的支持；CEPA的收益过于抽象，香港人很快就厌倦了在繁忙的商业街上与一群讲普通话的人打闹。

香港和北京之间的心理距离并没有因为熟悉而缩小。

 

China’s leaders affected to believe that their compatriots in Hong Kong could be won over to love the motherland if only they could see its rewards. In June 2003 they authorised a free trade deal with the city, known as the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA). An individual visit scheme opened up Hong Kong to single Chinese travellers, no longer restricting them to group tours. It was meant to help the tourism industry recover from SARS and was a success by commercial criteria, attracting several million visitors. Neither initiative won many hearts and minds; the gains from CEPA were too abstract and Hong Kongers soon tired of jostling with crowds of Mandarin-speaking gawkers in the busy shopping streets. The psychological distance between Hong Kong and Beijing did not narrow with familiarity.

 

反颠覆法的惨败对董建华和他的赞助人来说是一种耻辱。

这是香港在丑闻、失误和中国领导人胡锦涛的公开指责中无奈下坠的开始。

2005年3月，董建华以个人原因辞去行政长官职务，离其任期结束还有两年。

他的继任者是打着蝴蝶结的政务司司长曾荫权，他是在没有竞争的情况下当选的。

曾荫权不是中国的第一选择，但如果共产党知道一件事，那就是如何等待时机。

 

The fiasco of the anti-subversion law was a humiliation for Tung and his patrons. It was the start of a hapless spiral downwards through scandals, blunders and a public rebuke from Hu Jintao, the Chinese leader. Tung resigned as chief executive in March 2005, two years before his term was up, citing personal reasons. He was succeeded by Donald Tsang, the bow-tied chief secretary for administration, who was elected unopposed. Tsang was not China’s first choice, but if the Communist Party knew one thing, it was how to bide its time.

 

2008年，共产党的士气和威望从奥运会和西方的金融危机中得到了双重提升，重振了它的信心，加强了它在国内外击败对手的决心。

 

In 2008, the morale and prestige of the Communist Party received a double boost from the Olympic Games and a financial crisis in the West, reviving its confidence and strengthening its resolve to defeat its opponents at home and abroad.

 

奥运会展示了中国作为一个改革中的经济超级大国在世界舞台上的首次亮相。

党的领导层欢迎来自世界各地的一万多名运动员和游客，在8月8日至24日期间上演了一场精确和权威的盛况。

没有任何事情是偶然的。

一场由计算机生成的烟花表演拉开了开幕式的序幕；大批鼓手敲出了雷鸣般的纹身，士兵们迈着鹅卵石般的步伐穿过竞技场，将红旗扣在旗杆上，一个小女孩模仿着唱起了甜美的歌曲，一支禁卫军将捣乱者挡在了视线之外。

香港是马术比赛的主办方。

其运动员在开幕式游行中打着紫荆花的旗号。

对许多中国人来说，这是一个强烈的自豪感的时刻。

 

The Olympics showcased China’s debut on the world stage as a reforming economic superpower. The party leadership welcomed more than ten thousand athletes and visitors from around the world, staging between 8 and 24 August a spectacle of precision and authority. Nothing was left to chance. A computer-generated fireworks show kicked off an opening ceremony with a martial tone; massed drummers beat out a thunderous tattoo, soldiers goose-stepped across the arena to snap the red flag up its pole, a little girl mimed a sugary song and a praetorian guard kept troublemakers out of sight. Hong Kong hosted the equestrian events. Its athletes marched in the opening parade under the Bauhinia banner. For many Chinese it was a moment of intense pride.

 

党并没有依靠模糊的情感或善意。

前体育部长袁伟民在一本不加掩饰的回忆录中写道，北京之所以能赢得奥运会，是因为借鉴了中国古代战争的欺骗策略。

他透露，政治局已经批准了一项秘密协议，支持比利时外科医生、前奥运选手雅克-罗格担任国际奥委会（IOC）的最高职务，以换取罗格为北京的申办提供欧洲支持。

 

The party had not relied on fuzzy sentiments or goodwill. The former sports minister, Yuan Weimin, wrote in an unguarded memoir that Beijing won the Olympics thanks to a strategy of deception borrowed from ancient Chinese warfare. He revealed that the Politburo had approved a secret deal to back Jacques Rogge, a Belgian surgeon and former Olympian, for the top job at the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in return for Rogge delivering European support for Beijing’s bid.

 

袁隆平与北京市长刘淇一起，在日内瓦会议中心的一间谨慎的公寓里会见了罗格。

他们在莫斯科的一次会议上谈到了即将进行的投票，当时北京的对手是巴黎、多伦多和伊斯坦布尔。

罗格告诉我，他非常感谢我支持他竞选主席，他将完全支持中国的竞选。

罗格要求中国人理解，他不能公开表达自己的立场。

他毕竟是欧洲奥委会主席，而巴黎和伊斯坦布尔都在欧洲--"但无论如何，他将为北京工作"。

当中国自己的首席代表何振梁表现出投票给亚洲同胞韩国的金云龙时，政治局的计划几乎出了问题，他显然没有意识到亚洲团结的言论只是为了欺骗。

他被轻而易举地拉进了队伍。

2001年5月13日，中国获得了2008年奥运会的主办权，三天后罗格当选为国际奥委会主席。

他的发言人指出，他是由大多数人投票选出来的，并说："任何认为会有交易的说法都是绝对错误的。

 

Yuan went with the mayor of Beijing, Liu Qi, to meet Rogge at a discreet apartment in a Geneva conference centre. They talked about the forthcoming vote at a meeting in Moscow, where Beijing was up against Paris, Toronto and Istanbul. ‘Rogge told me he was very grateful to me for supporting him in his run for president and he would completely support China’s bid,’ Yuan wrote. Rogge asked the Chinese to understand that he could not publicly express his stand. He was, after all, chairman of the European Olympic Committee and both Paris and Istanbul were in Europe – ‘but that none the less he would work for Beijing’. The Politburo’s plan nearly went wrong when China’s own chief delegate, He Zhenliang, showed signs of voting for a fellow Asian, Kim Un-yong of South Korea, evidently unaware that talk of Asian solidarity was meant solely to deceive. He was briskly whipped into line. China was awarded the 2008 Olympics on 13 May 2001, and Rogge was elected IOC president three days later. His spokesman noted that he had been voted in by a large majority and said: ‘any suggestion that deals would have been made is absolutely false.’

 

即使按照国际奥委会的污染标准，将奥运会交给一个拥有数亿贫穷农村居民的独裁国家也是一个糟糕的想法。

总部设在香港的《开放》杂志计算出，中国在这项活动上的花费超过400亿美元，比其年度教育预算还要多。

 

Even by the contaminated standards of the International Olympic Committee, giving the games to an authoritarian state with hundreds of millions of poor rural inhabitants was a terrible idea. Hong Kong-based magazine Kaifang (Open) calculated that China spent over US$40 billion on the event, more than its annual education budget.

 

铁腕而腐败的安全主管周永康将奥运会作为他开创的高科技大规模监控和镇压方法的测试。

中国的权利团体抱怨说，政府违背了对国际奥委会的承诺，不允许和平示威和自由使用互联网。

少数支持西藏的抗议活动被镇压。

在奥运会之前，安全部队将成千上万的农民工赶出北京，并逮捕了数百名持不同政见者。

许多活动在半空的体育场进行，因为当局担心会发生动乱。

门票被分配给受信任的党、政府和商业团体，其中往往不包括许多体育迷。

 

The iron-fisted and corrupt chief of security, Zhou Yongkang, made the Olympics a test for his pioneering methods of high-tech mass surveillance and repression. Chinese rights groups complained that the regime had broken its promises to the IOC to allow peaceful demonstrations and free access to the internet. A handful of pro-Tibetan protests were suppressed. Before the games, the security forces evicted thousands of migrant workers from Beijing and arrested dissidents in their hundreds. Many of the events played in half-empty stadiums because the authorities feared unrest. Tickets were allocated to trusted party, government and business groups, which often did not include many sports fans.

 

付出最高代价的是首都南部保定镇周围干涸的平原地区的农民。

工程师切断了他们的供水，以确保北京的喷泉永不枯竭，警察用路障封锁了城市，阻止他们抗议。

数以千计的人陷入贫困，一些人自杀。

 

The highest price was paid by farmers in the parched plains around the town of Baoding, south of the capital. Engineers cut off their water supply to make sure the fountains of Beijing never ran dry and police sealed off the city with roadblocks to stop them protesting. Thousands fell destitute and several committed suicide.

 

奥运会是一个分水岭，但不是外国外交官所想象的那样，他们认为奥运会将使中国与世界接触并促进改革。

事实上，奥运会的结果恰恰相反。

奥运会是党的专制主义者的礼物，他们以保护奥运会不受恐怖主义影响为借口，重建了国家安全体系，然后将人民的热情转化为自己的目的。

根据官方的宣传，"敌对的外国势力 "是全世界对中国人权记录的抗议和沿奥运火炬路线的示威活动的幕后推手。

媒体声称，嫉妒的对手们一心想要压制中国。

从那时起，中国的政治和对外部世界的态度将采取更强硬的语气。

 

The games were a watershed, but not in the way imagined by foreign diplomats, who argued that they would engage China with the world and promote reform. In fact, the Olympics achieved the opposite. They were a gift to the party’s authoritarians, who rebuilt the national security state on the pretext of guarding the games against terrorism and then turned the people’s zeal to their own ends. According to official propaganda, ‘hostile foreign forces’ were behind worldwide protests against China’s human rights record and demonstrations along the route of the Olympic torch. The media claimed that jealous rivals were bent on keeping China down. From then on Chinese politics and attitudes to the outside world would take on a harder tone.

 

中国的领导人从奥运领奖台上凯旋而下，去应对一场从美国信贷市场开始的金融危机，这场危机导致了世界各地的经济衰退，使贸易陷入瘫痪，并在各国政府和中央银行为拯救自由资本主义体系而进行的干预中动摇了经济理论。

中国在这场危机中也未能幸免，因为它是全球经济的一部分。

但中国的反应在规模上是压倒性的，在结果上是决定性的。

它的成功说服了北京的许多人，西方正在衰落。

 

China’s leaders stepped down in triumph from the Olympic podium to deal with a financial crisis which started in the American credit markets, led to recessions around the world, crippled trade and shook up economic theory as governments and central banks intervened to save the liberal capitalist system. China was not immune to the crisis, for it was part of the global economy. But the Chinese response was overwhelming in scale and decisive in result. Its success persuaded many in Beijing that the West was in decline.

 

在香港，曾荫权正在进行一场杂耍。

在1998年的货币战争中，他提前采取行动，宣布了870亿港元（11亿美元）的贷款担保、施舍和对雇主的救济。

香港金融管理局推出了一项存款保护计划，以避免银行出现挤兑。

特区在多年的审慎中积累了一笔战争资金，可以承担这一切。

但它仍然付出了沉重的代价。

在这一年里，国内生产总值的增长从6.7％放缓到2.5％，失业率上升到6.4％，房地产价格下降了19％，恒生指数（股票价格的基准）在 "风险厌恶情绪加剧和投资者信心破灭 "的情况下失去了近一半的价值。

公众情绪再次变得暗淡。

 

In Hong Kong, Donald Tsang was running a sideshow. Reaching for his textbook from the currency war of 1998, he moved early, announcing HK$87 billion (US$1.1 billion) in loan guarantees, handouts and relief for employers. The Hong Kong Monetary Authority brought in a deposit protection scheme to avert a run on the banks. The SAR had a war chest amassed during years of prudence and could afford all this. It still paid a heavy price. Over the year, growth in gross domestic product slowed from 6.7 per cent to 2.5 per cent, unemployment rose to 6.4 per cent, property prices declined by 19 per cent and the Hang Seng Index, the benchmark for stock prices, lost nearly half its value amid ‘heightened risk aversion and shattered investor confidence’. The public mood darkened again.

 

在中国，领导层的行动更加谨慎，但规模巨大。

中国的重要利益受到威胁。

加入世贸组织后，中国对美国的贸易顺差从2001年的830亿美元飙升至2008年的2680亿美元。

从理论上讲，这应该推高中国货币的价值。

但中央银行固定了汇率以刺激出口：它从出口商那里买入美元，并让他们接受新印制的人民币作为回报。

为了阻止通货膨胀，它命令银行持有大量的资本储备，实际上是把钱从流通中拿走。

因此，在2007年底，中国拥有世界上最大的外汇储备，超过了1.5万亿美元。

 

In China, the leadership moved more ponderously but on a gigantic scale. Its vital interests were at stake. After joining the WTO, the Chinese trade surplus with the United States had soared from US$83 billion in 2001 to US$268 billion in 2008. In theory this should have pushed up the value of the Chinese currency. But the central bank had fixed the exchange rate to spur exports: it bought up dollars from exporters and made them accept freshly printed yuan in return. To stop inflation, it ordered banks to hold big capital reserves, in effect taking the money out of circulation. As a result China had world’s largest foreign currency reserves, more than US$1.5 trillion, at the end of 2007.

 

这使中国变得强大而脆弱。

只有专制国家才能强迫经济行为体服从其货币制度，但中国发行的所有用于交换美元的人民币在理论上都是国家的或有负债，必须有外汇储备的支持。

中国没有什么选择，只能将这些美元投资回美国。

美元贬值或中国持有的国债被没收，虽然可能性极小，但却牵动着中国领导人的心。

当美国人担心中国对其国债的控制时，中国人不信任美国的政策制定者。

 

This made China mighty but vulnerable. Only an authoritarian state could force economic actors to submit to its currency regime, but all the yuan it issued in exchange for dollars were, in theory, contingent liabilities on the state and had to be backed by foreign currency reserves. China had little option but to invest these dollars back in the United States. A collapse in the US dollar’s value or the confiscation of China’s Treasury holdings, though extremely remote possibilities, exercised the minds of its leaders. While Americans fretted about China’s hold over their national debt, the Chinese distrusted American policy-makers.

 

因此，这个仅存的共产主义大国成为仅次于日本的美国证券的第二大持有人。

它拥有9220亿美元的美国政府债务、公司债务、股票和短期信贷票据。

其最大的单笔持有量是4910亿美元的美国政府发行的国库券，被认为是世界上最安全的资产。

中国的分析家们在与官方保持安全距离的情况下，不时发出出售美债并使美元贬值的模糊威胁，他们无视在这种情况下对中国出口的需求将崩溃的逻辑。

事实上，这两个对手是如此紧密地结合在一起，以至于他们面临着相互保证的经济破坏的风险。

 

So the last remaining major Communist power became the second largest holder of American securities after Japan. It owned US$922 billion in US government debt, corporate debt, equities and short-term credit notes. Its single biggest holding was US$491 billion in Treasury certificates issued by the US government, deemed to be the safest assets in the world. From time to time analysts in China, safely distanced from officialdom, uttered vague threats to sell off its US debt and sink the dollar, oblivious to the logic that in that case demand for Chinese exports would collapse. In truth, the rivals were coupled so closely that they ran the risk of mutually assured economic destruction.

 

在2008年恐慌的初秋，中国政府保持了冷静。

它的直接风险并不高。

中国实体拥有280亿美元的美国企业资产支持证券，而中国银行（独立于中国人民银行的国有商业机构）持有75亿美元的最危险的金融工具--次贷资产支持证券；这些数字令人讨厌，但并不致命。

 

In the panicky early autumn of 2008, the Chinese government kept its head. Its direct exposure was modest. Chinese entities owned US$28 billion in American corporate asset-backed securities, while the Bank of China (a state-owned commercial institution separate from the People’s Bank of China) held US$7.5 billion in the riskiest financial instruments, sub-prime asset-backed securities; annoying but not lethal sums.

 

尽管如此，9月15日美国投资银行雷曼兄弟的破产集中了各地政府的注意力。

11月，胡锦涛主席和他的总理温家宝宣布了一项价值超过5800亿美元的支出计划，这是对危机最早的大型财政反应。

这是一种逃避安全的做法，反映了胡温政权在中国的背景下是左倾的事实。

这两个人都不是红色贵族。

胡锦涛出生在一个茶商家庭，而温家宝则是从天津的外省籍出身的；两人都是勤奋的干部，通过党的网络升迁，没有继承特权。

他们专注于不平等问题，不信任私人资本，赞成 "大众 "经济。

None the less, the bankruptcy of the American investment bank Lehman Brothers on 15 September concentrated the minds of governments everywhere. In November, President Hu Jintao and his premier, Wen Jiabao, announced a spending programme worth more than US$580 billion, the earliest big fiscal response to the crisis.* China’s leaders opted for fiscal intervention led by state and party officials, leaving market-minded technocrats on the sidelines. This was a flight to safety, reflecting the fact that the Hu–Wen regime was left-leaning in a Chinese context. Neither man was a red aristocrat. Hu was born to a family of tea merchants and Wen worked his way up from provincial origins in Tianjin; both were diligent cadres who had risen through party networks without inherited privilege. They were preoccupied by inequality, distrustful of private capital and in favour of ‘popular’ economics.

 

胡锦涛和温家宝把钱投入到基础设施、住房和高速铁路网中。

他们利用这个机会将医疗保险扩大到十分之九的人口，并随着数百万工厂工人从闲置的沿海出口区跋涉回家而创造就业机会。

在这个过程中，他们发现，中国的经济并不像许多人假设的那样，依赖于出口。

它的国内市场如此之大，只要有投资，其势头是不可阻挡的。

经济史学家Adam Tooze写道："2009年，在现代社会中，第一次是中国经济的运动带动了整个世界经济。

 

Hu and Wen poured the money into infrastructure, housing and a high-speed rail network. They used the opportunity to expand health insurance to reach nine-tenths of the population and to create jobs as millions of factory workers trekked home from the idling coastal export zones. In the process they discovered that China’s economy was not, as many assumed, dependent on exports. Its home market was so big that, with investment, its momentum was unstoppable. ‘In 2009, for the first time in the modern era, it was the movement of the Chinese economy that carried the entire world economy,’ wrote the economic historian Adam Tooze.

 

中国领导人在奥运会上大获全胜，看着自由资本主义陷入混乱。

他们思考着自己制度的优越性，并开始以新的信心思考未来。

 

Triumphant from the Olympic Games, China’s leaders watched liberal capitalism fall into disarray. They contemplated the superiority of their own system and began to think about the future with new confidence.

 

中国即将发生的变化及其对香港的影响会对最有远见的领导人构成挑战。

行政长官曾荫权是一个精明的管理者，但不是政治家。

曾荫权的口号是 "我将完成工作"，但许多人不清楚工作是什么。

他认为这是为了使城市的政治现代化，并刺激其经济恢复到更高的增长。

在七年的任期内，他在这两方面的记录好坏参半。

 

The changes coming to China and their impact on Hong Kong would have challenged the most far-sighted leader. Donald Tsang, the chief executive, was an astute administrator but no statesman. Tsang’s slogan was ‘I will get the job done’, but it was not clear to many what the job was. He thought it was to modernise the city’s politics and to spur its economy back to higher growth. His record on both in seven years of office was mixed.

 

中国已经进行干预，阻止香港领导人的完全民主选举。

2005年，曾荫权曾试图找到一个解决方法，试图增加选择行政长官的选举人数量。

他还提议在立法会有更多的选举席位。

这两项措施都需要在议会中获得三分之二的多数。

起初，行政长官享受着与民主党人的蜜月期，使他希望能达成妥协。

他甚至说服广东省政府邀请议会所有成员进行正式访问，这是自1989年以来李柱铭等人首次踏上中国。

他的目的是说服他们，这是他们能得到的最好的交易；香港应该将其收入囊中并向前迈进。

 

China had already intervened to stop fully democratic elections for the leader of Hong Kong. Tsang had tried to find a way around this in 2005 by attempting to raise the number of electors who chose the chief executive. He also proposed to have more elected seats on the Legislative Council. Both measures needed a two-thirds majority in the council. At first the chief executive enjoyed a honeymoon with the Democrats, allowing him to hope for a compromise. He even persuaded the Guangdong provincial government to invite all members of the council on an official visit, the first time that figures like Martin Lee had set foot in China since 1989. His aim was to persuade them that this was the best deal they could get; Hong Kong should pocket it and move forward.

 

可想而知，这些建议对民主运动的激进派来说是不够的。

在中环举行的10万人集会的鼓舞下，他们坚持要求制定普选路线图。

宗教人士首次加入了这场争论。

罗马天主教香港主教陈日君和致力于人权事业的浸信会牧师朱耀明反对该计划。

曾荫权在电视和电台上陈述他的观点。

当他未能赢得所需的票数时，该计划被搁置。

但它的遗产是一个基础广泛的反对派--一个将政治、宗教和学术人物与学生和中产阶级联合起来的反对派。

 

Predictably, the proposals were not enough for the radical wing of the democracy movement. Buoyed by a rally of 100,000 people in Central, it held fast to its demand for a roadmap to universal suffrage. For the first time religious figures entered the fray. The Roman Catholic bishop of Hong Kong, Joseph Zen, and the Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, a Baptist minister devoted to human rights, opposed the plan. Tsang went on television and radio to make his case. When he failed to win the required number of votes, the plan was shelved. But its legacy was a broad-based opposition – one that united political, religious and academic figures with students and the middle class.

 

尽管丢了面子，曾荫权还是说服了北京的领导人，香港应该走向民主。

他每年都会去首都两三次，作为一个终身的官僚，他对中国行政机器的彻底性感到震惊。

他们知道发生了什么，"他说，"他们知道。

他们知道。

他们有来自许多方面的报告。

我发现中国官僚机构的一个特点是他们非常擅长书面工作。

人们带着各种文件和各种报告进来。

他遇到的领导人也给他留下了深刻的印象，这些人在一个与曾荫权在香港所知道的一切都不同的艰难的政治制度中爬到了顶端。

他与胡锦涛建立了关系，发现这位中国领导人在私下里 "非常热情和友好"，与他木讷的公众形象形成鲜明对比。

 

Despite this loss of face, Tsang persuaded the leaders in Beijing that Hong Kong should move towards democracy. He went to the capital two or three times a year, and as a lifetime bureaucrat, was awed by the thoroughness of the Chinese administrative machine. ‘They know what is going on,’ he said, ‘They do. They know. They have reports from many sources. One thing I find about the Chinese bureaucracy is they’re very good at written work. People coming in with all sorts of papers and reports of all kinds.’ He was also impressed by the leaders he encountered, men who had climbed to the top of a hard political system alien to everything Tsang had known in Hong Kong. They were ‘big figures’, he felt, some of them larger than life, but always ‘sincere and affable’, He struck up a relationship with Hu Jintao, finding the Chinese leader ‘exceedingly warm and friendly’ in private, a contrast to his wooden public image.

 

2007年，根据胡锦涛的命令，全国人民代表大会常务委员会发布了一项裁决，即香港领导人可以在2017年通过普选产生，立法会所有成员可以在2020年以同样的方式选出。

这些承诺被埋没在法律性的散文中。

他们没有就谁可以参加选举提供依据：在这一点上，中国掌握着鞭子。

但这些承诺如果得到忠实的执行，可能会创造出更好的政治环境。

 

In 2007, on Hu Jintao’s orders, the standing committee of the National People’s Congress issued a ruling that the leader of Hong Kong could be chosen by universal suffrage in 2017 and that all members of the legislative council could be elected in the same way in 2020. These commitments were buried in legalistic prose. They gave no ground on who could stand for election: on this China held the whip hand. But they were concessions which, if faithfully implemented, might have created a better political climate.

 

这种姿态是有充分理由的。

对中国来说，这不是一个冒犯世界舆论的好时机：由于外国投资，中国的经济正在增长，而且中国领导人在准备举办奥运会时希望呈现出一种良性的面貌。

那时，香港的普选对热心的民主人士来说似乎很遥远，毫无疑问，对胡锦涛和他的同事来说也是如此。

这是中国政治中的另一段灵活的插曲，其有限的机会将被失去。

 

There were good reasons for the gesture. It was not a good time for China to offend world opinion: the economy was growing thanks to foreign investment and its leaders wanted to present a benign face as they prepared to stage the Olympic Games. Back then, universal suffrage in Hong Kong seemed as far-off to ardent democrats as it did, no doubt, to Hu and his colleagues. It was another interlude of flexibility in Chinese politics whose limited opportunities were to be lost.

 

2007年，曾荫权在旧体制下赢得了自己的行政长官选举，并担任了五年的任期。

在他的任期即将结束时，他恢复了他的选举 "改革 "计划。

曾荫权认为，中国的领导人会知道他们可以信任香港。

他培养了一位名叫习近平的新晋人物，他已成为副总理，负责香港和澳门事务。

当他们开车在香港周围的会议和活动时，两个人亲切地交谈着。

习近平给他的主人留下的印象是，他了解当地的人物和问题。

这位副主席曾在上海担任党的领导人，并担任福建总督，这些地方都是香港投资者涌入的地方，以开设企业。

他与其中许多人建立了个人联系。

 

Donald Tsang won his own election as chief executive under the old system in 2007 and served a five-year term. Towards the end of his time in office, he revived his plan for electoral ‘reform’. Tsang felt confident that China’s leaders would learn that they could trust Hong Kong. He had cultivated a rising figure called Xi Jinping, who had become vice president and handled Hong Kong and Macau affairs. The two men chatted affably as they drove around Hong Kong to meetings and events. Xi gave his host the impression that he knew the local personalities as well as the issues. The vice president had served as party leader in Shanghai and governor of Fujian, places where Hong Kong investors were streaming in to open businesses. He had forged personal connections with many of them.

 

通过与胡锦涛和习近平的会谈，行政长官向立法会提交了一份新的改革计划，以管理2012年的选举。

它再一次没有达到全面民主的要求，但这次五年后的普选承诺很有诱惑力。

它将挑选下一任行政长官的选举委员会扩大到1200人，并将立法机构的席位数从60个增加到70个。

还有其他无数复杂的子条款，就像现在香港政治中的习惯一样，但这就是它的本质。

 

Fortified by his talks with Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, the chief executive put a new reform plan before the Legislative Council to govern the elections of 2012. Once again it fell short of full democracy, but this time the promise of universal suffrage five years on was seductive. It widened the election committee which would pick the next chief executive to 1,200 people and raised the number of seats in the legislature from sixty to seventy. There were other innumerable and complex sub-clauses, as was now habitual in Hong Kong politics, but that was the essence of it.

 

在实践中，中国将保留对谁能参加竞选的否决权。

在其制度下，不需要确定投票，只需要确定候选人。

陈方安生私下告诉美国总领事，曾荫权已经失去了领导的意愿，他打算在北京的 "纵容 "下创造一个 "有管理的民主"。

这个计划的天才之处在于，它有可能将民主运动分裂成两派，一派是希望得到好处的 "温和派"，另一派是坚持完全民主的 "激进派"。

曾荫权和中国领导人努力利用这个机会。

香港的共产党官员向刘慧卿和何俊仁等民主人士发出了前所未有的对话邀请。

政府同意用更多的民选席位作为甜头。

官员们透露，曾荫权已经给他的朋友习近平写了一封信，敦促中国领导人批准这一妥协方案，因为如果失败，"他有效治理香港的能力将受到怀疑。

 

In practice, China would retain a veto over who could stand for office. Under its system there was no need to fix the vote, just the candidates. The rest would look after itself; Anson Chan told the American consul-general privately that Tsang had lost the will to lead and that he meant to create a ‘managed democracy’ with the ‘connivance’ of Beijing. The genius of the plan lay in its potential to split the democracy movement between ‘moderates’ who wanted to take the gains on offer, and ‘radicals’ who held out for complete democracy. Tsang and the Chinese leadership worked hard to exploit the opportunity. Communist officials in Hong Kong issued an unprecedented invitation to democrats like Emily Lau and Albert Ho for dialogue. The government agreed to sweeten the package with a few more popularly elected seats. Officials let it be known that Tsang had written a letter to his friend Xi Jinping urging Chinese leaders to endorse the compromise, because if it failed ‘his ability to govern Hong Kong effectively would be in doubt.’

 

胡锦涛表示赞同。

就这样，香港政府将其付诸表决，并取得了胜利。

所有民主党议员不顾本党资深人士的呼吁--也无视这样的警告：一个被设计为操纵的系统不可能产生真正的自由选举--投票赞成该法案。

作为曾荫权的标志性政治成就，它使泛民主运动四分五裂，并破坏了民主党作为其标准支持者的信誉。

但是，它并没有确保亲北京的秩序占上风，而是为一个全新的反对派的出现铺平了道路；这个反对派将是年轻的、乌托邦式的、创新的、厚脸皮的、激进的和无畏的。

因此，这是一场空洞的胜利。

它把政治赶出了立法机构，把它引向了社交媒体和街头。

 

Hu Jintao gave his approval. With that, the Hong Kong government put it to a vote and won. Defying appeals from their party’s veterans – and ignoring warnings that no genuine free elections could result from a system designed to be rigged – all the Democratic Party members of the council voted for the bill. Tsang’s signature political accomplishment, it left the pan-democratic movement splintered and destroyed the credibility of the Democratic Party as its standard-bearer. But instead of assuring the ascendancy of a pro-Beijing order it paved the way for the emergence of an opposition that was entirely new; one that would be young, utopian, innovative, cheeky, radical and dauntless. This was, therefore, a hollow victory. It had driven politics out of the legislature, channelling it into social media and onto the streets.

 

香港的亲北京的政治家们从来没有喜欢过曾荫权。

他们认为他是一个傲慢的殖民主义官僚，说话尖刻，与大众脱节。

他的经济政策也与时代格格不入。

当胡温政权下的中国正在提高收入和改善人民的物质生活时，他的政府却未能使香港人感到生活得更好。

 

The pro-Beijing politicians in Hong Kong had never liked Donald Tsang. They saw him as an arrogant colonial bureaucrat with a sharp tongue who was out of touch with the masses. His economic policies were also out of step with the times. While China under the Hu–Wen regime was raising incomes and improving people’s material lot, his administration had failed to make Hong Kong people feel better off.

 

曾荫权说了一个教科书式的管理游戏。

他挑出了一些新的行业，包括教育和医疗服务、测试和认证、环境科学和生物医学技术，他认为香港在这些方面具有竞争优势。

但是，香港没有国家成功参与商业的历史；它的整个故事是让市场运作。

看着中国的成功，亲中国的政党声称，"积极不干预 "是一个已经过时的想法。

特别行政区应该进行干预，控制更多的商业活动。

这与曾荫权的 "芝加哥学派 "的本能相悖。

受政治的束缚，政府选择了游移不定。

他们惰性的结果是，香港既没有发展创新产业，也没有将自己变成一个数字大国，而是依赖高房地产价格和基础设施支出的旧道具。

当中国开始--在一定范围内--释放其小型企业家的动物本能时，香港仍然被房地产开发商和企业集团的小集团所控制，他们在所进入的每一个领域都挤掉了竞争。

 

Tsang talked a textbook managerial game. He singled out new industries, including education and medical services, testing and certification, environmental science and biomedical technology, in which he felt Hong Kong had a competitive edge. But Hong Kong had no history of successful state involvement in business; its whole story was one of letting the market operate. Watching China’s success, the pro-China parties claimed that ‘positive non-intervention’ was an idea whose time had gone. The Special Administrative Region should intervene and control more business activity. This went against Tsang’s ‘Chicago School’ instincts. Hampered by politics, the government opted to drift. The result of their inertia was that Hong Kong failed either to grow innovative industries or to turn itself into a digital power, relying instead on the old props of high real estate prices and infrastructure spending. While China began – within limits – to unleash the animal instincts of its smaller entrepreneurs, Hong Kong remained in the grip of a clique of property developers and conglomerates who squeezed out competition in every sector they entered.

 

在这些年里，旅行者在中国南方旅行时，经常听到人们说，在改革的三十年里，生活虽然严酷，但还是有所改善。

我们有信心，明天会更好，"这是一个不变的口号，"为什么要考虑政治？"相比之下，在香港，少数人变得非常富有，但许多人的生活质量却下降了。

繁荣--或缺乏繁荣--变成了政治。

2010年9月，香港大学的研究人员发现只有23%的受访者对他们的生活感到满意。

社会中最低的五分之一的人的收入在五年内没有改善。

根据慈善机构乐施会的本地分会，"在职贫穷 "家庭的数量在同一时期增加了12%，从2005年的172,600个增加到2010年的192,500。

一项调查发现，在1976年和1990年之间出生的 "第四代 "香港人中，有20%经历了社会的下行。

2010年10月，香港社会科学理事会计算出126万人，约占人口的18%，属于贫困家庭。

 

Travelling in south China during these years, travellers often heard people say that for all its harshness, life had improved during three decades of reform. ‘We are confident that tomorrow will be even better,’ was a constant refrain, ‘why even think about politics?’ By contrast, in Hong Kong a few people got very rich but the quality of life declined for many others. Prosperity – or the lack of it – became political. In September 2010 researchers for Hong Kong University found only 23 per cent of respondents were satisfied with their livelihood. The incomes of the lowest fifth of society had not improved in five years. According to the local branch of the charity Oxfam, the number of ‘working poor’ families rose 12 per cent in the same period, from 172,600 in 2005 to 192,500 in 2010. A survey found that 20 per cent of ‘fourth generation’ Hong Kongers born between 1976 and 1990 had experienced downward social mobility. In October 2010 the Hong Kong Council of Social Sciences calculated that 1.26 million people, about 18 per cent of the population, belonged to poor families.

 

大学毕业生通过艰苦的考试制度，发现提供的月薪中位数仅有11,000港元（1,413美元）。

一个主要的不满是，工作十年后工资几乎没有增加。

再加上天价的住宅价格，这使得大多数年轻的专业人士无法拥有自己的房子。

年薪420万港元（54万美元）的曾荫权在一次电台电话会议上展示了他对公众情绪的敏感度，当时一对年轻夫妇打电话抱怨他们没有能力买房或组建家庭。

行政长官告诉他们考虑搬到新界西北部地区，那里没有灵魂的公寓楼群正在田野中崛起；这是一个实用但不敏感的建议。

香港城市大学政治学教授Joseph Cheng总结说："七年来，在住房、养老金制度和医疗服务的长期融资方面的不作为，加剧了香港的社会经济问题，扩大了贫富差距。

 

University graduates worked their way up through a gruelling exam system to find that the median monthly starting salary on offer was a mere HK$11,000 (US$1,413). A major grievance was that pay barely increased after ten years of work. Combined with sky-high residential property prices, this made it impossible for most young professionals to own their own home. Tsang, who was paid HK$4.2 million (US$540,000) a year, displayed his tin ear for the public mood on a radio phone-in when a young couple called to complain that they could not afford to buy a flat or to start a family. The chief executive told them to consider moving to the northwest districts of the New Territories, where soulless ranks of apartment blocks were rising in the fields; practical but insensitive advice. ‘Seven years of inaction in housing, pensions systems, and long term finance of medical services have exacerbated the territory’s socio-economic problems and widened the gap between rich and poor,’ concluded Joseph Cheng, professor of political science at the City University of Hong Kong.

 

为了对行政长官公平起见，郑志刚并没有淡化曾荫权必须面对的矛盾。

大多数香港人希望有一个更好的社会保障体系，但很少有人会接受新加坡的模式，将他们收入的很大一部分用于资助一个坚实的养老金计划和全民医疗保险。

在一个民主国家，艰难的选择可以通过多数票来解决。

但香港人认为民主是他们无法掌握的理想，郑志刚总结说，所以 "他们最多只能参加抗议集会"。

 

To be fair to the chief executive, Cheng did not downplay the contradictions Tsang had to face. Most Hong Kong people wanted a better social security system, but few would accept the Singaporean model of handing over a substantial part of their incomes to fund a solid pension scheme and universal medical insurance. In a democracy, hard choices may be settled by a majority vote. But Hong Kong people saw democracy as an ideal beyond their grasp, Cheng concluded, and so ‘the most they can do is take part in protest rallies’.

 

当曾荫权在2012年临近任期结束时，他周围的阴影正在扩大。

华文媒体上出现了一些指控，称他接受了富豪的好处，包括游艇旅行和乘坐私人飞机。

有消息称，曾氏家族一直在谈判，希望从一个正在向香港政府申请广播牌照的中国大陆房地产开发商那里租用深圳的豪华退休顶楼。

曾荫权参加了批准该牌照的行政委员会会议，但没有申报他的利益。

这位行政长官在6月30日下台前向公众做出了 "真诚的道歉"。

 

The shadows were lengthening around Donald Tsang as he drew to the end of his term in 2012. Allegations appeared in the Chinese-language press that he had accepted favours from tycoons, including yacht trips and flights in private jets. It emerged that the Tsangs had been negotiating to rent a luxury retirement penthouse in Shenzhen from a mainland Chinese property developer who was seeking a broadcasting licence from the Hong Kong government. Tsang had participated in the Executive Council meetings which approved the licence without declaring his interest. The chief executive offered ‘sincere apologies’ to the public before he stepped down on 30 June.

 

曾荫权的磨难并没有结束。

廉政公署对他进行了起诉。

离任三年后，他被指控犯有两项公职人员行为不当罪和一项《防止贿赂条例》规定的收受利益罪。

2017年，一个陪审团判定他在公职中的一项不当行为罪名成立，因为他没有申报他在深圳物业中的利益，尽管陪审团宣布他的另一项不当行为罪名不成立，并且未能就贿赂指控达成一致。

法官陈永海在判处他20个月的监禁时说："在我的职业生涯中，从来没有见过一个人从这么高的地方掉下来。

 

Tsang’s ordeal did not end there. The Independent Commission against Corruption pursued a case against him. Three years after leaving office he was charged with two counts of misconduct in public office and one of accepting an advantage under the Prevention of Bribery Ordinance. In 2017 a jury convicted him of one offence of misconduct in public office for failing to declare his interest in the Shenzhen property, although it acquitted him of the other count of misconduct and failed to agree on the bribery charge. The judge, Andrew Chan Wing-hai, sentencing him to twenty months’ imprisonment, said that ‘never in my career have I seen a man fallen from so high.’

 

曾荫权在赤柱的最高警戒监狱中病倒了，用他自己的话说，'我几乎死于绝望'。

他依靠他的罗马天主教信仰，他相信没有这种信仰，他就不会活下来。

他每天都在祈祷。

一个老对手，红衣主教约瑟夫-禅来到他的牢房做弥撒。

他的妻子和家人站在他身边。

他的律师在他们的客户进出医院时继续进行斗争。

他的刑期被缩短到12个月。

2019年1月15日，这位倒下的首席执行官在医院的病床上完成了刑期，然后出现在人们面前，他面容憔悴，头发花白，但却挑衅地打着一条格子领结。

 

Tsang became so ill in the maximum security prison at Stanley that, in his own words, ‘I nearly died of despair.’ He fell back on his Roman Catholic faith, without which he believed he would not have survived. He prayed every day. An old foe, Cardinal Joseph Zen, came to his cell to say mass. His wife and family stood by him. His lawyers continued the fight while their client was in and out of hospital. His jail term was cut to twelve months. The fallen chief executive completed the sentence in a hospital bed before emerging, gaunt and white-haired, yet defiantly sporting a chequered bow tie, on 15 January 2019.

 

2019年6月，终审法院一致撤销了曾荫权的原定罪和判刑，理由是陪审员没有得到适当的指导，不知道他没有披露在深圳物业的利益是否是'故意的'，严重到足以构成犯罪。

主审法官的指示......是不充分的，"法院裁定。

不能重审，因为曾荫权'已经为他将被重审的罪行受到了公正的惩罚'，因此正义的利益不需要重审。

 

In June 2019, the Court of Final Appeal unanimously quashed Tsang’s original conviction and sentence on the grounds that the jurors had not been given proper guidance on whether his failure to disclose an interest in the Shenzhen property was ‘wilful’ and serious enough to constitute a crime. ‘The trial judge’s directions … were inadequate,’ it ruled. There could be no retrial because Tsang ‘had suffered a just punishment for the offence in respect of which he would be re-tried’ and thus the interests of justice did not require it.

 

这是一个痛苦的平反，曾荫权把它变成了一个关于迫害和忍耐的基督教寓言，拒绝对他的检察官有任何恶意的言论。

在获释9个月后的一次采访中，他显得很虚弱，声音很轻，他的热情被浇灭了。

曾荫权爵士，这位被英国女王伊丽莎白二世封为爵士的杰出高官，可能已经落入了中国精英政治的变幻莫测之中。

无论他的案件在法律上有什么好处，它都是一个有益的例子，即共产党的保护一旦扩大，就可以撤回。

尽管曾荫权声称对胡锦涛和继任者习近平都很热情，但他在下台后并没有得到中国政府的青睐。

相反，他被法庭追捕，他的名誉被毁，他的健康被毁。

有些人认为他的下台对所有后来的香港领导人都是一个警告，这也是中国正在进行的清洗和更新周期的一个复制。

 

It was a bitter vindication which Tsang turned into a Christian parable of persecution and endurance, refusing to speak with malice about his prosecutors. In an interview nine months after his release he appeared a weakened man, his voice soft, his ebullience dashed. Sir Donald Tsang, the brilliant high-flyer knighted by Queen Elizabeth II, may have fallen into the shifting sands of elite Chinese politics. Whatever the legal merits of his case, it served as a salutary example that the Communist Party’s protection, once extended, could be withdrawn. Despite Tsang’s professed warmth towards both Hu Jintao and the man who succeeded him, Xi, he received no mark of favour from Beijing after stepping down. Instead he was pursued through the courts, his reputation destroyed and his health ruined. Some saw in his downfall a warning to all later leaders of Hong Kong, one which replicated a cycle of purge and renewal unfolding in China.

 

谣言和丑闻总是从人民共和国涌出，进入香港书商的书架，堆满了杂志，承诺对中国隐蔽的领导人的阴谋和私人生活进行独家报道。

这些故事不时地被证明是真实的。

 

A great ferment of rumour and scandal had always bubbled out of the People’s Republic and onto the booksellers’ shelves in Hong Kong, piled high with magazines promising scoops about the plots and private lives of China’s cloistered leaders. From time to time the stories turned out to be true.

 

由于不受审查，香港媒体成了中国各派别泄露其对手故事的乐园。

据称的回忆录、日记和秘密文件是中国迷宫里的人选择将选定的小道消息带到阳光下的交易。

从党的领导家庭的神秘金融交易到高层通奸，以及坚持认为毛泽东的副手是同性恋的周恩来传记，各种故事都有。

鉴定总是很棘手，读者最好是持怀疑态度。

但当中国爆发权力斗争时，事件的发展超过了最有想象力的作家。

 

Being free from censorship, the Hong Kong media was a playground for factions in China to leak stories about their rivals. Purported memoirs, diaries and secret documents were the stock-in-trade of people inside the Chinese labyrinth who chose to bring selected titbits into the daylight. There were tales for all tastes, from the arcane financial dealings of the party’s leading families to adulteries at the top and a biography of Zhou Enlai which maintained that Mao’s deputy was gay. Authentication was always tricky and readers were wise to be sceptical. But when a power struggle broke out in China, events outpaced the most imaginative writer.

 

2011年11月，英国商人尼尔-海伍德在中国西部的重庆去世。

他的尸体在幸运假日酒店的一个房间里被发现，这是一个褪色的度假胜地，位于长江边远离城市的花园之中。

海伍德于11月18日被火化。

他的中国遗孀王璐璐出席了仪式。

官员们告诉英国领事馆，死因是 "过度饮酒"。

一个奇怪的巧合是，英国外交部部长杰里米-布朗（Jeremy Browne）当天在重庆会见了重庆的党魁薄熙来。

 

In November 2011, a British businessman, Neil Heywood, died in Chongqing in western China. His body was found in a room at the Lucky Holiday Hotel, a faded resort set amid gardens on the far side of the Yangtze River from the city. Heywood was cremated on 18 November. His Chinese widow, Wang Lulu, attended the ceremony. Officials told the British consulate that the cause of death was ‘overconsumption of alcohol’. By an odd coincidence, a British foreign office minister, Jeremy Browne, had been in Chongqing that day to meet its party boss, Bo Xilai.

 

从那一天起，这个传奇故事就需要人们悬崖勒马。

书籍和纪录片都记载了这一事件，但所有这些都是建立在很少的可确定的事实基础上的。

例如，英国政府从来没有任何独立的法医或证人证据来证明海伍德是如何死亡的。

英国政府的说法是由中国审判中的污点证词、外国情报部门不可靠和有选择性的泄密、官方声明以及香港杂志和海外中文网站发表的来源不详的故事组成的混乱局面。

然而，其中有几个无可争议的因素。

 

From that day on the saga required a suspension of disbelief. It was chronicled in books and documentaries, all on the basis of very few ascertainable facts. The British government, for example, never had any independent forensic or witness evidence as to how Heywood died. The narrative was a farrago of tainted testimony from Chinese show trials, unreliable and selective leaks by foreign intelligence services, constipated official statements and a collection of thinly sourced stories published by Hong Kong magazines and overseas Chinese websites. There were, however, a few undisputed elements to it.

 

薄熙来是革命 "八仙 "之一的薄一波元帅的魅力十足、无原则和腐败的继承人。

他属于一个特定的群体，即现代中国开国元勋的子女，其中文名称为 "太子党"，通常简称为 "太子党"。

其宗族网络在永久的王朝竞争中竞争，他们的特权被无处不在的衰落风险所削弱，他们都意识到，在中国的高层生活意味着生活在悬崖边上，从一代到另一代。

在这个精英阶层内部不断变化的关系中，薄熙来家族和习近平家族之间的关系很不稳定。

 

Bo Xilai was the charismatic, unprincipled and corrupt heir to one of the ‘Eight Immortals’ of the revolution, Marshal Bo Yibo. He belonged to a select group, the children of modern China’s founding fathers, whose name in Chinese was ‘the party of Crown Princes’, commonly shortened to ‘princelings’. Its clan networks competed in perpetual dynastic rivalry, their privileges tempered by the ever-present risk of downfall, all aware from one generation to the next that life at the top in China meant living on a precipice. Among the ever-shifting relationships within this elite was a troubled one between the family of Bo Xilai and the family of Xi.

 

薄熙来作为东北沿海大连港的市长而崭露头角，随后成为辽宁省总督、商务部部长和政治局委员。

他来到重庆，对有组织犯罪大开杀戒，并以示众审判和处决的方式粉碎了这些犯罪。

为此，他依靠他的警察局长王立军，一个擅长酷刑的蒙古族人，他自称的技能包括进行业余验尸和在死刑犯死亡时摘取他们的器官。

 

Bo rose to prominence as mayor of the port of Dalian on the northeast coast, then became governor of Liaoning province, minister of commerce and a member of the Politburo. He arrived in Chongqing breathing fire against organised crime, which he crushed with show trials and executions. For these he relied on his police chief, Wang Lijun, an ethnic Mongolian adept in torture, whose self-proclaimed skills ran to performing amateur autopsies and harvesting the organs of executed prisoners while they were still in their death throes.

 

薄熙来和王某通过敲诈勒索和没收受害者的财富获得财富，同时通过薄熙来的第二任妻子谷开来控制的律师事务所从商人那里获得贿赂，知情者称之为 "重庆的门户"。

薄熙来的新毛泽东主义运动为这些活动提供了一个表面，他大声宣扬共产主义价值观，并大量演唱怀旧的 "红歌"，吸引了包括他的 "太子党 "习近平和中国安全部长周永康在内的钦佩者。

薄熙来正在进行看起来像竞选更高职位的活动。

 

Bo and Wang reaped fortunes through extortion and the confiscation of wealth from their victims, while bribes flowed from businessmen via a law firm controlled by Bo’s second wife, Gu Kailai, and called by those in the know ‘the gateway to Chongqing’. A façade for these operations was provided by Bo’s neo-Maoist campaign of stridently proclaimed Communist values and nostalgic ‘red songs’ performed en masse, which drew admiring visitors including his fellow ‘princeling’ Xi Jinping and China’s security chief, Zhou Yongkang. Bo was running what looked like a campaign for higher office.

 

随着中国接近胡温时代的尾声，其政治变得竞争激烈。

自1989年以来的长期平静--见证了党内各派别达成权力平衡，有了更多的集体领导，没有强人，任期限制和不流血的办公室交接--正在接近尾声。

未来将奖励大人物。

薄熙来的野心是无限的。

尼尔-海伍德（Neil Heywood）的尸体被发现后，他的雄心壮志就消失了。

 

As China neared the end of the Hu–Wen years, its politics became intensely competitive. The long calm since 1989 – which had seen the party’s factions reach a balance of power, with a more collective leadership, no strongman, term limits and bloodless handovers of office – was drawing to a close. The future would reward big personalities. Bo’s ambitions were limitless. The discovery of Neil Heywood’s corpse put an end to them.

 

海伍德是一个四十岁出头、口齿伶俐的外籍人士。

他在英国顶尖的哈罗学校接受教育，并精通中文，他以修理工和伴侣的身份进入薄家。

他帮助谷开来进行海外投资，并指导这对夫妇的儿子瓜瓜（"西瓜"）从哈罗大学到牛津大学的学习过程中，表现得非常活跃。

薄熙来忙于追求自己的婚外情，很少注意到他的妻子与英国人的关系。

 

Heywood was a smooth-talking expatriate in his early forties. Educated at Harrow, one of Britain’s top schools, and proficient in Chinese, he had charmed his way into the Bo family as a fixer and companion. He helped Gu Kailai with her overseas investments and mentored the couple’s son, Guagua (‘Watermelon’), on the youth’s gregarious progress from Harrow to Oxford University. Bo Xilai, busy pursuing his own extramarital adventures, paid little attention to his wife’s relationship with the Briton.

 

在对顾雏军的审判中，她与海伍德因钱而闹翻。

由于担心被勒索，她以和解为借口将海伍德引到重庆，并在一次酒后在家臣张晓军的帮助下毒死了他。

如果官方的说法是可信的，那就是一场肮脏的谋杀。

海伍德喝醉了，倒在酒店的浴室里......他呕吐并要求喝水。

他们把他放在床上。

谷开来将氰化物化合物倒入她事先准备好的一个小酱油容器中，与水混合，走到床的左侧。

她在和海伍德说话时将有毒混合物滴入他的嘴里。

然后她把毒品胶囊撒在地上，让人觉得好像是海伍德服用了这些毒品。

 

The story which unfolded at Gu’s trial was that she fell out with Heywood over money. Fearing blackmail, she lured him to Chongqing on the pretext of a reconciliation and poisoned him with the aid of a retainer, Zhang Xiaojun, after a drinking session. If the official account was to be believed, it was a sordid murder: ‘Heywood got drunk and fell in the hotel bathroom … he vomited and asked for water. They put him on the bed. Gu Kailai poured cyanide compound into a small soy sauce container she had prepared beforehand, mixed it with water and walked to the left side of the bed. She dripped the toxic mixture into Heywood’s mouth as she was talking to him. Then she scattered capsules of drugs on the floor, making it seem as though Heywood had taken the drugs.’

 

无论这一切是否属实，薄熙来和王立军之间的联盟因海伍德的突然死亡而被打破。

2012年2月，这位警察局长逃到美国驻成都领事馆，寻求叛逃，以换取他向目瞪口呆的外交官们披露的信息。

美国的 "五眼 "情报伙伴，即英国、澳大利亚、新西兰和加拿大，以及日本，都收到了一份记录稿。

但王立军自己的罪行使其成为一个不可能的交易。

他向国家安全部的一名使者自首，然后消失了。

 

Whether or not any of this was true, the alliance between Bo Xilai and Wang Lijun was broken by Heywood’s sudden death. In February 2012, the police chief fled to the American consulate in the city of Chengdu, seeking to defect in exchange for his revelations, which he unfolded to stunned diplomats. A transcript was shared with America’s ‘Five Eyes’ intelligence partners, the UK, Australia, New Zealand and Canada, and with Japan. But Wang Lijun’s own crimes made it an impossible bargain. He gave himself up to an emissary from the Ministry of State Security and vanished.

 

薄熙来无法在这一丑闻中幸存下来。

他坚持了一个月，在全国人民代表大会上大胆地为自己辩护。

在适当的时候，他被剥夺了职务，并接受了一场令人毛骨悚然的审判，在审判中他保持了自己的尊严。

他因腐败和滥用权力被判处无期徒刑，并被送往秦城监狱，这是位于北京北部燕山脚下的一个关押高级囚犯的监狱。

他的妻子被判处死刑，后来改判为无期徒刑。

她的同伙张晓进被判九年，但提前获释。

2018年，他被发现在首都八宝山公墓祭奠族长薄一波的队伍中。

 

Bo could not survive the scandal. He clung on for a month, boldly defending himself at the National People’s Congress. In due course he was stripped of his offices and put through a lurid show trial, at which he kept his dignity. Sentenced to life for corruption and abuse of power, he was dispatched to Qincheng prison, a facility for prisoners of high rank at the foot of the Yan mountains north of Beijing. His wife received a death sentence, later commuted to life imprisonment. Her accomplice, Zhang Xiaojin, got nine years but was freed early. In 2018 he was spotted in a group paying a memorial tribute to the clan patriarch, Bo Yibo, at the Babaoshan cemetery in the capital.

 

至于汪精卫，在因滥用权力、受贿、叛逃和 "徇私枉法 "而被判处15年监禁之前，他再次出面指证他的老主顾。

值得注意的是，这些指控并不包括叛国罪，而且法庭说汪精卫通过揭露他人的罪行，做出了 "重大功绩"。

 

As for Wang, he resurfaced to testify against his old patron before receiving a fifteen-year jail term for abuse of power, bribetaking, defection and ‘bending the law’ to his own ends. It was notable that the charges did not include treason and the court said Wang had performed ‘major meritorious service’ by exposing the crimes of others.

 

香港不仅仅是这些事件的旁观者；它是一个回音室，对手在这里传播含沙射影和虚假信息，偶尔夹杂着一些事实。

一家名为《钱潮》的杂志详细介绍了海伍德和薄熙来妻子之间的所谓风流韵事，声称英国秘密情报局（MI6）利用他来获取中国精英阶层的机密。

该杂志的编辑说他的消息来源是 "中央委员会的相关部门"。

负责监督安全部门的英国外交大臣威廉-黑格告诉议会成员，海伍德'不是英国政府的任何雇员'。

就这一点而言，这是事实。

 

Hong Kong was more than a spectator to these events; it was an echo chamber where the rivals spread innuendo and disinformation, mingled with the occasional fact. One magazine, Qianshao, published a detailed account of the supposed affair between Heywood and Bo’s wife, claiming that the British Secret Intelligence Service, MI6, had used him in a bid to secure secrets from within the Chinese elite. The magazine’s editor said his source was ‘the relevant department of the central committee’. The British foreign secretary, William Hague, who supervised the security services, told Members of Parliament that Heywood ‘was not an employee of the British government in any capacity’. That was true, as far as it went.

 

海伍德给人的印象是一个不简单的爱国者，他喜欢分享他对一个大多数外国人被拒之门外的世界的洞察力。

他公开谈论了他与英国大使馆的联系。

他曾代表Hakluyt对中国公司进行了尽职调查，Hakluyt是一家由前军情六处官员创办的战略咨询公司。

在一个偏执的环境中，这是很危险的生活。

一个亚洲的资深情报官员说："这只是另一个倒霉的商人，而且不在他的掌控之中。

 

Heywood gave the impression of being an uncomplicated patriot who enjoyed sharing his insights on a world from which most foreigners were shut out. He openly chatted about his contacts with the British embassy. He had carried out due diligence investigations into Chinese companies on behalf of Hakluyt, a strategic advisory firm founded by former officers of MI6. In a paranoid environment, this was living dangerously. ‘Just another businessman down on his luck and out of his depth’ was the verdict of a veteran intelligence officer in Asia.

 

对中国安全部门来说，这些审判的一个有益的副产品是，它们起到了警告作用，不要相信外国人。

海伍德的遗孀王璐璐是一位忠诚的中国公民，她与国家安全部充分合作，从未公开谈论过此案。

她的行为被认为是堪称典范。

 

For the Chinese security services, one useful by-product of the trials was that they served as a warning not to trust in foreigners. Heywood’s widow, Wang Lulu, was a loyal Chinese citizen who gave her full co-operation to the Ministry of State Security and never spoke publicly about the case. Her conduct was deemed to be exemplary.

 

一段时间以来，轻率的行为继续适合北京的新权力拥有者。

香港媒体和海外中文网站对抛出的每一个流言蜚语都进行回收。

下一个目标是薄熙来的盟友周永康，他曾经是中国最阴险的人物，控制着安全机构，将石油工业作为个人领地，并在朝鲜和苏丹等恶劣地区推行自己的外交政策。

公众现在了解到上流社会的传言，说周是个有特权的害虫，深陷腐败的泥潭，为了娶他的第二任妻子，一个比他小28岁的电视名人，他策划了他的第一任妻子在车祸中死亡。

 人民日报》详细报道了2012年3月12日晚在北京市中心发生的一幕，据说在周恩来的卫队和正规军的对峙中，有人向空中开枪；这一事件引发了政变企图的谣言。

周恩来被激怒了，派他的爪牙去香港寻找并惩罚泄密者，但他的权力正在消退。

不是别人，正是支持民主的小报《苹果日报》爆出了他面临调查和耻辱的消息。

他也被关进了秦城监狱，服无期徒刑。

 

For a while, indiscretion continued to suit the new power-holders in Beijing. The Hong Kong media and overseas Chinese websites recycled every bone of gossip thrown to them. The next target was Bo’s ally Zhou Yongkang, once the most sinister figure in China, who controlled the security apparatus, made the oil industry a personal fiefdom and ran his own foreign policy in rough neighbourhoods like North Korea and Sudan. The public now learned of rumours in high society that Zhou was a priapic pest, mired in corruption, who had set up the death of his first wife in a car crash in order to marry his second, a television personality twenty-eight years his junior. Qianshao printed a detailed account of a drama in central Beijing on the night of 12 March 2012, when, it said, shots had been fired in the air during a confrontation between Zhou’s guards and regular troops; the incident sparked rumours of an attempted coup. Infuriated, Zhou sent his minions to Hong Kong to find and punish the leakers, but his power was ebbing away. It was none other than the pro-democracy tabloid Apple Daily which broke the news that he faced investigation and disgrace. He, too, went to Qincheng prison to serve a life sentence.

 

薄熙来的倒台标志着习近平的上台，他作为国家元首、党的领导人和军队首脑掌握了权力。

在经历了许多纷争之后，精英阶层重新平衡了权力关系，将习近平这个另一个 "太子党 "置于首位，由胡锦涛集团的门徒李克强担任总理。

这位新领导人承诺要打击腐败，领导中华民族的伟大复兴，这些誓言被他的大多数听众认为只是口号而已。

外国外交官们松了一口气，中国在一个建制派成员的安全手中。

金融和商业界为不确定性的结束而欢欣鼓舞。

香港的出版业庆祝了一个辉煌的一年。

该市的民主人士在丑闻的刺激下，准备上街抗争。

他们中的任何一个人都不知道习近平准备了什么。

 

The fall of Bo sealed the ascent of Xi Jinping, who took power as head of state, leader of the party and chief of the military. After much strife, the elite rebalanced its power equation to place Xi, another ‘princeling’, at the top with Li Keqiang, a protégé of the Hu Jintao group, as prime minister. The new leader promised to fight corruption and lead a great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, vows which most of his listeners took to be mere slogans. Foreign diplomats breathed a sigh of relief that China was in the safe hands of a member of the establishment. Finance and business rejoiced at the end of uncertainty. The Hong Kong publishing industry celebrated a vintage year. The city’s democrats, emboldened by the scandals, prepared to take their fight to the streets. Little did any of them know what Xi Jinping had in store.

 

 

 

* 财政政策意味着政府对税收和支出的决定，货币政策意味着中央银行控制货币和信贷数量的行动。

* Fiscal policy means government decisions on tax and spending, monetary policy means central bank actions to control the amount of money and credit.

 

14.天下大乱

14.Chaos under Heaven

 

 

在学期中一个沉闷的日子里，一个名叫Joshua Wong Chi-fung的小学生读到了关于政府计划改变其教育大纲的消息。

在香港或其他地方，这不是那种能让普通15岁的孩子心跳加速的事情，但黄之锋是个神童。

他是一个穿着T恤和牛仔裤的瘦小的麦穗头青年，通过粗壮的眼镜审视世界，并不断摆弄他的手机，他在地铁的任何人群中都不会被注意到。

他出生于英国统治的最后几个月，即1996年10月13日；他的父母，黃偉明和吳秋媚，为他命名为约书亚，以圣经中探知应许之地并带领以色列人征服它的人物命名。

他的中文名字叫 "之锋"，意思是 "尖锐的东西"。

 

One dreary day in term time, a schoolboy named Joshua Wong Chi-fung read about government plans to change his education syllabus. This was not the sort of thing to quicken the pulse of the average fifteen-year-old in Hong Kong, or anywhere else, but Wong was a prodigy. A scrawny, crop-headed youth in T-shirt and jeans who scrutinised the world through wiry spectacles and fiddled constantly with his mobile phone, he would have passed unnoticed in any crowd on the Mass Transit Railway. He had been born in the last months of British rule, on 13 October 1996; his parents, Roger Wong and Grace Li, christened him Joshua after the biblical figure who spied out the promised land and led the Israelites to conquer it. His Chinese name, Chi-fung, meant ‘something sharp’.

 

黄之锋与他的母亲、父亲和弟弟住在一个简陋的公寓里。

男孩们在一个狭窄的房间里打地铺，架子上整齐地堆放着书籍和学习文件夹。

在7岁时被诊断出患有阅读障碍，Wong有一个古怪的头脑，可以吸收大量的信息，并把它们变成清晰、快速的句子，用他的母语广东话滚滚而来。

他无法闭嘴。

他的父亲回忆说，甚至在他还是个小孩子的时候，他就试图用嘴含着一个瓶子说话。

 

Wong lived in a modest apartment with his mother, father and younger brother. The boys bunked in a cramped room, its shelves lined with neatly stacked books and study folders. Diagnosed with dyslexia at seven years old, Wong had an offbeat mind that could absorb huge quantities of information and turn them into clear, rapid-fire sentences that rolled off his tongue in his native Cantonese. He could not shut up. His father recalled that even as a small child he tried to talk with a bottle in his mouth.

 

五十出头的黃偉明，在经营自己的生意之前，曾在一家信息技术公司工作。

吳秋媚照顾她的儿子并在一个社区中心工作。

这对夫妇是香港 "夹心阶层 "的普通成员，之所以被称为 "夹心阶层"，是因为他们居住在福利和财富之间的 "夹缝中"。

他们的公寓位于鸭脷洲的白色塔楼群中，名为 "海怡"，是香港岛南面的一个突出的海角。

里面有圣经、宗教书籍和圣像。

黄家是一个虔诚的基督教家庭。

正是他们的福音信仰，加上他们大儿子的古怪口才，创造了黃之鋒现象。

 

Roger Wong, who was in his early fifties, had worked for a firm in information technology before running his own business. Grace Li cared for her boys and worked in a community centre. The couple were ordinary members of Hong Kong’s ‘sandwich class’, so called because it inhabited the ‘squeezed middle’ between welfare and riches. Their flat was located in a cluster of white tower blocks named South Horizons at Ap Lei Chau, a promontory jutting out to sea on the south side of Hong Kong island. Inside were Bibles, religious books and holy images. The Wongs were a devout Christian family. It was their evangelical faith, combined with their elder son’s quirky eloquence, that created the Joshua Wong phenomenon.

 

这个男孩每天上学都要去九龙，在那里他参加了滙基書院，这是一所为男孩和女孩开办的私立中学。

它所宣称的价值观包括培养美德和按照上帝的意愿生活。

附属于学校的新教社区教堂在学校的精神和社会生活中起着主导作用。

学生们学习传统的书面中文，同时也接受英语教学。

他们在一个绿色的柏油球场上打篮球。

这是香港有抱负的家庭为之作出牺牲的教育。

作为回报，他们得到了许多西方国家的父母会羡慕的学校。

 

The boy made his way every school day to Kowloon, where he attended the United Christian College, a private secondary school for boys and girls. Its stated values included the cultivation of virtue and living life according to God’s will. A Protestant community church attached to the school played a dominant role in its spiritual and social life. The pupils learned traditional written Chinese and were also taught in English. They played basketball on a green tarmac court. It was the kind of education that aspirational families in Hong Kong made sacrifices to pay for. In return they got the kind of school that many parents in Western countries would envy.

 

滙基書院并不是为了成为反叛的孵化器而设立的，但在黄之锋身上，它有一个天然的反叛者。

黄之锋在学术上挣扎。

更重要的是，他不喜欢吃的东西，那是制度性的。

13岁时，他在Facebook页面上组织了一次请愿活动，对其进行投诉。

他的父母被传唤去见校长。

这是一个煽动者职业生涯的开始，而黄之锋从未回头。

 

The United Christian College was not set up to be an incubator for rebellion, but in Joshua Wong it had a natural rebel on its hands. Wong struggled with the academics. More to the point, he disliked the food, which was institutional. At thirteen, he organised a petition on a Facebook page to complain about it. His mortified parents were summoned to see the headmaster. It was the start of a career as an agitator, and Wong never looked back.

 

黄之锋和他的同学林朗彥一起，成立了一个青少年团体，其总体目标是让成年人了解他们的不满情绪。

他们这样做的策略是狡猾的，年轻的毛泽东也曾是一个叛逆的学生，他一定会钦佩。

他们称其为俱乐部，对父母来说，这意味着象棋或家庭作业等无害的追求。

黄是它的召集人，而不是它的老板。

它的名字再让人放心不过了。

學民思潮。

 

Wong后来承认，加入 "主义 "是为了给它增添一种庄重的气氛。

 

Together with a schoolmate, Ivan Lam Long-yin, Wong began a group for teenagers with the general aim of making adults aware of their grievances. They did so with tactical guile which the young Mao, who had also been a rebellious pupil, would have admired. They called it a club, which to parents suggested innocent pursuits like chess or homework. Wong was its convenor, not its boss. Its name could not have been more reassuring: Scholarism. The ‘ism’ was added, Wong later admitted, to lend it an air of gravitas.

 

两人加入了周庭Agnes Chow，她是嘉诺撒圣家学院的学生，其罗马天主教的成长经历激发了她的社会承诺。

學民思潮吸引了聪明、理想主义的年轻人，他们知道香港有问题。

他们参加了反对派的仪式；每年6月4日为天安门的灵魂守夜，7月1日举行游行，悼念回归后失去的民主。

黄是这种抗议活动的热心人，只要看到麦克风，就能在任何一家7-Eleven商店外的肥皂盒上演说。

但学民思潮的年轻鼓动者缺乏一个运动的重点。

他们是在寻找原因的反叛者。

然后一个叫梁振英的沉闷的成年人给了他们一个。

 

The duo were joined by Agnes Chow, a pupil at the Holy Family Canossian College, whose Roman Catholic upbringing inspired her social commitment. Scholarism attracted bright, idealistic youngsters who knew that something was wrong in Hong Kong. They joined the opposition’s rituals; a vigil every June Fourth for the souls of Tiananmen and a march on 1 July to mourn the loss of democracy after the handover. Wong was an enthusiast for such protests and could orate from a soapbox outside any 7-Eleven store at the sight of a microphone. But Scholarism’s young agitators lacked a campaign focus. They were rebels in search of a cause. Then a dour adult named Leung Chun-ying handed them one.

 

梁振英，他通常被称为，在2012年接替曾荫权成为行政长官。

他从有1193名成员的选举委员会中赢得了603张选票，这让他掌管了700万人口。

他的支持者声称，这是一场真正的竞争。

梁振英击败了行政事务司司长唐英年，唐英年因不忠、虚假的房屋装修和一个幽灵酒窖等近乎荒唐的丑闻而倒下。

唐英年一直受到中国的青睐，但他的闲情逸致使他成为一个负担。

他的竞争对手开始行动，轻松击败了象征性的第三位候选人，民主党人何俊仁。

 

C.Y. Leung, as he was usually known, took over from Donald Tsang in 2012 as chief executive. He won 603 votes from an election committee numbering 1,193 members, which put him in charge of seven million people. It was, his backers claimed, a real contest. Leung defeated Henry Tang, the chief secretary for administration, who was felled by scandals verging on the absurd about infidelity, dodgy home improvements and a phantom wine cellar. Tang had been favoured by China but his idle airs of entitlement made him a liability. His rival moved in for the kill and easily beat off a token third candidate, Albert Ho, a Democrat.

 

梁振英政府是手套脱落的时刻。

五十七岁的新任行政长官有能力。

和他的前任一样，他是一个警察的儿子。

他的家庭起源于中国东北。

梁振英受益于殖民时期的精英教育，并在英国的研究生学习中表现出色。

他回国后在行仲量行做了一个利润丰厚的房产测量师，然后就开始了自己的创业。

他的生意非常成功，引起了当时上海市长朱镕基的注意，并毫不费力地进入了为爱国主义事业服务的高管队伍中。

英国安全官员认为梁振英是共产党的秘密成员。

他否认了这一点，但这并不能说服他的敌人：该党在香港是地下运作的，因此它的纪律守则规定要保持沉默，如果有必要，也要进行伪装。

无可否认，梁振英享有党的信任和随之而来的特权。

他没有受到殖民主义制度的影响，在党内选定的起草《基本法》的小组中任职，并在回归后加入董建华政府。

在心态和管理风格上，他是中国的合适人选。

 

The C.Y. Leung administration was the point at which the gloves came off. At fifty-seven, the new chief executive had form. Like his predecessor, he was the son of a policeman. His family origins lay in northeast China. Leung had benefited from a meritocratic colonial education and went on to excel in postgraduate studies in Britain. He came home to make a lucrative career as a property surveyor for Jones Lang Wootton, then struck out on his own. His business was so successful that he caught the eye of Zhu Rongji, then the mayor of Shanghai, and moved effortlessly into the ranks of executives serving the patriotic cause. British security officials believed Leung was a secret member of the Communist Party. He denied it, but that did not convince his foes: the party operated underground in Hong Kong, thus its code of discipline imposed silence and, if necessary, dissimulation. Leung undeniably enjoyed the party’s trust and the privileges that came with it. Untainted by ties to the colonial system, he served on groups chosen by the party to draft the Basic Law, and he joined the Tung administration after the handover. In mentality and management style he was the right man for China.

 

梁振英的早期举措之一是为了取悦爱国者，他们长期以来一直抱怨香港的教育过于西化、过于基督教化和过于自由。

在曾荫权时期，官员们起草了一个新的学校课程，以改善 "德育及國民教育科"。

在形式上，它要求学生接受中国文化和治理的优点的指导，制定了一个咨询时间表，并建议分三个阶段转换到新系统，使所有香港学童在七年内走上正确的道路。

2012年7月，新任行政长官以一种混合了家长式作风和平淡无奇的陈述方式推出了该计划。

黃之鋒直接看穿了这一点。

學民思潮终于找到了它的原因。

 

One of Leung’s early initiatives aimed to please the patriots who had long complained that education in Hong Kong was too westernised, too Christian and too liberal. Under Donald Tsang officials had drafted a new school curriculum to improve ‘moral and national education’. Anodyne in form, it called for pupils to be instructed in the merits of Chinese culture and governance, set a timetable for consultations and proposed a three-stage conversion to the new system so that all Hong Kong schoolchildren would be on the correct path within seven years. In July 2012, the new chief executive launched the plan with a presentational mixture of paternalism and blandness. Joshua Wong saw straight through it. At last Scholarism had found its cause.

 

也许梁振英在红色资本家的圈子里生活得太久了，以至于他忘记了香港的普通人，甚至是学童，都是聪明的人。

他在推广课程时宣称中国共产党政府是一个先进和无私的政权，其统治与西方民主的有毒政治形成鲜明对比，而所有明智的观察家都知道西方民主是失败的，这不是赢得人心的方法。

而且还有更多相同的内容。

这是给青年运动的一份礼物，青年运动在瞬间从脸书上的愤慨发展到了街头抗议。

 

Perhaps Leung had lived in the rarefied circle of red capitalists for so long that he had forgotten that ordinary people in Hong Kong, even schoolchildren, were a street-smart lot. His promotion of the curriculum with a message that the Communist government of China was an advanced and selfless regime, its rule contrasting with the toxic politics of Western democracy, which all wise observers knew to be a failure, was not the way to win hearts and minds. And there was more in the same vein. It was a gift to the youth movement, which graduated in a flash from Facebook indignation to street protests.

 

兴奋之余，黄之锋和他的同志们召集他们的支持者在7月29日举行集会，吸引了10万人参加。

他们收集请愿书，在学校设置纠察队，与家长争论，并争取教师加入抵抗。

8月底，他们呼吁学生占领位于金钟的政府总部外的空间，金钟是香港岛北岸的一个沉闷的摩天大楼区。

他们将其命名为 "公民广场"。

林朗彥和另外两人进行了三天的绝食抗议。

 

Exhilarated, Wong and his comrades called their supporters to a rally on 29 July which drew 100,000 people. They collected petitions, staged pickets at schools, argued with their parents and won teachers over to the resistance. At the end of August, they appealed to students to occupy the space outside the government headquarters in Admiralty, a district of dull skyscrapers on the north shore of Hong Kong island. They baptised it ‘Civic Square’. Ivan Lam and two others went on a hunger strike for three days.

 

媒体将目光投向了这些外表光鲜、口齿伶俐且严肃的年轻麻烦制造者。

黄之锋睡在帐篷里，从一个采访到另一个采访，眼皮发麻。

热心的香港公众在电视上看到了穿着整齐的学生在静坐中做作业的画面。

9月7日星期五，有12万多人加入了他们。

黄之锋发表了他一生中最重要的演讲。

他说，该课程是 "洗脑宣传"，梁振英必须撤销它。

第二天，在抗议者的惊愕和不相信中，行政长官就这样做了。

 

The media fell upon these clean-cut, articulate and serious young troublemakers. Wong slept in a tent and lurched bleary-eyed from one interview to the next. An avid Hong Kong public watched television footage of neatly uniformed pupils doing their homework at the sit-in. On Friday 7 September, more than 120,000 people joined them. Wong gave the speech of his life. The curriculum was ‘brainwashing propaganda’, he said, and C.Y. Leung must withdraw it. The next day, to the delirium and disbelief of the protesters, the chief executive did just that.

 

共产党将与学民思潮等对手的斗争视为价值观的冲突。

他们是对的。

这场政治冲突是关于香港人决定自己未来的权利。

但它来自于对中国人含义的两种看法之间更深刻的分裂。

 

The Communist Party saw the fight against opponents like Scholarism as a clash of values. They were right. The political conflict was about the right of Hong Kong people to decide their future. But it came from a more profound schism between two visions of what it meant to be Chinese.

 

一个十几岁的黃之鋒与一个强大的习近平之间的大卫与巨人形象被世界媒体热衷于报道，而这个年轻人自己却感到不舒服。

在中国媒体看来，他是西方人的傀儡，很可能是被美国人收买来背叛祖国的。

两种肖像都有漫画的成分，忽略了香港的政治革命是无领导的，是由这个城市的独特生活方式发展而来的现实。

 

The David-and-Goliath image of a teenage Joshua Wong versus a mighty Xi Jinping was eagerly taken up by the world’s press, to the discomfort of the young man himself. In the Chinese media, he was a puppet of Westerners, most likely paid by the Americans to betray the motherland. Both portraits had elements of caricature, ignoring the reality that Hong Kong’s political revolution was leaderless and grew out of the city’s unique way of life.

 

当香港生活在各种思想和政治思想流派的争斗中时，习近平领导的新中国正在发展自己的意识形态。

它是创新的，不断发展的，但根据证据，可以说它有三点。

它是 "文明的"，是自豪的中国人；它重申马克思主义是它的基本信念；而且，它从已故的约瑟夫-斯大林那里借鉴了独裁的理论和实践，这一点不太公开。

 

While Hong Kong lived in a ferment of ideas and contending schools of political thought, the new China under Xi Jinping was developing its own ideology. It was innovative and constantly evolving, but – based on evidence – three things could be said about it. It was ‘civilisational’, being proudly Chinese; it restated Marxism as its founding belief; and, less publicly, it borrowed the theory and practice of dictatorship from the late Joseph Stalin.

 

那些轻描淡写地说共产党已经没有原则的外国人是错误的。

它代表着'中国特色'的社会主义，这使国家恢复了最重要的作用，并将党重新置于'南、北、东、西'的指挥地位，习近平是'人民的领袖'，这是自毛泽东以来没有一个中国政治家获得的称号。

 

Foreigners who said with glib assurance that the Communist Party had no principles any more were wrong. It stood for socialism with ‘Chinese characteristics’, which restored the state to a paramount role and put the party back in command ‘north, south, east and west’ with Xi as ‘the people’s leader’, a title accorded to no Chinese politician since Mao.

 

当然，也有不一致的地方。

一个矛盾点是新政权脆弱的民族主义和它自己对从国外借来的理论的依赖之间的对比。

谴责黄之锋这样的人是很好的，他把活跃在第一世纪巴勒斯坦的传教士耶稣基督当作自己的主和救世主来崇拜。

但习近平本人却支持出生于德国的哲学家卡尔-马克思的学说，他的理论在很大程度上归功于巴黎革命，他后来的作品是在维多利亚时代的英国创作的。

所有这些矛盾都被尖锐的口号所掩盖了。

宣传中往往缺乏逻辑性，但这并不妨碍其令人厌烦的重复。

 

There were inconsistencies, of course. One paradox was the contrast between the new regime’s brittle nationalism and its own reliance on doctrines borrowed from abroad. It was all very well to denounce people like Joshua Wong, who worshipped as his Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, a preacher active in first-century Palestine. But Xi himself upheld the doctrines of a philosopher born in Germany, Karl Marx, whose theories owed much to revolutionary Paris and whose later works were composed in Victorian England. All such contradictions were blotted out by shrill slogans. There was often scant logic to the propaganda, which did not prevent its wearisome repetition.

 

习近平本人并没有假装自己是一个知识分子；这种说法是后来由他的个人崇拜的燃烧者提出的。

他的教育在文化大革命期间受到影响，当时他被放逐到农村。

他以 "工农兵 "的身份获得了化学学位，这是一个奖励政治忠诚的类别，但威望很低。

在通往权力的道路上，他于2002年被北京清华大学授予法学博士研究生学位。

怀疑者质疑他116页的论文中有多少是他自己的作品，其中引用了97本中文书和26本英文书。

他们注意到，法学系的一位有影响力的成员陳希后来迅速晋升到国家和党的高级职位。

 

Xi Jinping himself did not pretend to be an intellectual; that claim was made later on by the burnishers of his personality cult. His education had suffered during the Cultural Revolution, when he was banished to the countryside. He earned a chemistry degree as a ‘worker-peasant-soldier’, a category which rewarded political fidelity but carried low prestige. On his path to power he was awarded a postgraduate doctorate in law by Beijing’s Tsinghua University in 2002. Sceptics questioned how much of his 116-page dissertation, which cited ninety-seven books in Chinese and twenty-six in English, was his own work. They noted that an influential member of the law faculty, Chen Xi, afterwards received rapid promotion to high state and party ranks.

 

这位中国领导人谈到了马克思是一个向导。

他采取的党的路线是，马克思照亮了一种看待历史的全新方式，它是一种动态的、进步的和科学的力量，使人类走上了通往美好未来的道路。

这打破了中国古代的宿命论概念，即人类被困在一个宇宙循环中，注定社会将永远从辉煌走向衰败。

每个受过教育的中国人都知道15世纪史诗《三国演义》的开篇，即帝国一旦统一就必须分裂，一旦分裂就必须统一。

 

The Chinese leader spoke of Marx as a guide. He took the party line that Marx had illuminated an entirely new way of looking at history as a dynamic, progressive and scientific force which set humanity on the path to a better future. This broke with the fatalistic ancient Chinese concept that man was trapped in a cosmic cycle which doomed society forever to rise and fall from splendour to decay. Every educated Chinese person knew the opening lines of the fifteenth-century epic The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, that the empire once united, must divide and once divided, must unite.

 

共产党人的任务是调和国家和意识形态，为此，习近平求助于一位政治理论家王沪宁。

这位出生在上海的阴暗的学者为三位领导人提供了完善理论的建议，而这些理论都被正式贴在他们的名字上。

他设计了繁琐的 "三个代表"，以编纂江泽民的想法，即党将大多数人的经济、文化和政治利益统一起来。

胡锦涛的'科学发展'不言自明。

至于'习近平思想'，它在王沪宁手中从一个口号，'中国梦'，演变为一个智慧的宝库，奇迹般地适用于从外交到医学的任何东西。

 

The task for Communists was to reconcile nation and ideology, and for that Xi turned to a political theorist, Wang Huning. This shadowy academic, born in Shanghai, advised three leaders on perfecting the theories that are officially attached to their names. He devised the cumbersome ‘Three Represents’ to codify Jiang Zemin’s idea that the party unified the economic, cultural and political interests of the majority. Hu Jintao’s ‘scientific development’ spoke for itself. As for ‘Xi Jinping Thought’, it evolved in Wang’s hands from a slogan, ‘the Chinese dream’, to a corpus of wisdom that was miraculously applicable to anything from diplomacy to medicine.

 

王沪宁在西方几乎无人知晓。

但对于那些从远处思考人民共和国运作的学者来说，他就像一个老朋友。

早在1994年，作为上海复旦大学的一名学者，王沪宁是 "文化主权 "的先驱，即认为在中国文明中，国家的安全和主权高于人权。

王沪宁熟悉美国政治学家塞缪尔-亨廷顿的理论，即文明的冲突，而不是民族国家，将形成未来的冲突。

该理论曾在《外交事务》这一专业杂志上发表过一篇文章，引起了广泛的讨论。

该理论直到1996年才以书的形式出现，但在中国已经引起了官方的批评，认为它是有偏见的，甚至是敌对的。

在中国的统治圈中，人们对亨廷顿的观点特别震惊，他认为没有证据证明自由国际主义的假设，即商业促进和平。

他们也不理解他的警告，即在全球经济中谈论不同文明的和谐融合是一种幻觉。

这两个主张都是中国与世界其他国家交往的核心。

 

Wang Huning was hardly known in the West. But he was like an old friend to scholars who pondered the workings of the People’s Republic from afar. As far back as 1994, Wang, an academic at Fudan University in Shanghai, had been a pioneer of ‘cultural sovereignty’ – the belief that in Chinese civilisation the security and sovereignty of the state ranked above human rights. Wang was familiar with the American political scientist Samuel Huntington’s thesis that a clash of civilisations, not nation states, would shape future conflicts. The theory had been published as an article in Foreign Affairs, a specialist journal, causing widespread debate. It did not appear in book form until 1996 but it had already drawn officially sponsored criticism in China, where it was held to be prejudiced, even hostile. In Chinese ruling circles there was particular alarm at Huntington’s view that no evidence existed for the liberal internationalist assumption that commerce promoted peace. Nor did they appreciate his warning that it was an illusion to talk of the harmonious convergence of civilisations in a global economy. Both propositions were at the core of China’s engagement with the rest of the world.

 

王沪宁认为亨廷顿说得很有道理。

他也相信，文化将在世界事务中发挥决定性作用。

抵制 "文化霸权 "是至关重要的。

他引用了邓小平的话，他说主权和安全是至高无上的，前者 "比人权重要得多"。

中国必须开展独立的外交活动，以保持其在各国之间的地位，王说，因此，西方的人权概念很容易成为国际斗争的焦点。

对中国来说，反对它是对国家主权的考验。

 

Wang Huning thought Huntington was spot-on. He too believed that culture would play a determining role in world affairs. Resistance to ‘cultural hegemony’ was vital. He quoted Deng Xiaoping, who said sovereignty and security were supreme and that the former was ‘much more important than human rights’. China had to conduct an independent diplomacy to keep its status among nations, Wang said, so the alien Western concept of human rights offered a convenient focus for international struggle. For China to stand against it was a test of national sovereignty.

 

中国新闻分析》的编辑们发现了王的文章，这是一份由耶稣会神父拉斯洛-拉达尼在香港创办的通讯。

他们在一份对知识分子工作的调查报告中发表了摘录，试图制定一个中国的人权定义。

它的作者评论说："对许多作家来说，似乎隐含着 "亚洲人 "倾向于把集体权利放在首位，而 "西方人 "则赞成个人权利。

这些作家的问题是，香港人混淆了他们的论点。

他们是无可争议的中国人，但却坚持激烈的思想独立、言论自由以及国家应该为公民服务而不是反过来的想法。

 

Wang’s writings were spotted by the editors of China News Analysis, a newsletter founded in Hong Kong by the Jesuit Father László Ládányi. They published extracts in a survey of work by intellectuals seeking to formulate a Chinese definition of human rights. Its author commented: ‘For many writers it seems implicit that “Asians” tend to give primacy to collective rights while “Westerners” favour those of the individual.’ The problem for such writers was that the people of Hong Kong confounded their thesis. They were indisputably Chinese yet held to a fierce independence of mind, free speech and the idea that the state should serve its citizens, not vice versa.

 

在习近平掌权时，共产党的理论家已将香港视为中国的一个角落，不容易与他的 "伟大复兴 "项目相协调。

王沪宁是他们的先锋，他进入了政治局，五年后被习近平选中，成为政治局常委中仅有的七个人之一，这是中国的最高统治机构。

在意识形态和文化之后，习近平的新秩序的第三部分是独裁统治。

对于香港和世界各地脆弱的民主国家来说，这是其最危险的一面。

 

By the time Xi Jinping took power, Communist Party theorists had come to see Hong Kong as a corner of China that could not easily be reconciled to his project of the ‘great rejuvenation’. In their vanguard was Wang Huning, who rose to join the Politburo and was picked by Xi five years later to become one of just seven men on its standing committee, the supreme ruling body in China. The third part of Xi’s new order after ideology and culture was dictatorship. This was its most menacing aspect for Hong Kong and for fragile democracies everywhere.

 

2012年12月，习近平作为党的领导人首次出访中国南方，在改革的发源地深圳，他向邓小平的雕像敬献了花圈，并宣称苏联的崩溃是因为没有人 "足够的男人 "来为它而战。

他说，否定列宁和斯大林，就是 "搞历史虚无主义"。

对于中国共产党人来说，斯大林是伟大的中间人，是把马克思列宁主义传给他们的创始同志的人。

澳大利亚政府顾问约翰-加诺特（John Garnaut）说，斯大林的作品《布尔什维克历史简明教程》是新中国领导人的灵感来源，他曾在北京担任过记者，对北京的精英阶层非常了解。

加诺特在一次政府内部研讨会上说："这本书的实际效用在于，它为每一个独裁政权不可避免地被腐蚀和退化的钙化和腐烂开出了解药。

习近平掌握了其中的真知灼见：党通过自我清洗变得强大，阶级斗争意味着永久的斗争，革命总是需要敌人；因此，对于一个见习独裁者来说，外国阴谋是丰富而有用的。

 

【2012年12月，剛就任總書記才一個月、還沒當上中國國家主席的習近平，就前往深圳「南巡」，展開他的第一場外地視察行程時，除了談經濟，更談到了當時已經解散近21年的蘇聯。

 

當時，習近平詢問在場的大小黨政官員說，「蘇聯為什麼會解體？蘇共為什麼會垮台？一個重要原因是『理想信念動搖了』。」

 

據透露，習近平當時感嘆地說，最後戈巴契夫（Mikhail Gorbachev）「輕輕一句話，宣佈蘇聯共產黨解散，偌大一個黨就沒了。按照黨員比例，蘇共超過我們，但『竟無一人是男兒』，沒什麼人出來抗爭。」】

In December 2012, Xi made his first tour as party leader to south China, where he laid a wreath at a statue of Deng Xiaoping in Shenzhen, the foundry of reform, and declared that the Soviet Union had collapsed because nobody was ‘man enough’ to fight for it. To dismiss Lenin and Stalin, he said, was ‘to engage in historical nihilism’. For Chinese Communists, Stalin was the great intermediary, the man who transmitted Marxism-Leninism to their founding comrades. Stalin’s work A Short Course on the History of the Bolsheviks was a source of inspiration to the new Chinese leader, according to John Garnaut, an Australian government adviser who served as a correspondent in Beijing and knew its elite well. ‘The practical utility of the book is that it prescribes an antidote to the calcification and putrefaction that inevitably corrodes and degrades every dictatorship,’ Garnaut told an internal government seminar. Xi grasped its insights: the party became strong by purging itself, class war meant perpetual struggle and the revolution always needed enemies; thus, for a trainee dictator, foreign plots were abundant and useful.

 

散落在习近平早期讲话中的斯大林式的参考资料表明，他的目标是恢复全面的意识形态控制。

斯大林承认，中国革命与俄国不同，因为它是一场反对外国帝国主义的斗争，也是一场反对封建主义和阶级压迫的斗争。

这一点对习近平也很有吸引力。

因此，据北京的国家媒体记者称，中国官员被指示研究苏联独裁者关于如何击败对其内部事务的干预的建议。

斯大林说："干预绝不仅限于军队的入侵......[它]采取更灵活和更多的伪装形式，"帝国主义更喜欢通过组织内战、资助反革命力量......向其中国代理人提供道义和财政支持来干预一个附属国。

 

The Stalinist references scattered through Xi’s early speeches served notice that he aimed to restore total ideological control. Stalin had acknowledged that the Chinese revolution was different from Russia’s because it was a struggle against foreign imperialism as well as a fight against feudalism and class oppression. This, too, was appealing to Xi Jinping. As a result, according to state media journalists in Beijing, Chinese officials were instructed to study the Soviet dictator’s advice on how to defeat interference in their internal affairs. ‘Intervention is by no means confined to the incursion of troops … [it] assumes more flexible and more camouflaged forms,’ Stalin had said, ‘imperialism prefers to intervene in a dependent country by organising civil war there, by financing counter-revolutionary forces … by giving moral and financial support to its Chinese agents.’

 

这些都是习近平和他的副手们所吸收的教训。

他们为中国官员提供了一个主题：香港的麻烦是由殖民主义的走狗、美帝国主义的代理人和台湾统治者等民族的敌人挑起的。

在国内，习近平开始了一场大规模的反腐运动，击倒了大约一百万名官员。

方便的是，它倾向于针对他的对手。

香港的反对派沉浸在学校课程的胜利中，似乎没有注意到中国出现了更强大的独裁政权的警告信号。

至于梁振英和他的政府，他们要么没有注意到这一点，要么决定假装一切都很好。

也许，在21世纪初，连他们自己都没有想到，斯大林的幽灵正在人民政权的大厅里徘徊。

 

These were the lessons absorbed by Xi and his lieutenants. They provided a theme to which Chinese officials would return: the trouble in Hong Kong was stirred up by colonial lackeys, agents of American imperialism and enemies of the nation such as the rulers of Taiwan. At home, Xi began a mass campaign against corruption which felled about one million officials. Conveniently, it tended to target his rivals. The opposition in Hong Kong was so intoxicated by its victory over the school curriculum that it seemed not to heed the warning signs that a stronger dictatorship had come to power in China. As for C.Y. Leung and his administration, they either failed to notice it or decided to pretend that all was well. Perhaps, in the early twenty-first century, even they did not imagine that the spectre of Stalin was stalking the halls of the people’s government.

 

无论如何，要阻止抗议的势头已经太晚了。

2013年初，一位温和的法律教授戴耀廷在《信报》上发表了一篇文章，概述了 "讓愛與和平佔領中環 "的计划。

它借用了美国反对华尔街的抗议活动的非暴力策略。

戴耀廷建议让香港岛的市中心商业区停顿下来，向政府和中国施加压力，以允许自由选举。

他的文章的标题是 "公民不服从的最致命武器"。

这是纯粹的千禧年政治，吸引着年轻人、懂数字的人和理想主义者。

 

It was, in any case, too late to halt the momentum of protest. In early 2013, a mild-mannered professor of law, Benny Tai Yiu-ting, published an article in the Hong Kong Economic Journal outlining a plan to ‘Occupy Central with Love and Peace’. It borrowed a non-violent strategy from protests in America against Wall Street. Tai proposed to bring the downtown business district on Hong Kong island to a halt, putting pressure on the establishment and China to allow free elections. His article was headlined ‘The deadliest weapon of civil disobedience’. It was pure millennial politics, appealing to the young, the digitally literate and the idealistic.

 

戴耀廷与香港中文大学教授陈健民和有影响力的浸信会牧师朱耀明一起。

他们选择了九龙的一个教堂作为新闻发布会的地点，宣布他们的运动。

这场运动将通过对话、民众审议、全民投票以及作为最后手段的和平大规模静坐来展开。

警务处处长曾伟雄迅速回应说，当局不会容忍抗议活动堵塞中环的主要道路。

他警告人们，如果发生示威活动，不要参加。

 

Tai was joined by Chan Kin-man, a professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and the influential Baptist minister the Reverend Chu Yiu-ming. They chose a church in Kowloon as the venue of a news conference to announce their campaign. It was to unfold through dialogue, popular deliberation, a referendum and, as a last resort, a peaceful mass sit-in. The commissioner of police, Andy Tsang Wai-hung, was quick to respond that the authorities would not tolerate protests blocking main roads in Central. He warned people against joining the demonstrations, if they happened.

 

2013年底，梁振英宣布了另一个关于民主的 "咨询"。

他成立了一个由林郑月娥领导的选举改革工作组，林郑月娥是一位活跃的行政人员，已升任为首席秘书。

该小组从政治家、商会、学者、民间团体和普通民众中收集了数千条意见。

在最终提交给北京的 "主流共识 "报告中，几乎没有任何不和谐的意见，而且没有一个民主人士被愚弄。

 

In late 2013, Leung announced yet another ‘consultation’ on democracy. He set up an electoral reform taskforce under Carrie Lam, a bustling administrator who had risen to be chief secretary. It collected thousands of views from politicians, chambers of commerce, academics, civic groups and ordinary members of the public. Few if any dissonant opinions were put into the report eventually submitted to Beijing as the ‘mainstream consensus’, and none of the democrats were fooled.

 

2014年初夏，林郑月娥的工作仍在进行中，北京的国务院对他们的公信力进行了打击。

它发布了一份不折不扣的白皮书，提醒香港人，"中央领导直接对他们行使管辖权"。

香港必须由爱国者治理的事实是有法可依的，"白皮书说，通过一板一眼的官僚主义来达到其主要观点："必须对外部力量利用香港干涉中国内政的企图保持警惕。

中国将防止和击退'极少数人''与外部势力勾结'的这种企图。

 

Carrie Lam’s labours were still in progress in the early summer of 2014 when the State Council in Beijing dealt a blow to their credibility. It issued an unbending White Paper to remind Hong Kongers that ‘the Central Leadership directly exercises jurisdiction’ over them. ‘The fact that Hong Kong must be governed by patriots is well grounded in laws,’ it said, progressing through slabs of bureaucratese to reach its main point: ‘it is necessary to stay alert to the attempt of outside forces to use Hong Kong to interfere in China’s domestic affairs.’ China would prevent and repel such attempts by ‘a very small number of people’ who acted ‘in collusion with outside forces’.

 

简而言之，没有妥协。

香港人民可能会在2017年通过普选来选择他们的领导人，但中国政府将决定谁可以参加这个职位。

候选人将由北京挑选的不可避免的委员会来指定。

 

In short, no compromise. The people of Hong Kong might choose their leader by universal suffrage in 2017 but the Chinese government would decide who could stand for the job. The candidate would be anointed by the inevitable committees picked by Beijing.

 

长期被压制的民主运动站了起来。

经过多年的经济和社会混乱，普通公民感到被推到了民主运动的行列。

从大陆人的涌入到天价房价，"三明治阶层"，即像黄之锋的父母那样的人，看到他们的收益被侵蚀。

一些人认为他们没有什么可失去的。

许多香港人擦亮了他们的外国护照，或申请绿卡，这使他们有权在美国居住。

那些已经移民到英国、加拿大和澳大利亚的人不再像傻瓜一样了。

一些在平静时期回来的移民，开始考虑再次离开。

 

Long subdued, the democracy movement rose up. After years of economic and social disruption, ordinary citizens felt pushed into its ranks. From the influx of mainlanders to sky-high home prices, the ‘sandwich class’, people like Joshua Wong’s parents, saw their gains eroding. Some felt they had little to lose. Plenty of Hong Kongers dusted off their foreign passports or applied for green cards, which gave the right of residence in the USA. Those who had emigrated to Britain, Canada and Australia no longer looked like fools. Some of the émigrés who had come back in the years of calm started to think about leaving again.

 

但正如黄之锋经常雄辩地指出的那样，大多数人没有选择。

在任何情况下，香港人都比他们有时被认为的更坚强。

最年长的一代忍受了困难和战争，中年人在几十年的不确定性中保持了稳定的头脑，年轻人则希望有一个体面的未来。

另一个事实是，大多数人真的爱他们的家；它的岛屿和海洋，它的日落和夏季的倾盆大雨，路边新鲜食物的咝咝声和家庭宴会的喧闹声，对学校、宗族、教堂和寺庙的忠诚，喧闹的机会和工作的轻率回报，所有这些都在电波中快活的聊天声和来自亚洲各地的娱乐的喧嚣声中进行。

这值得一搏。

 

But as Wong put it eloquently and often, most people did not have a choice. In any case, Hong Kongers were tougher than they were sometimes given credit for. The oldest generation had endured hardship and war, the middle-aged had kept steady heads through decades of uncertainty and the youngsters wanted a decent future. The other truth was that most people really loved their home; its islands and seas, its sunsets and summer downpours, the sizzle of fresh food at the roadside and the din of family banquets, loyalties to school, clan, church and temple, the chance to hustle and the lightly taxed rewards of work, all conducted to a soundtrack of quick-witted chatter on the airwaves and a cacophony of entertainment from all over Asia. It was worth a fight.

 

占领运动毫不畏惧，进行了一次协商民主的开创性实践。

6月，它在香港大学的帮助下组织了一次 "公民投票"。

人们可以通过智能手机应用程序、在线或亲自到非官方投票站投票。

近80万人，约五分之一的选民参加了投票。

大多数人希望公民能够直接提名行政长官候选人。

这对北京来说是个大忌。

北京的拥护者们适时地对组织者进行了谩骂。

除了新华社的回归日记作者张浚生之外，其他人都被复活来谴责它。

人民日报》旗下的小报《环球时报》找到了自己的关键，称这是一场非法的闹剧。

中国政府在争夺香港的战斗中还释放了一种更复杂的武器：网络战。

 

Undaunted, the Occupy movement conducted a pioneering exercise in consultative democracy. In June it organised a ‘civic referendum’ with the help of Hong Kong University. People could vote via a smartphone app, online or in person at unofficial polling stations. Almost 800,000 people, around a fifth of the electorate, participated. A majority wanted citizens to nominate candidates for chief executive candidates directly. This was anathema to Beijing. Its acolytes duly heaped abuse on the organisers. None other than Zhang Junsheng, the handover diarist from the New China News Agency, was resurrected to denounce it. The Global Times, a tabloid offshoot of the People’s Daily which was finding its own strident key, called it an illegal farce. The Chinese government also unleashed a more sophisticated weapon in its battle for Hong Kong: cyberwarfare.

 

该公投系统被称为PopVote。

该系统的发明者建立了一系列当时创新的数据安全措施，包括防火墙，旨在保护其免受黑客攻击，还有第二层保护，即安全套接字层（SSL），以及一个用于 "散列 "个人数据的系统。

选票被加密，密钥被保存在一个有限的范围内。

 

PopVote只接受香港的IP地址，因为只有本地人可以投票。

他们必须出示有效的身份证（所有公民都有）和一个手机号码。

连接PopVote和 "互联网电话簿 "的域名系统（DNS）由美国在线安全公司CloudFlare管理。

 

The referendum system was dubbed PopVote. Its inventors built in a series of then-innovative data security measures, including a firewall, which was meant to shield it from hackers, and a second layer of protection, a Secure Sockets Layer (SSL), as well as a system to ‘hash’ personal data. The ballots were encrypted and the keys kept within a limited circle. PopVote only accepted Hong Kong IP addresses, because only locals could vote. They had to present a valid ID card, which all citizens carried, and a cellphone number. The Domain Name System (DNS) connecting PopVote to the ‘phonebook of the internet’ was managed by CloudFlare, a US-based online security firm.

 

甚至在PopVote上线之前，它就受到了攻击。

在测试期的第二天，它遭到了大规模的分布式拒绝服务（DDS）攻击，这是一种用来淹没目标并使其关闭的战术。

6月15日至16日，1000亿次DNS查询淹没了PopVote，使投票系统陷入瘫痪。

亚马逊、谷歌和UDomain（一家专业公司）的专家们最初帮助缓解了攻击。

由于数量太大，他们放弃了。

 

Even before PopVote went live it came under attack. On the second day of its test period it was hit with a massive Distributed Denial of Service (DDS) offensive, a tactic used to flood a target and shut it down. On 15–16 June, 100 billion DNS queries swamped PopVote and paralysed the voting system. Specialists at Amazon, Google and UDomain, a specialist firm, initially helped to mitigate the attacks. The volume was so great that they gave up.

 

6月20日真正的投票开始时，Cloudflare部署了一项代号为Project Galileo的反措施。

它通过使用缓冲器和过滤器以及扩大可用带宽来引导流量通过多个网站，削弱其影响，从而抵御了一次新的攻击。

该公司追踪了五个被称为僵尸网络的 "僵尸计算机 "网络。

它逐一阻止了它们。

这些网络防御措施在九天的在线投票中得以维持。

 

Cloudflare deployed a counter-measure codenamed Project Galileo when real voting began on 20 June. It deflected a fresh attack by using buffers and filters and expanding the available bandwidth to channel traffic through multiple sites, blunting its impact. The firm traced five networks of the ‘zombie computers’ called botnets. It blocked them one by one. These cyber defences held for the nine days of online voting.

 

黑客们并没有就此罢休。

他们创建了假的应用程序，类似于官方的PopVote投票应用程序。

他们闯入活动的应用商店账户，促使组织者联系苹果公司以封堵漏洞。

他们建立了假网站，引诱网民离开真正的网站。

最后，他们用电话、传真和电子邮件联络人充斥着电话。

网络侦探事后得出结论，他们的对手的目的是扰乱投票，伪造选票或诋毁投票活动。

 

The hackers did not stop there. They created fake apps, resembling the official PopVote voting application. They broke into the campaign’s app store account, prompting the organisers to contact Apple to seal the breach. They set up fake websites to lure internet users away from the real one. Finally, they flooded phone, fax and email contacts with calls. Cyber-sleuths concluded afterwards that the aim of their opponents had been to disrupt the poll, to falsify votes or discredit the exercise.

 

这一切都没有成功。

但这只是新的电子战场上的一场小规模冲突。

在随后的平静期，双方都回到了老式的手段。

None of it worked. But it was just an opening skirmish on the new electronic battleground. In the lull that followed, both sides went back to old-fashioned means.

 

中国政府认为，香港没有得到这个信息。

因此，8月31日，全国人民代表大会常务委员会表明了这一点。

它认为梁振英的公众咨询 "广泛而深入"，并指出下一任领导人必须是 "一个热爱国家和热爱香港的人"。

它裁定，2017年的候选人必须由一个'具有广泛代表性的提名委员会'选出，该委员会将挑选两到三个合适的爱国人士。

然后，所有香港的选民可以对选择进行投票。

这是一个古老的公式：一个由共产党任命的1200名知名人士组成的委员会，一份经过审查的候选人名单，并通过 "普选 "进行选举，这将类似于在人民共和国进行的仪式。

为了稳妥起见，全国人大禁止对2016年的立法会选举进行任何改革，在那里，功能区的死手将继续掌握在舵手手中。

全国人大表示，这是 "在发展适合香港实际情况的民主制度方面逐步有序的进展"。

 

The Chinese government felt that Hong Kong had not got the message. So on 31 August, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress spelt it out. It considered C.Y. Leung’s public consultation ‘extensive and in-depth’ and noted that the next leader must be ‘a person who loves the country and loves Hong Kong’. It ruled that candidates in 2017 must be chosen by a ‘broadly representative nominating committee’ which would pick two or three suitably patriotic individuals. Then all the electors of Hong Kong could vote on the choice. It was the old formula: a committee of 1,200 worthies appointed by the Communist Party, a list of vetted candidates and an election by ‘universal suffrage’ that would resemble the rituals carried out in the People’s Republic. For good measure, the NPC forbade any reform of the 2016 elections to the Legislative Council, where the dead hand of functional constituencies would remain on the tiller. It was, said the NPC, ‘gradual and orderly progress in developing a democratic system that suits the actual situation in Hong Kong’.

 

在一份公开声明中，梁振英在其政府成员的陪同下，以葬礼上送葬者的表情，称赞该判决是 "向前迈出的重要一步"。

林郑月娥发表了全国人大所谓的'广泛共识'的意见，她告诉香港人，他们已经被召集起来了。

这是她从一个参加罗马天主教弥撒的尽职公务员转变为统治中国的专制无神论者的热心代言人的早期步骤。

 

In a public statement, flanked by members of his administration who all wore the expressions of mourners at a funeral, C.Y. Leung hailed the verdict as ‘a major step forward’. Carrie Lam, who had delivered what the NPC called a ‘broad consensus’ of views, told Hong Kongers that they had been called to order. It was an early step in her transformation from a dutiful civil servant who attended Roman Catholic mass to an ardent spokesperson for the authoritarian atheists who governed China.

 

占领中环运动的创始人之一戴耀廷召开了一次新闻发布会，他在会上与一系列民主政治家和活动家一道，将8月31日称为该市近期政治中最黑暗的一天。

这是对话的终点，"他说。

然而，是那些不可抗拒的年轻人启动了下一步的行动。

在全国人大的决定之后，立即出现了零星的抗议活动。

然后在9月13日，黃之鋒带领学民思潮在港湾政府总部举行大规模示威。

 

Benny Tai, the co-founder of the Occupy Central movement, called a news conference at which he joined an array of democratic politicians and activists to label 31 August the darkest day in the city’s recent politics. ‘This is the end of the road for dialogue,’ he said. It was, however, the irrepressible young people who kicked off the next step. There were scattered protests immediately after the NPC decision. Then on 13 September, Joshua Wong led Scholarism to a mass demonstration at the harbourside government headquarters.

 

这是一个礼仪的典范。

数百名学生身着夏季校服，整齐地坐成一排，而他们的老师正在宣读数学和中国文学的讲义，以免他们的作业落后。

大多数抗议者都是十几岁的孩子。

他们采用黄丝带作为他们的标志。

 

It was a model of decorum. Hundreds of pupils, neatly turned out in their school summer uniforms, sat in obedient rows while their teachers read out lectures on maths and Chinese literature so that they would not fall behind in their work. Most of the protesters were in their mid-teens. They adopted yellow ribbons as their symbol.

 

经过几个月的辩论和校园内部的争吵，大学生们接下来加入了这场运动。

9月下旬，香港学生联合会（HKFS）在该市的大学进行了为期五天的抵制课程，并召集学生集会讨论争取民主的问题。

在有政治参与传统的香港中文大学，一万多名学生聚集在校园里，听取学生会领袖、教授和政治评论家的演讲。

联合会的领导人，秘书长周永康Alex Chow和他的副手岑敖暉Lester Shum，作为一个有口皆碑的二人组出现，他们有共同的公众演说天赋。

这使他们立即成为明星。

周是一个富有的、循规蹈矩的父母的孩子，他们对他的行动主义感到失望。

他们希望他能去加利福尼亚大学伯克利分校攻读博士学位。

岑敖暉出生在美国，小时候来到香港，在一个中产阶级家庭长大。

两人都很快与黃之鋒建立了联系，将他们的运动联合起来。

 

University students were next to join the movement after months of debate and internal wrangling on campus. In late September the Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) staged a five-day boycott of classes at the city’s universities and called student assemblies to discuss the fight for democracy. At the Chinese University of Hong Kong, which had a tradition of political engagement, more than ten thousand students massed on campus to hear speeches by student union leaders, professors and political commentators. The leaders of the federation, secretary-general Alex Chow and his deputy, Lester Shum, emerged as a telegenic duo who shared a gift for public oratory. It made them instant stars. Chow was the child of wealthy, conformist parents who despaired of his activism. They hoped he would go to the University of California, Berkeley, to do a doctorate. Shum was born in the United States, came to Hong Kong as a small child and grew up in a middle-class household. Both quickly forged a bond with Joshua Wong, uniting their movements.

 

9月26日晚，在炎热、粘稠的环境中铸成大错。

学生们已经搬到了政府区。

成千上万的人聚集在公民广场，学民思潮在早先的抗议活动中声称该地区是一个自由空间，但现在被围起来了。

下午，黄之锋与学生领袖们坐下来商讨他们的下一步行动。

其中一位代表岭南大学的羅冠聰Nathan Law认为，他们必须将抗议活动升级。

黄之锋提出了一个大胆的想法。

那天晚上，他们将夺回公民广场。

 

The die was cast on the hot, sticky evening of 26 September. The students had moved to the government quarter. Thousands collected at Civic Square, the area claimed by Scholarism as a free space during its earlier protest, but now fenced off. During the afternoon, Wong sat down with the student leaders to work out their next step. One of them, Nathan Law, who represented Lingnan University, argued that they had to escalate the protest. Wong lit on a bold idea. That night they would reclaim Civic Square.

 

晚上10点30分以后，经过几个小时不知疲倦的学生演说，黄之锋拿起了话筒。

他号召大家冲进围墙。

他、周和岑带领人群在混乱的争夺中爬过围栏。

警察冲了进来，向抗议者喷洒胡椒喷雾，并抓住了黄之锋，黄之锋在冲突中丢了眼镜和他的一只训练鞋。

第二天，警察逮捕了Chow和Shum。

 

Just after 10.30 p.m., after hours of tireless student rhetoric, Wong took the microphone. He called on everyone to storm the fence. He, Chow and Shum led the crowd as they clambered over the fence in a chaotic scramble. The police rushed in, doused the protesters with pepper spray and grabbed Wong, who lost his glasses and one of his trainers in the fray. The next day officers arrested Chow and Shum.

 

这条新闻点燃了抗议运动，而之前的任何事情都没有发生。

公民广场上的人群增加了数万人，而17岁的黄某则在拘留所里忍受了46个小时，期间他被冷笑的警察审问，问他美国人给了他多少钱。

火花点燃了燎原之势。

 

The news ignited the protest movement as nothing before it. The crowds at Civic Square multiplied by tens of thousands while Wong, who was seventeen, endured forty-six hours in custody, during which he was interrogated by sneering policemen who asked how much money the Americans had paid him. The spark had lit the prairie fire.

 

一场民主的街头运动的兴起与公众对香港警察的信任的崩溃相吻合，这支部队至少在它自己的宣传中被称为 "亚洲之最"。

现实情况是，就像香港缓慢衰退的许多方面一样，腐烂已经持续了多年。

 

The rise of a democratic street movement coincided with the collapse of public trust in Hong Kong’s police, a force known, at least in its own handouts, as ‘Asia’s Finest’. The reality was that, like so many aspects of Hong Kong’s slow-motion decline, the rot had set in over many years.

 

自从亨利-波廷格爵士根据1844年的一项法令建立警察部队以来，香港的警务工作就有一段不稳定的历史。

第一任警司查尔斯-梅（Charles May）招募了中国和印度官员，在英国人的指挥下工作。

十九世纪末，来自英国的新兵必须是年龄在32岁以下的 "品行良好的人"，他们可以免费前往殖民地，到达那里后可以得到衣服和宿舍，以及相当于每月9英镑的工资。

 

Policing Hong Kong had a chequered history ever since Sir Henry Pottinger established the force by an ordinance of 1844. The first superintendent, Charles May, recruited Chinese and Indian officers to serve under British command. In the late nineteenth century recruits from Britain, who had to be ‘men of good character’ under thirty-two years of age, were given free passage to the colony, clothing and quarters when they got there, and a salary equal to nine pounds sterling a month.

 

在整个殖民时期，警察都是由外籍人士领导的，直到1989年任命了第一位华裔专员李君夏。

二战后，当局对警察部队进行了现代化改造，从已解散的上海市警察局招募警员，将警察部队的规模扩大了一倍，并让更多的中国人加入警察队伍。

侦查方法得到了改进，警队在处理1956年和1967年的暴乱时将生命损失降至最低，并对来自中国的非法移民进行人性化管理，从而赢得了赞誉。

然而，在此过程中，它变得非常腐败。

 

Throughout the colonial period the police were led by expatriates until the appointment of the first ethnic Chinese commissioner, Li Kwan-ha, in 1989. The authorities modernised the force after the Second World War, recruiting officers from the defunct Shanghai Municipal Police, doubling the size of the force and bringing more Chinese men into its ranks. Detection methods improved and the force won credit for its handling of riots in 1956 and 1967 with minimal loss of life, as well as its humane management of illegal immigration from China. Along the way, however, it became fantastically corrupt.

 

在战后初期，流氓警察曾涉足枪支走私活动。

他们的继任者与毒品贩子勾结，而巡逻的人则接受了与三合会的常规和阴险的共存。

外籍官员与被当地人称为 "老虎 "的上士黑手党分赃。

20世纪70年代，政府成立了反腐败独立委员会，以根除贪污腐败，该委员会非常有效，以至于警察自己上街抗议，迫使总督默里-麦克利什退缩。

 

In the early post-war years, rogue cops had dabbled in gun running and smuggling. Their successors colluded with drug traffickers, while the men on the beat accepted a routine and insidious co-existence with the Triads. Expatriate officers shared the spoils with a mafia of staff sergeants, whom locals called ‘the tigers’. When the government set up the Independent Commission against Corruption in the 1970s to root out graft, it was so effective that the police themselves took to the streets in protest, forcing the governor, Murray MacLehose, to back off.

 

然而，到了移交时，很多事情都有了好转。

最坏的流氓已经得到了退休金或被起诉。

培训包括关于《权利法案》、种族歧视和禁止酷刑的立法的指导。

人们普遍认为，英国人没有将警察作为镇压的工具。

1995年，负责监视共产党活动的特别部门与犯罪（A1）部门合并为犯罪和安全部。

该市拥有一支现代化、专业化的队伍，在国际执法机构中享有很高的声誉。

它的高级官员都是中国人，逐步实现的本地化意味着该部队更真实地反映了它所服务的社区。

犯罪率很低。

香港的街道是世界上最安全的大城市之一。

1997年，香港大学的一项民意调查发现，76.2%的公众对警察有 "相当积极 "的看法。

 

Yet by the time of the handover, a lot had changed for the better. The worst rogues had been pensioned off or prosecuted. Training included instruction on the Bill of Rights, racial discrimination and legislation against torture. It was generally accepted that the British had not used the police as a tool of repression. The Special Branch, which had kept an eye on Communist activity, was merged with the Crime (A1) division in 1995 into a combined Crime and Security Department. The city had a modern, professionalised force enjoying a high reputation among international law enforcement agencies. Its top officers were Chinese, and progressive localisation meant that the force more truly reflected the community it served. The crime rate was low. The streets of Hong Kong were among the safest in the world’s big cities. In 1997, a poll for Hong Kong University found that 76.2 per cent of the public had a ‘quite positive’ view of the police.

 

很快，所有这些都开始被侵蚀。

在现代化的外表下，警员们对他们旧有的技艺感到不满，并对高层的新管理阶层感到不满。

街头的人感到他们正在失去地位。

他们为保持线人的利益而视而不见的传统方式被认为是腐败的。

他们认为高级官员玩弄公司式的政治，不支持他们的员工。

有些人甚至更喜欢殖民时期的主仆角色。

许多人认为他们已经失去了权威。

一个人承认，"坏人 "不再害怕他们了。

 

Soon all that began to erode. Behind the façade of modernity, officers chafed at curbs on their old tradecraft and resented the new managerial class at the top. The men at street level felt they were losing ground. Their traditional ways of turning a blind eye to keep informants sweet were deemed corrupt. They felt the senior ranks played corporate-style politics and would not back up their staff. Some even preferred the old master–servant roles of the colonial force. Many felt they had lost authority. One admitted that ‘the bad guys’ were not afraid of them any more.

 

在丑闻、腐败案件和不当行为发生后进行的民意调查中，衡量了这种下降。

起初，这些情况很少。

2001年，警察和不守规矩的青少年在新年前夜互扇耳光和推搡之后，引起了一阵喧嚣。

在对不良行为的相互指责中，下层人员认为高层没有支持他们的人。

这一事件是微不足道的，但它成为警察和公众之间关系破裂的象征。

到了 "占领 "运动的时候，香港有一支政治上顺从的警察队伍，与管理当局的行话结下了不解之缘，还有一个激进的年轻人，用一项研究的话说，他们 "不再是一群温顺的人"，而是敢于在每个问题上与法律和秩序的力量作斗争。

还有一个没有记载的事实。

回归后，有超过一百万人离开中国大陆，到香港居住。

其中数量不详的人加入了警察队伍。

这个城市的和平群众抗议的传统比人们想象的要脆弱得多。

 

The decline was measured in polls taken after scandals, corruption cases and instances of misconduct. At first these were rare. In 2001 there was a hue and cry after police and unruly teenagers exchanged slaps and shoves late on New Year’s Eve. Amid mutual accusations of bad behaviour, lower ranks felt the top brass had failed to back up its men. The incident was trivial but it became emblematic of the broken bond between the police and the public. By the time of the Occupy movement, Hong Kong had a politically obedient police force wedded to management jargon and a radicalised young population who, in the words of one study, were ‘no longer a docile bunch’ but were emboldened to take on the forces of law and order over every issue. There was another, undocumented fact. After the handover more than a million people had left mainland China to live in Hong Kong. An unknown number of them joined the police. The city’s tradition of peaceful mass protests was more fragile than people imagined.

 

2011年，香港大学的调查人员发现，现在只有不到一半的受访者对警察持 "相当积极 "的态度。

与回归时警察的崇高威望相比，这预示着情况不妙，但很少有人意识到这将撕裂社会。

 

In 2011, pollsters for Hong Kong University found that fewer than half of those surveyed now held a ‘quite positive’ attitude towards the police. Compared to the force’s high prestige at the handover that augured badly, but few realised it would tear society apart.

 

9月28日星期日凌晨两点前，戴耀廷在抗议现场登台演讲。

在巨大的欢呼声中，他宣布 "占领中环 "开始了。

年轻的反叛者们已经确定了步伐。

最初的计划是在10月1日，即中国的国庆节开始。

但戴耀廷和他的同龄人被事件的势头弄得晕头转向，现在正被他们无法控制的力量所推动。

 

Benny Tai took the stage at the protest site shortly before two o’clock in the morning on Sunday 28 September. To huge cheers he announced that ‘Occupy Central’ was on. The young rebels had set the pace. The original plan had been to start on 1 October, China’s National Day. But Tai and his peers were giddy with the momentum of events and were now being propelled by forces they did not control.

 

天亮后，数十万各年龄段的香港人聚集在该地区，许多人佩戴黄丝带。

整整一天，他们大量涌入。

该地区成为一个巨大的营地，人们在此安顿下来，准备长期逗留。

为切断和控制示威活动而部署的防暴警察在下午时分被淹没了。

横跨香港岛北岸的干线公路上的交通停顿下来。

 

After dawn, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kongers of all ages converged on the area, many wearing yellow ribbons. Throughout the day they came in great numbers. The area became a giant camp site as people settled in for a long stay. Riot police deployed to cut off and contain the demonstration were swamped by late afternoon. Traffic came to a halt on the arterial highways spanning the north shore of Hong Kong island.

 

傍晚六点前，一队防暴警察前进。

他们展开了中文和英文的横幅，警告人们散开，否则将面临催泪瓦斯，然后向人群发射催泪弹，用防暴盾牌和警棍冲锋。

警察还在近距离使用了胡椒喷雾。

在这场混战中，有三十多人受伤。

警方后来说，共发射了87发催泪弹。

他们认为使用催泪瓦斯是对暴力挑衅的相称和克制的反应。

 

Just before six o’clock in the evening, a group of riot police advanced. Having unfurled banners in Chinese and English warning people to disperse or face tear gas, they proceeded to fire tear-gas grenades into the crowd, charging with riot shields and batons. Officers also used pepper spray at close quarters. In the melee, more than thirty people were injured. Police said later that eighty-seven rounds of tear gas were fired. They defended its use as proportionate and restrained response to violent provocation.

 

对于许多遵纪守法的中产阶级香港人来说，9月28日的暴力事件是一个心理上的突破点。

这是自2005年以来警察第一次发射催泪瓦斯，当时一群韩国农民试图冲击世界贸易组织的会议。

即使是政府也因震惊而退缩，部分原因是它意识到，世界各地的电视转播的混乱场面对它没有好处。

警察被命令后退。

他们采取了温和的态度，并派谈判代表与抗议活动的领导人进行交谈，但这已经太晚了，无法阻止蓬勃发展的不服从运动。

新的抗议营地出现在铜锣湾的购物区和九龙那边的三合会中心区--旺角的一条街上。

 

For many law-abiding middle-class Hong Kongers the violence on 28 September was a psychological breaking point. It was the first time police had fired tear gas since 2005, when a group of South Korean farmers tried to storm a World Trade Organisation meeting. Even the government recoiled in shock, partly because it realised that scenes of chaos televised around the world did it no good. The police were ordered to step back. They took a softer line and sent negotiators to talk to the protest leaders, but it was too late to stop the blossoming campaign of disobedience. New protest encampments appeared in the shopping district of Causeway Bay and on a block of streets in Mongkok, the Triad heartland over in Kowloon.

 

接下来发生的事情提醒香港人，他们的城市仍然与中国不同。

高等法院于周日晚上开庭审理黃之鋒和他的抗议者的案件。

法官帕特里克-李汉良先生明显对警方感到恼火，他下令释放他们，批准了人身保护令，并说继续拘留他们是非法的。

他们被释放，没有受到指控。

 

What happened next reminded Hong Kong people of how their city was still different from China. The High Court sat on Sunday night to hear the case of Joshua Wong and his fellow protesters. Visibly annoyed with the police, the judge, Mr Justice Patrick Li Hon-leung, ordered their release, granting a writ of habeas corpus and saying their continued detention was illegal. They were freed without charge.

 

甚至在法庭开庭时，附近的抗议者和警察之间的战斗也呈现出新的恶性特征。

防暴队一次又一次地发射催泪瓦斯，使用胡椒喷雾，用警棍击打年轻人。

当抗议者展开色彩鲜艳的雨伞来保护自己时，起义获得了一个象征、一个标签和一个名字：雨伞革命。

 

Even as the court was sitting, the fighting nearby between protesters and the police took on a newly vicious character. Time and again the riot squads fired tear gas, used pepper spray and struck young people with their batons. When the protesters unfurled brightly coloured umbrellas to defend themselves, the uprising gained a symbol, a hashtag and a name: the umbrella revolution.

 

两天后，这些年轻人在日出时分聚集在海滨。

那天是中国的国庆节，10月1日。

中国人民解放军的直升机和飞机在维多利亚港的船队上空进行了飞行表演，而来自1200名驻军的军官则在梁振英和金紫荆广场内的建制派队伍两侧，那里有一座平淡无奇的城市花徽雕像，俯瞰着水面。

当香港的旗帜和人民共和国的星形红旗升起时，所有人都立正。

在一圈守卫之外，黄之锋和他的团队背对着他们，举起手臂，模仿青少年电影《饥饿游戏》中的敬礼动作。

一些激进分子用嘲笑声打破了沉默。

大人物们不得不乘船离开。

 

Two days later, the young people gathered at sunrise on the waterfront. It was China’s National Day, 1 October. Helicopters and planes of the People’s Liberation Army staged a flypast over a flotilla of boats in Victoria harbour, while officers from its 1,200-strong garrison flanked C.Y. Leung and the ranks of the establishment inside Golden Bauhinia Square, where an uninspiring statue of the city’s floral emblem overlooked the water. All stood to attention as the banner of Hong Kong and the starry red flag of the People’s Republic were raised. Outside a ring of guards, Wong and his group turned their backs and raised their arms in a mock salute borrowed from cult teenage film The Hunger Games. A few radicals broke the silence with jeers. The grandees had to leave by boat.

 

在随后的几周里，一种幻觉般的平静笼罩着 "占领中心"。

数以千计的年轻抗议者对自己的大胆行为感到茫然，他们创造了一个政治和文化的街头节日，部分是过夜，部分是静坐，部分是伍茲塔克音樂節式。

他们是世界上最政治化的示威者。

 17岁的Philip Yueng说他的父母支持他，但担心他的安全。

这是我一个人的想法，"他说。

老一代的代表是资深民主人士何俊仁，他惊讶地看着周围，宣布这是 "一个宝贵的机会"。

但这一小时并不属于传统的政治家，他们被留在新一代活动家的潮流中。

当李柱铭告诉群众 "这是捍卫香港核心价值的最后一搏 "时，大家都很恭敬地听着，但他们还是知道。

 

In the weeks that followed a hallucinatory calm settled over Occupy Central. Thousands of young protesters, dazed at their own audacity, created a street festival of politics and culture that was part sleepover, part sit-in and part Woodstock. They were the world’s politest demonstrators. Philip Yueng, who was seventeen, said his parents supported him but were worried for his safety. ‘This is my idea alone,’ he said. The older generation was represented by Albert Ho, the veteran democrat, who looked around in wonder as he declared it was ‘a precious opportunity’. But the hour did not belong to the traditional politicians, who were left in the slipstream of a new generation of activists. Martin Lee was listened to respectfully when he told the crowds ‘this is the last stand in defence of Hong Kong’s core values’, but they knew that anyway.

 

年轻人点燃了在多色便利贴上涂写信息的想法，这些便利贴在他们周围的灰色混凝土上组成了 "约翰-連儂牆"。

一个大的黄色标志表明这些办公区是 "政府和三合会总部"。

标语牌和便利贴可能是讽刺的、诙谐的或痛苦的：一个标语是 "我很生气，我做了一个标语"；另一个标语是："我们不想像机器人一样生活"；第三个标语问："我的梦想城市去哪里了？一些人引用了古典诗词中的标签。

有人找到了一张习近平打伞的照片，把它复制下来，变成了一张海报。

这里有求助点、食品摊位、辅导员、医疗援助、水供应，以及不可避免的一簇书桌，年轻的脑袋在那里弯腰做作业。

浪漫的爱情在帐篷中绽放。

一天晚上，当温暖的软雨落下时，每个人都随着舞台上的音乐和歌声摇摆、鼓掌和欢呼，这是对政治演讲的一种休息。

 

The youngsters lit on the idea of scribbling messages on multi-coloured Post-it notes, which festooned a ‘John Lennon Wall’ on the grey concrete around them. A big yellow sign identified the office blocks as ‘Government and Triad Headquarters’. Placards and Post-its could be ironic, witty or bitter: one bore the words ‘I’m so angry, I made a sign’; another read: ‘We do not want to live like robots’; a third asked: ‘Where has my dream city gone?’ A few quoted tags from classical poetry. Somebody found a photo of Xi Jinping holding an umbrella, copied it and turned it into a poster. There were help points, food stalls, counsellors, medical assistance, water supplies and, inevitably, a cluster of desks where young heads bent over their homework. Romances flowered amid the tents. One evening, when a warm, soft rain was falling, everyone swayed, clapped and cheered to music and singing from the stage in a break from political speeches.

 

雨伞革命的背景音乐没有愤怒的说唱，却充满了心弦。

它的主打歌是约翰-列侬的《想象》和《悲惨世界》中的赞美诗《你能听到人们唱歌吗》，但家乡人最喜欢的是本地摇滚乐队Beyond的广东民谣《海阔天空》。

当25岁的羅曉彬在警察首次使用催泪瓦斯后，在一片愤怒中写下了《撐起雨傘》的音乐和歌词，这场运动获得了自己的国歌。

他的歌被两位粵語流行音樂的明星何韻詩、黃耀明录制，他们的视频在YouTube上大受欢迎，并使他们被列入中国政府的黑名单。

在其短暂的一生中，"占领中环 "总是有更好的曲子。

 

The soundtrack to the umbrella revolution was short on angry rap, long on heartstrings. Its staples were John Lennon’s ‘Imagine’ and the hymn ‘Can You Hear The People Sing?’ from Les Miserables, but the hometown favourite was a Cantonese ballad, ‘Seas Wide, Boundless Skies’ by local rock band Beyond. The movement gained its own anthem when twenty-five-year-old Lo Hiu-pan scribbled down the music and lyrics of ‘Raise the Umbrella’ in a blaze of indignation after the police first used tear gas. His song was recorded by two Canto-pop stars, Anthony Wong and Denise Ho, whose video was a hit on YouTube and put them on a Chinese government blacklist. Throughout its short life, Occupy Central always had better tunes.

 

这种梦幻般的纯真气氛意味着很少有人注意到亲政府的立法者葉劉淑儀的警告，她说："人们必须了解北京如何看待这个问题......这是对他们权威的正面挑战。

中国感到受到威胁。

据《人民日报》报道，一个 "潘多拉的盒子 "正在被打开，以释放 "魔鬼"。

 

The air of dreamy innocence meant that few heeded a warning from pro-regime lawmaker Regina Ip, who said: ‘People have to understand how Beijing sees this … it’s a frontal challenge to their authority. China feels threatened.’ According to the People’s Daily, a ‘Pandora’s Box’ was being opened to release ‘devils’.

 

当局已经决定采取耐心、有条不紊的政策。

他们不会屈服，但他们会等待抗议者，让他们疲于应付。

第一个赌注是提出与学生联合会对话。

这被委托给了林郑月娥，她正在成为一个比行政长官更容易接受的公众形象。

经过几周的断断续续的讨价还价，会谈在电视摄像机前进行，由岭南大学校长郑耀棠主持。

这是香港电视史上收视率最高的广播节目之一。

 

The authorities had already decided on a patient, methodical policy. They would not give in but they would wait out the protesters and wear them down. The first gambit was an offer of dialogue with the Federation of Students. It was entrusted to Carrie Lam, who was emerging as a more acceptable public face than the chief executive. After weeks of on-off bargaining, the talks took place in front of television cameras, moderated by Leonard Cheng, the president of Lingnan University. It was one of the most watched broadcasts in Hong Kong’s television history.

 

一边是林郑月娥和四名西装革履的男子，另一边是四名身穿黑色T恤的青年和一名女孩梁玉芬。

他们毕恭毕敬，口齿伶俐，态度平和。

很难把他们看作是叛徒或外国势力的天真无邪的傀儡。

他们看起来和听起来都像大多数当地家庭会自豪地称之为自己的孩子的那种孩子。

官员们则扮演着关心他们的父母的角色，用他们的名字来称呼学生，"Alex"、"Lester "等等，尽管当林郑月娥作为无数粤语肥皂剧中责备的阿姨过来时，他们的面具偶尔会滑落。

你不能只有理想主义。

你必须务实，"她说，语气表明她早已忘记了作为一个学生的感受。

有一些事情是无法改变的。

 

On one side sat Lam and four men in suits, on the other four youths in black T-shirts and a girl, Yvonne Leung. They were respectful, articulate and calm. It was hard to see them as traitors or the naïve dupes of foreign powers. They looked and sounded like the sort of children most local families would have been proud to call their own. The officials, for their part, played the role of concerned parents, calling the students by their first names, ‘Alex’, ‘Lester’ and so on, although the mask slipped occasionally when Carrie Lam came over as the chiding auntie of a myriad Cantonese soap operas. ‘You cannot only be idealistic. You must be pragmatic,’ she said, in tones suggesting she had long forgotten what it was like to be a student. There were some things that could not be changed.

 

林郑月娥的母校香港大学的政府和法律专业三年级学生Yvonne Leung，对首席秘书的论点进行了讽刺。

她说，事情当然是可以改变的。

她提到了中国的宪法；每个人都知道宪法中关于言论和集会自由的条款与现实毫无关系。

但人们总是可以假装它们与现实有关，对吗？听了这番话，Lam仍然面无表情。

 

It was Yvonne Leung, a third-year student of government and law at Lam’s alma mater, Hong Kong University, who skewered the chief secretary’s arguments. Of course things could be changed, she said. She mentioned the Chinese constitution; everyone knew its clauses on free speech and assembly bore no relation to reality. But one could always pretend that they did, right? Lam remained po-faced at this remark.

 

其他学生，Alex Chow、Lester Shum、Nathan Law和Eason Chung，都表示《基本法》可以被修改。

它不是一个神圣的文本。

挑选领导人候选人的委员会可以更加民主。

他们认为，林郑月娥向北京提交的民意报告并不完全真实，建议她再发一份报告。

让人惊讶的是，她同意了。

然而，这是聋哑人对话中唯一的和解信号。

新的报告直到第二年春天才发出，当时它已经被遗忘了。

 

The other students, Alex Chow, Lester Shum, Nathan Law and Eason Chung, weighed in to say that the Basic Law could be amended. It was not a sacred text. The committee to select leadership candidates could be more democratic. They suggested that Lam’s report to Beijing on public opinion had not exactly been truthful and proposed that she send another one. To general surprise, she agreed. It was, however, the only signal of conciliation in a dialogue of the deaf. The new report was not sent until the following spring, when it had already been forgotten.

 

这个电视节目没有改变任何政治现实，但它改变了香港人的心理。

南华早报》指出，这是该市历史上第一次活动家和高级官员之间的面对面对话。

它使年轻的参与者成为明星；政府一定认为为展示软实力而付出的代价是值得的。

在天鹅绒手套里，它保留了一个铁拳。

 

The television show changed no political realities but it shifted the psychology of Hong Kong. The South China Morning Post pointed out that it was the first face-to-face dialogue between activists and top officials in the city’s history. It made stars out of the young participants; a price that the government must have thought worth paying for a show of soft power. Inside the velvet glove, it retained an iron fist.

 

政府的反革命是有效的，广泛的，直接来自共产党的统战教科书。

一群亲北京的政治家发起了一场 "蓝丝带 "运动，以支持法律和秩序。

几百名佩戴蓝丝带的人聚集在抗议地点的一个商场外，但被和平地吞没在一片黄色的海洋中。

后来，他们围攻了黎明的《苹果日报》办公室，并试图阻止其送货。

一个代表团前往大学当局，投诉戴耀廷和陈健民 "煽动 "学生造反。

在摄像头较少的九龙，手段变得粗暴。

一群身材魁梧、有纹身的人袭击了旺角的抗议营地，投掷木块和金属管。

当他们推倒由木箱和栏杆组成的路障，高喊 "人渣 "时，抗议者愤怒地嚎叫并反击。

当地记者在一条小街上追赶一个秃顶的高个子男人。

'你从哪里来？你从哪里来？"他们喊道。

他转过身来，吐了一口痰。

去你妈的！"他用中国大陆的口音说。

 

The government’s counter-revolution was efficient, broad-spectrum and straight from the Communist Party’s United Front textbook. A group of pro-Beijing politicians launched a ‘blue ribbon’ campaign to back law and order. Several hundred blue ribbon-wearers assembled outside a mall at the protest site but were peacefully engulfed in a sea of yellow. Later on, they besieged the offices of Jimmy Lai’s Apple Daily and tried to stop its deliveries. A deputation trooped to the university authorities to complain that Benny Tai and Chan Kin-man had ‘incited’ their students to rebel. Over in Kowloon, where there were fewer cameras, the methods got rough. A gang of burly, tattooed men attacked the protest camp in Mongkok, throwing wood blocks and metal piping. When they tore down a barricade of wooden crates and railings, shouting ‘scum’, the protesters howled with rage and fought back. Local journalists chased one bald, stocky man down a sidestreet. ‘Where are you from? Where are you from?’ they shouted. He turned and spat. ‘Go fuck your mothers,’ he said, in a mainland Chinese accent.

 

警方逮捕了18人，据安全部部长赖东国说，发现其中8人与三合会有联系。

虽然赖东国否认了反对派的说法，即这些帮派与当局携手合作，但抗议者认为，三合会已经发现了他们的 "爱国主义"，并为北京提供力量。

 

The police arrested eighteen people and found, according to the secretary for security, Lai Tung-kwok, that eight of them had links to Triads. While Lai denied the opposition’s claim that the gangs were working hand in glove with the authorities, the protesters believed that the Triads had discovered their ‘patriotism’ and were providing muscle for Beijing.

 

随着时间的推移，九龙的混战变成了与警察、三合会和法警的定期战斗。

抗议阵营的数量时多时少，而运动则出现了分裂，失去了焦点。

它的领导人物欢迎一年一度的自豪大游行在金钟举行，但黃之鋒出于对反对同性婚姻的父亲的尊重，没有加入他们。

新的事业从抗议的肥沃土壤中生长出来，最重要的是激进分子的 "本土 "亚流，他们主张 "本土主义 "的香港身份，并煽动反对中国大陆的影响、投资和移民。

少数人呼吁从中国独立出来，但这一事业从未得到多少支持。

黄宗智指出，由于有这么多的利益相关者，要达成共识，即使不是不可能，也变得很困难。

10月底，戴耀廷和陈建民说他们将退出营地，回到他们的教室。

抗议者意识到他们已经陷入了僵局。

 

As the weeks went by, the scuffles in Kowloon turned into regular battles with police, Triads and bailiffs. The protest camps waxed and waned in number, while the movement divided and lost its focus. Its leading lights welcomed the annual Pride Parade to the Admiralty site but Joshua Wong did not join them out of respect for his father, who opposed same-sex marriage. Fresh causes grew from the fertilised soil of protest, the most significant being an ‘indigenous’ subcurrent of radicals, who argued for a ‘localist’ Hong Kong identity and agitated against mainland Chinese influence, investment and immigration. A handful called for independence from China, a cause that never attracted much support. Wong noted that with so many stakeholders it was becoming difficult, if not impossible, to forge a consensus. At the end of October, Benny Tai and Chan Kin-man said they would quit the camp and go back to their lecture rooms. The protesters realised they had reached a stalemate.

 

他们在网络空间也受到了围攻。

有一种错误的假设，认为聪明的、精通技术的香港孩子将拥有垄断的数据技能。

事实上，他们面对的是一个高级别的对手，一个在解放军的网络学校里磨练出来的对手，很可能穿着像他们自己一样年轻和聪明的面孔。

电子攻击的目的是无情的，以破坏、打击士气和发现。

对它的抵抗，虽然很聪明，但却是零星的，而且往往是无效的。

大量的WhatsApp信息充斥着抗议者的智能手机，在关键时刻植入间谍软件并冻结设备。

当时，WhatsApp是一个开放的系统，所以用户转向Telegram，一个位于德国的加密服务，作为替代。

他们采用了FireChat，一个让智能手机在不使用移动网络的情况下进行短距离通信的应用程序。

 

They were also under siege in cyberspace. There was a false assumption that smart, tech-savvy Hong Kong kids would own a monopoly on data skills. In fact they were up against a high-grade opponent, one honed in the cyberschools of the PLA, most likely wearing a young and intelligent visage like their own. The electronic assault was relentless in its aims to disrupt, to demoralise and to discover. Resistance to it, while clever, was sporadic and often ineffective. A flood of WhatsApp messages deluged protesters’ smartphones, planting spyware and freezing the devices at critical moments. At the time WhatsApp was an open system, so users turned to Telegram, an encrypted service based in Germany, as an alternative. They adopted FireChat, an app that let smartphones communicate at short range without using the mobile network.

 

同时，在笔记本电脑领域，黑客通过链接感染电子邮件账户，窃取联系人和阅读信息。

他们以中文媒体机构为目标，发送 "钓鱼 "邮件，邀请收件人参加新闻发布会，或声称来自一个竞选团体，迫使《苹果日报》的工作人员重新使用笔墨、传真和快递服务。

关于戴耀廷大学账户资金的私人信息被泄露给了亲北京的报纸。

 

In the laptop world, meanwhile, hackers infected email accounts with links that stole contacts and read messages. They targeted Chinese-language media organisations with ‘phishing’ mails inviting the recipient to a press conference or purporting to come from a campaign group, forcing the staff at Apple Daily to go back to pen-and-ink, faxes and couriers. Private messages about funding in Benny Tai’s college account were leaked to the pro-Beijing newspapers.

 

黑客组织 "匿名者"（Anonymous）发起了一场奇特的反击，对香港政府、亲北京的政党、中国政府的中联办，以及最终对中华人民共和国内部的数据库发起了网络叛乱。

一些民主人士担心，这只是让中国政府扮演受害者，从而造成混乱。

他们的对手也在学习把互联网的规则变成反对言论自由的武器。

脸书在收到大量关于邰正宵是假货的投诉后，撤下了他的网页。

这是一场声势浩大、手段高超的运动，以至于大多数专家认为这只可能是一个强大的国家行为者所为。

 

There was a quixotic counterstrike by Anonymous, a hackers’ collective, which launched an online insurgency against websites of the Hong Kong government, the pro-Beijing parties, the Chinese government’s Liaison Office and, eventually, databases inside the People’s Republic. Some democrats feared this merely sowed confusion by allowing the Chinese government to play the victim. Their adversaries were also learning to turn the internet’s rules into a weapon against free speech: Facebook took down Tai’s page after a stream of complaints that it was counterfeit. It was a campaign so overwhelming and sophisticated that most experts believed it could only be the work of a powerful state actor.

 

民主运动在利用其沟通自由时最为强大。

10月15日，一群便衣警察将一位名叫曾健的社会工作者和公民党成员铐上手铐，把他拖进一条小巷并殴打，被当地新闻摄影师拍到，网民们确保这段录像在全世界范围内传播。

社交媒体的战争从未停止。

从本质上讲，这场战争转瞬即逝，但也有几个高潮。

其中一次是梁振英的女儿，伦敦经济学院的学生，在她的Facebook页面上发布了一张照片，显示她戴着一条珠宝项链，感谢 "愚蠢的纳税人 "的资助。

该网页被匆忙撤下，而梁振英本人则对澳大利亚工程公司UGL在他任职期间根据一份预先存在的合同向他支付数百万美元费用的消息进行了回避。

他的反对者指出，UGL公司与港铁公司有一份列车维修合同，而港铁公司是由梁振英的政府拥有多数股权。

尽管各方都否认有任何不当行为，但由于抗议者将其辞职作为核心要求，行政长官的脸越来越长，这也就不足为奇了。

 

The democracy movement was strongest when exploiting its freedom to communicate. When on 15 October a group of plainclothes police were caught on video by a local news cameraman as they handcuffed a man named Ken Tsang, a social worker and member of the Civic Party, dragged him into an alley and beat him up, internet users made sure the footage went viral and was seen worldwide. The social media war never stopped. By nature fleeting, it hit a few high points. One came when C.Y. Leung’s daughter, Chai-yan, a student at the London School of Economics, posted a picture on her Facebook page showing herself wearing a jewelled necklace and thanking ‘silly taxpayers’ for funding it. The page was hastily taken down, while Leung himself shrugged off a revelation that Australian engineering company UGL had been paying him millions of dollars in fees under a pre-existing contract while he was in office. His foes pointed out that UGL had a train maintenance contract with the MTR Corporation, which was majority-owned by Leung’s government. Although all sides denied any wrongdoing, it was little wonder that the chief executive’s face grew longer and longer as the protesters made his resignation a core demand.

 

对于一个自称是 "亚洲世界城市 "的地方的商人来说，梁的外国关系是很自然的。

但赚钱是一回事，政治是另一回事。

该党的联合阵线有一个应用程序。

忠实于斯大林的戒律，它敲打着外国间谍、有偿代理和干涉中国事务的主题。

这是一条党从未偏离的路线，大概是相信不断的重复会磨灭敌人，而且从长期来看，事实证明这是正确的。

中国的公众舆论团结在这面旗帜的后面，而安全和理论界则意识到他们已经找到了对抗反对专制统治的 "颜色革命 "和2011年 "阿拉伯之春 "的青年起义的办法。

 

Leung’s foreign connections were natural for a businessman in a place that called itself ‘Asia’s World City’. But moneymaking was one thing, politics another. The party’s United Front had an app for that. Faithful to Stalin’s precepts, it hammered away at the themes of foreign spies, paid agents and interference in China’s affairs. It was a line from which the party never deviated, presumably in the belief that ceaseless repetition would grind the enemy down, and over the long term it was proved right. Chinese public opinion rallied behind the flag, while the security and theoretical panjandrums realised that they had found a counter to the ‘colour revolutions’ against authoritarian rule and the youth revolts of the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011.

 

它从久经考验的造谣技术开始。

文汇报》刊登了一篇关于黃之鋒的 "揭露 "文章。

它声称中情局在黃之鋒14岁时就发现了他的才能，当时他正和父母一起去澳门的一家赌场参观。

撇开虔诚的基督徒可能会带他们的孩子去赌博这个不可能的想法不谈，这篇报道认为中情局具有近乎天才的预见性，这一点很少有人怀疑。

它还说，美国人向黄之锋支付了数十万美元，并安排这个瘦小的少年接受美国海军海豹的战斗训练。

黄之锋称这个故事是 "科幻小说"，并说它 "每个细节都是假的"。

他在Facebook的一篇讽刺文章中补充说。

'我与外国的联系仅限于我的韩国手机、我的美国电脑和我的日本高达（一种动画游戏）。

当然，所有这些都是 "中国制造"。

 

It began with time-tested disinformation techniques. The newspaper Wen Wei Po ran an ‘exposé’ of Joshua Wong. It claimed that the CIA had talent-spotted Wong at the age of fourteen while he was on a visit with his parents to a casino in Macau. Leaving aside the improbable idea that the devout Christians might take their children to a gambling den, the story credited the CIA with a foresight bordering on genius that few had suspected. It doubled down with a line that the Americans had paid Wong hundreds of thousands of dollars and arranged for the slight, skinny teenager to get combat training from a US Navy Seal. Wong called the story ‘science fiction’ and said it was ‘false in every detail’. He added in a sarcastic Facebook post: ‘My links to foreign countries are limited to my Korean cellphone, my American computer and my Japanese Gundam [an animated game]. And of course all these are “Made in China”.’

 

中国日报》（一份英文国营报纸）针对更广泛的受众开设专栏，称美国外交官和间谍是抗议活动的幕后推手，他们培养学生领袖，渗透到学校，同时发放护照和签证，并承诺如果一切出错，将提供庇护。

这位被称为 "时事评论员 "的作家总结说，民主的面纱下隐藏着 "肮脏的政治"。

询问者被告知，陈虹无法详细说明他的爆料。

据说他是一名来自香港的专业记者，住在深圳的边境。

一位编辑承认，他的信息来源是《文汇报》。

 

The China Daily, an English-language state newspaper, targeted a wider audience with a column saying that American diplomats and spies were behind the protests, grooming student leaders and infiltrating schools while handing out passports and visas with promises of asylum if it all went wrong. ‘Dirty politics’ lay beneath the veil of democracy, concluded the writer, who was identified as Hong Chen, a ‘current affairs commentator’. Enquirers were told that Hong Chen was not available to elaborate on his scoop. He was said to be a professional journalist from Hong Kong who lived across the border in Shenzhen. The source of his information, an editor conceded, was Wen Wei Po.

 

对此事一笑置之的人是犯了一个错误。

中国政府在2014年将香港作为虚假信息和宣传方法的试验场，事实证明这些方法是有效和适应性强的。

 它的第一个明智之举是停止对中国境内有关示威活动的新闻进行审查，理由是无论如何消息都会传播。

相反，它选择了创造自己的叙述，向普京的俄罗斯学习。

 

People who laughed this off were making a mistake. The Chinese government treated Hong Kong in 2014 as a testbed for methods of disinformation and propaganda which turned out to be effective and adaptable. Its first smart move was to stop censorship inside China of news about the demonstrations, reasoning that word would spread anyway. Instead it opted to create its own narrative, learning from Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

 

一天晚上，中国中央电视台令人窒息的夜间新闻节目的观众坐了起来，注意到了这一点。

主播向观众解释说，"目前在我国的香港特别行政区正在进行一次非法集会。

随后，一张生动的信息图展开了一张将美国新保守派、中情局和 "占领中环 "联系起来的阴谋网。

它把一个叫丹-加勒特的美国人称为 "公然的间谍"，驻扎在美国领事馆，其任务是播撒颠覆。

 

One evening, viewers of China Central Television’s soporific nightly newscast sat up and took notice. The anchor explained to viewers that ‘an illegal gathering is currently taking place in our country’s Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.’ A lively infographic then unfolded a web of conspiracy linking American neo-conservatives, the CIA and Occupy Central. It labelled an American called Dan Garrett as ‘a flagrant spy’ based at the US Consulate, whose mission was to sow subversion.

 

美国领事馆迅速否认了这篇报道，但它包含了一连串的事实。

在香港有一个叫丹-加勒特的美国人，他是一名自由作家、摄影师和政治学家，他花了很多时间来报道 "占领中环"。

加勒特曾在美国空军、国防情报局和国家安全局任职。

他后来发表了关于抗议文化、香港的 "反霸权抵抗 "和中国对城市的 "安全化 "的分析文章。

他在2019年向美国国会中国事务执行委员会作证--与黃之鋒和何韻詩一起--随后被禁止返回香港。

 

The US Consulate was swift to deny the story, but it contained a strand of fact. There was an American in Hong Kong called Dan Garrett, a freelance author, photographer and political scientist who had devoted much time to covering Occupy Central. Garrett had served in the US Air Force, the Defence Intelligence Agency and the National Security Agency. He later published analytical work on protest culture, ‘counter-hegemonic resistance’ in Hong Kong and China’s ‘securitisation’ of the city. He testified to the US Congressional-Executive Commission on China in 2019 – alongside Joshua Wong and Denise Ho – and was subsequently barred from returning to Hong Kong.

 

共产党的宣传强调，所有外国关系都是可疑的。

早期的革命者在日本吸收了他们的政治理论，政权的许多子女在美国上大学，这些都不重要。

(习近平的女儿明泽2014年在哈佛大学学习，毛泽东思想史学家罗德里克-麦克法夸尔为她授课）。

香港没有多少人相信他们，也没有人看到抗议活动是自发的和地方性的，这对作家们来说并不重要。

重要的是，对人民共和国的普通公民来说，他们无情地坚持认为敌对势力又在策划反对中国。

人民日报》以一篇旗舰社论设定了标准，对香港的 "外国干涉 "提出警告。

美国声称要促进 "民主"、"自由 "和 "人权 "的 "普世价值"，但实际上美国只是在捍卫自己的战略利益，"它宣布。

这是一个在未来几年都没有改变的信息。

 

Communist propaganda emphasised that all foreign connections were suspicious. It mattered little that the early revolutionaries had absorbed their political theories in Japan, nor that many children of the regime went to college in America. (Xi Jinping’s daughter, Mingze, was studying at Harvard University in 2014, where she was taught by the historian of Maoism, Roderick MacFarquhar.) It did not bother the writers that few people in Hong Kong believed them, or that anyone could see that the protests were spontaneous and local in character. What counted was the relentless insistence to the ordinary citizen of the People’s Republic that hostile powers were once again plotting against China. The People’s Daily set the bar with a flagship editorial warning against ‘foreign interference’ in Hong Kong. ‘The US purports to be promoting the “universal values” of “democracy,” “freedom” and “human rights” but in reality the US is only defending its own strategic interests,’ it declared. It was a message that did not change in years to come.

 

事实证明，民主运动的弱点是本土化的。

它保留了特技表演的天赋："蜘蛛小子 "爬上狮子山挂起了要求普选的横幅；年轻人集体慢行，瘫痪了商业街；习近平的雕像撑着一把黄伞在金钟迎接过往行人。

但是，如果没有政治上的牵引，大胆和机智就会一无所获。

政府的耐心策略开始发挥作用。

当学联在11月底发动了一次不成熟的围攻政府办公室的行动时，它被催泪瓦斯和水炮轻易击退了。

林郑月娥感激地收到了 "反占中联盟 "的请愿书，上面有近200万个签名，这个蓝带组织说它从厌倦的市民那里收集到了这些签名。

游戏结束的时间越来越近。

 

As it turned out, the democracy movement’s weaknesses were homegrown. It retained a talent for stunts: the ‘Spider Kids’ scaled Lion Rock to hang a banner demanding universal suffrage; young people staged slow walks en masse to paralyse shopping streets; a statue of Xi Jinping holding a yellow umbrella greeted passers-by in Admiralty. But daring and wit got nowhere without political traction. The government’s patient strategy began to work. When the Federation of Students staged an ill-judged bid to besiege the government offices at the end of November, it was easily repulsed with tear gas and water cannon. Carrie Lam gratefully received a petition from the ‘Anti-Occupy Alliance’ bearing almost two million signatures, which the blue-ribbon group said it had collected from fed-up citizens. The end game was drawing near.

 

香港政府没有大张旗鼓，转而采用了一个平凡的工具来结束占领中环。

它鼓励企业和交通运营商向法院申请对抗议者的禁令。

拿着法院的命令，法警和警察开始清理营地。

已经漂移的运动没有团结起来进行有效抵抗。

旺角爆发了暴力事件，黃之鋒进行了绝食抗议，但所有人都知道事业已经失败。

12月15日，最后的路障被拆毁。

占领中环已经持续了七十九天。

有超过一百万人参加，其中约有一千人被捕。

但没有人被杀，甚至没有人受重伤。

仅就这一点而言，它是对香港的一种赞誉。

 

Without fanfare, the Hong Kong government turned to a mundane tool to end Occupy Central. It encouraged businesses and transport operators to go to court for injunctions against the protesters. Armed with court orders, bailiffs and police began to clear the encampments. Already adrift, the movement did not unite to resist effectively. Violence broke out in Mongkok and Joshua Wong went on hunger strike, but everyone knew the cause was lost. On 15 December the last barricades were torn down. Occupy Central had lasted seventy-nine days. More than a million people took part, of whom about a thousand were arrested. But nobody was killed, or even seriously hurt. On that level alone it was a tribute to Hong Kong.

 

事后，各方都得出了各自的结论。

梁振英政府意识到，从今以后，它可以利用法律来执行其意志。

在北京，政治局接受了梁振英的意见，认为他的检察官和警察是可以信任的，可以完成工作。

这远不是一场胜利：2015年，梁振英在立法会对其选举 "改革 "法案的投票中以28票对8票失利，使政治陷入僵局，通过普选产生领导人的日子一如既往地遥远。

在整个香港，愤怒和失望的年轻人争论着什么地方出了问题，并为不可避免的重演争论着他们的策略。

下一次，他们不会再重蹈覆辙，聚集在一个容易被攻击的群体中，而是要 "像水一样 "流向他们的对手。

在暗地里，激进分子计划进行暴力对抗，认为采取温和手段的时间已经过去。

同时，运动中合理的公众形象为多年来的法庭案件、骚扰和恐吓做准备。

一些人失去了他们的事业，一些人进了监狱。

 

In the aftermath, all sides drew their own conclusions. The administration of C.Y. Leung realised that henceforth it could use the law to enforce its will. In Beijing, the Politburo accepted Leung’s submission that his prosecutors and police could be trusted to do the job. It was far from a triumph: in 2015, Leung lost a vote in the Legislative Council on his electoral ‘reform’ bill by twenty-eight votes to eight, leaving politics in limbo and the election of a leader by universal suffrage as far off as ever. Across Hong Kong, angry and disillusioned young people argued over what had gone wrong and debated their tactics for the inevitable reprise. Next time they would not repeat the mistake of collecting in one easily targeted mass, instead they would flow ‘like water’ around their opponents. In secret, radicals planned for a violent confrontation, arguing that the time for moderate means had passed. Meanwhile, the movement’s reasonable public faces prepared for years of court cases, harassment and intimidation. Some lost their careers, several went to prison.

 

被监禁的人中有黃之鋒、周永康和罗冠聪，他们因非法集会被判处6至8个月。

在另一起案件中，黄还被判定犯有藐视法庭罪。

后来，他因在旺角的一个抗议地点的行为而服了第二次短刑。

检察官在2020年仍在追捕他，当时他因一项新的非法集会指控而被短暂关押。

罗冠聪在2016年代表新政党Demosistõ参选时，成为最年轻的香港民选议员，但由于以政府认为不正确的方式说出了自己的宣誓词而失去席位。

 

Among those jailed were Joshua Wong, Alex Chow and Nathan Law, who were sentenced to six to eight months for unlawful assembly. Wong was also convicted of contempt of court in a separate case. He later served a second short sentence for his actions at a protest site in Mongkok. Prosecutors were still pursuing him in 2020, when he was briefly held on a new charge of unlawful assembly. Nathan Law became the youngest elected Hong Kong lawmaker when he stood for the new party Demosistõ in 2016, but lost his seat for speaking the words of his oath of office in a way that the government held to be incorrect.

 

占领抗议活动发生近五年后，戴耀廷和陈健民因密谋制造公害被判处十八个月的监禁。

第三位原始领导人，七十五岁的朱耀明牧师被判处缓刑。

 

Almost five years after the Occupy protests, Benny Tai and Chan Kin-man were sentenced to prison terms of eighteen months for conspiracy to commit a public nuisance. The third original leader, pastor Chu Yiu-ming, who was seventy-five years old, received a suspended sentence.

 

至于传说中的外国势力，他们已经消失了。

美国表示支持香港的自由，并对其民主人士受到的迫害表示遗憾，但没有采取任何行动来制裁或阻止负责任的个人。

巴拉克-奥巴马政府没有任何幻想。

在总统首次访问中国时受到冷遇后，政府开始了 "亚洲支点"，但它寻求在一系列重大问题上与中国政府接触，而不希望在一个小问题上发生对抗。

在欧洲，总理安格拉-默克尔欢迎中国总理李克强，就德国对其国家出口的繁荣进行了亲切的会谈。

 

As for the fabled foreign forces, they melted away. The United States expressed support for freedom in Hong Kong and regretted the persecution of its democrats, but did nothing to sanction or deter the individuals responsible. The administration of Barack Obama had no illusions. It had started a ‘Pivot to Asia’ after the president’s cold treatment on his first visit to China, but it sought to engage Beijing across a spectrum of big issues and did not want a confrontation over a small one. In Europe, Chancellor Angela Merkel welcomed the Chinese premier, Li Keqiang, for cordial talks about the boom in German exports to his country.

 

英国政府已经开始了它所称的与中国关系的 "黄金时代"，不想摇摆不定。

外交部在其提交给议会的六个月报告中总结说，"一国两制 "在香港 "运作良好"。

议会外交事务委员会称这些报告 "虽然有些平淡，但很全面"。

前任港督彭定康对这种不自觉的行为找到了最后的说法，他做得很有把握。

'在无党派人士冲进巴士底狱的那一天，路易十六在他的日记中写道："没有"。

 

The British government had embarked on what it called a ‘golden era’ of relations with China and did not want to rock the boat. The Foreign Office concluded in its six-monthly reports to Parliament that ‘one country, two systems’ was ‘working well’ in Hong Kong. The Foreign Affairs Committee of Parliament called the reports ‘comprehensive if somewhat bland’. It was left to the former governor, Chris Patten, to find the last word on this insouciance, which he did with aplomb: ‘On the day that the sans-culottes stormed the Bastille, Louis XVI wrote in his diary, “Rien”.’

 

 

15.饥饿游戏

15.Hunger Games

 

 

几个月的动荡让香港人筋疲力尽，但中国的安全部门却百折不挠。

随着大规模政治行动从街头消退，他们开始了一场反对异议的黄昏斗争。

自回归以来，国家安全部一直在扩大其在香港的影响力，向警察、海关和移民部门输送 "爱国 "的本地工作人员和来自大陆的定居者。

这种辛勤、耐心的工作早在 "占领中环 "抗议活动之前就已开始。

 

Months of turmoil had exhausted the people of Hong Kong, but the Chinese security services were indefatigable. As mass political action ebbed away from the streets they began a twilight struggle against dissent. The Ministry of State Security had been expanding its footprint in Hong Kong ever since the handover, seeding the police, customs and immigration departments with ‘patriotic’ local staff and settlers from the mainland. This assiduous, patient work had begun well before the Occupy Central protests.

 

2014年夏天，民主党立法会议员涂谨申在每天通勤前往立法会时，有两辆银色奔驰车开始跟踪他，他向警方报警。

有一次，一名男子跟踪带着三岁儿子的涂谨申，来到他们家附近的一家咖啡馆。

便衣警察一直在监视，然后逮捕了两名年龄分别为56岁和54岁的香港男子，并扣押了这两辆奔驰车。

根据路透社的一份调查报告，他们偶然发现了一个针对民主人士的中国秘密监视行动。

 

In the summer of 2014, a Democratic Party legislator, James To, alerted police after two silver Mercedes cars began following him on his daily commute to the Legislative Council. On one occasion a man tailed To, who was with his three-year-old son, to a café near their home. Plainclothes officers kept watch, then arrested two Hong Kong men aged fifty-six and fifty-four, impounding the two Mercedes. According to an investigative report by Reuters news agency, they had stumbled on a covert Chinese surveillance operation targeting pro-democracy figures.

 

该报道说，8月初，一个国家安全小组被派去跟踪涂谨申。

这位政治家认为，该小组的任务是监视他，以获取不利信息。

涂谨申不是极端分子，甚至没有为民众投票；他是一名温和的律师，在一个功能区代表法律界。

然而，他被认为是一个合适的目标。

这些事实从未在法庭上得到验证，因为在警方迅速撤销调查后，两名被捕者（未透露姓名）得以脱身。

路透社的报道说，中国安全机构招募了大约20名前香港警察，与大陆特工一起开展政治监视行动，挑选那些在卧底工作中接受过培训、同情北京的人。

 

A state security team had been put on To’s tail in early August, the story said. The politician believed its task was to monitor him for compromising information. To was no extremist and did not even campaign for popular votes; he was a moderate lawyer who represented the legal profession in a functional constituency. Yet he was deemed a suitable target. The facts were never tested in court because the two arrested men, who were not named, walked free after police quickly dropped their investigation. The Reuters report said Chinese security agencies had recruited about twenty former Hong Kong police officers to work alongside mainland agents on political surveillance operations, selecting men trained in undercover work who were sympathetic to Beijing.

 

其他受到24小时监视的人物包括 "占中 "的创始人之一陈健民，以及学术界的民意调查员钟庭耀，他发现亲北京的《大公报》上贴满了他的汽车照片，指责他像一个受过训练的间谍一样危险地驾驶，以摆脱追捕。

 

Other figures who came under round-the-clock watch were Chan Kin-man, the co-founder of Occupy Central, and Robert Chung, an academic pollster, who found photos of his car plastered all over the pro-Beijing daily Ta Kung Pao in a story accusing him of driving dangerously like a spy trained to throw off pursuit.

 

国家安全部有权调用中国所有的信息收集机构，从银行、教堂和文化机构到统战部的地方分支机构。

它的范围很广。

 

Joshua Wong在和朋友去台湾后，在他的Facebook页面上发表了自己的经历。

有人打电话到他们的酒店房间，这些男孩被至少两名男子跟踪。

其中一人用手机在街上拍下了他们。

其中一名学生说，他被告知要跟踪他们，希望能抓到他们和女人在一起。

这些昂贵而耗时的监视行动的目的使许多观察家感到困惑。

然后人们开始失踪。

 

The Ministry of State Security had authority to call on the whole spectrum of China’s information-gathering apparatus, from banks, churches and cultural institutions to the local branch of the United Front Work Department. Its reach was long. Joshua Wong put his own experience on his Facebook page after he went with friends to Taiwan. Calls were made to their hotel room and the boys were followed by at least two men. One photographed them in the street with his mobile phone. Confronted by one of the students, he said he had been told to trail them in the hope of catching them with women. The purpose of these costly and time-consuming surveillance operations mystified many observers. Then people began to disappear.

 

Mighty Current Media出版社专门出版关于共产党高层的阴谋、通奸和犯罪的丑闻；它是最大和最有利可图的出版商之一，出售在中国被禁止的书籍，但被到香港的中国游客抢购一空。

这些书被卖到整个城市，在城市机场的书摊上堆得满满的，还有一些揭露真相的政治杂志。

2015年底，该公司的五名员工失踪了。

 

The publishing house Mighty Current Media specialised in scandalous exposés of intrigue, adultery and crime at the top of the Communist Party; it was one of the biggest and most profitable publishers trading in books banned in China but snapped up in their thousands by Chinese visitors to Hong Kong. The titles were sold all over the city and piled high at bookstalls at the city’s airport, alongside muckraking political magazines. In late 2015, five of the firm’s staff went missing.

 

Mighty Current在这个历史悠久的行业中运营，有时会出版真正的回忆录和来自中国内部的重要政治文件。

然而，它的客户更喜欢肮脏的八卦，而不是关于马克思主义的辩论；它的标题包括一本预测习近平倒台的书，而一本所谓的王光美自传--中国已故国家主席刘少奇的妻子，在2006年去世前一直是一个神圣的人物--引起了她家人的谴责，说是 "捏造、恶意诽谤、过度庸俗和虚假"。

更不祥的是，这本书促使亲北京的《文汇报》警告说，"诽谤 "国家领导人的人将面临可怕的后果。

这一警告并没有阻止出版商桂民海继续出版关于习近平本人的爱情生活的书，这个话题可能没有广泛的吸引力，但无疑在市场上有一定的地位。

 

Mighty Current operated at the raw end of the long-established industry which sometimes published genuine memoirs and documents of serious political import from inside China. Its customers, however, preferred salacious gossip to debates on Marxism; its titles included a book predicting the fall of Xi Jinping, while a supposed autobiography of Wang Guangmei, the wife of China’s late president Liu Shaoqi and a hallowed figure until her death in 2006, drew condemnation from her family as ‘fabrications, malicious slander, excessively vulgar and fake’. More ominously, the book prompted the pro-Beijing daily Wen Wei Po to warn of dire consequences for those who ‘slandered’ state leaders. This admonition had not deterred the publisher, Gui Minhai, from pressing ahead with a book on the love life of Xi himself, a topic which may not have exercised a wide appeal but undoubtedly had a niche somewhere in the market.

 

有人最后一次看到桂民海于2015年10月17日与一名身份不明的中国男子乘坐一辆白色汽车离开他在泰国的度假海滩公寓。

三周后，四名中国男子在给经理打电话后进入了公寓，这显然是来自桂某。

进入后，他们在他的电脑上工作了两个小时，然后试图将其带走。

由于怀疑，工作人员威胁说要报警。

几天后，桂民海打电话给他的妻子，说他会比预期的晚回家，并告诉她不要担心。

他已经在中国城市宁波，被安全人员带过泰国边境到柬埔寨，柬埔寨实际上已经成为中国的一个客户国，然后再返回祖国。

 

Gui had last been seen leaving his holiday beach apartment in Thailand on 17 October 2015 with an unidentified Chinese man in a white car. Three weeks later four Chinese men gained access to the apartment after a call to the manager, apparently from Gui. Once inside, they worked on his computer for two hours, then tried to take it away. Suspicious, the staff threatened to summon the police. A few days afterwards, Gui called his wife, said he would return home later than expected and told her not to worry. He was already in the northeast Chinese city of Ningbo, having been spirited by security agents across the Thai border to Cambodia, which had become a virtual client state of China, and onwards to the motherland.

 

此后不久，桂的两名员工李波和张继平被拘押，他们不理智地去探望在中国南部的家人。

10月24日，该公司的零售书商林永基在携带一摞禁书前往深圳销售时被捕。

12月30日，为Mighty Current Media公司送书和管理库存的李波，其妻子Sophie Choi是该公司的股东之一，在一个工作日结束时没有回家。

他曾向媒体谈及他失踪的同事，也许认为他受到英国护照的保护。

这是个错误。

英国外交大臣后来告诉议会，李被 "在没有任何正当程序的情况下非自愿地移送到大陆"。

 

Soon afterwards, two of Gui’s employees, Lui Bo and Cheung Jiping, who had been unwise enough to visit their families in southern China, were taken into custody. The company’s retail bookseller, Lam Wing-kee, was arrested on 24 October when he crossed the border to Shenzhen carrying a stack of banned books for sale. On 30 December, Lee Bo, who delivered books and managed stock for Mighty Current Media, and whose wife, Sophie Choi, was a shareholder in the firm, failed to come home at the end of a working day. He had talked to the press about his missing colleagues, perhaps thinking that he was protected by a British passport. That was a mistake. Britain’s foreign secretary later told Parliament Lee had been ‘involuntarily removed to the mainland without any due process’.

 

在中国国家电视台播放了桂民海的 "忏悔"，他告诉观众他 "自愿 "回到中国，为一起致命的交通事故接受法律制裁之后，这些书商的案件成为国际上的一个热点话题。

绑架事件引发了抗议和示威；甚至行政长官梁振英也说，如果大陆机构在香港活动是 "不可接受的"。

中国安全部门并不为所动，他们的游戏玩得很好。

一场令人困惑的失踪、重新出现、背叛和神秘的戏剧接踵而至。

这场戏是为了混淆视听，惩罚和威慑。

四名失踪者在香港重新出现，但只有一个人，即林荣基，不顾中国政府的反对，公开发表意见。

他最终搬到了台湾，在那里开了一家出售政治作品的书店。

 

After Chinese state television broadcast a ‘confession’ by Gui Minhai in which he told viewers he had ‘voluntarily’ gone back to China to face justice over a fatal traffic accident, the case of the booksellers became an international cause célèbre. The abductions set off protests and demonstrations; even the chief executive, C.Y. Leung, said it was ‘unacceptable’ if mainland agencies were operating in Hong Kong. Unfazed, the Chinese security services played their game well. A bewildering drama ensued of disappearance, reappearance, betrayal and mystery. It was designed to confuse, to punish and to deter. Four of the missing men resurfaced in Hong Kong but only one, Lam Wing-kee, defied the Chinese state to speak out. He eventually moved to Taiwan, where he opened a bookstore selling political works.

 

桂敏海经历了一段残酷的释放和重新入狱的过程，直到2020年他因 "非法向外国势力提供情报 "而被判处十年监禁。

尽管他的失踪并没有被忽视--他是一名归化的瑞典公民--但斯德哥尔摩政府却被委托为他进行多年的麻烦和无果的外交活动。

事实上，他的绑架使瑞典卷入了一场丑闻，当时瑞典前驻北京大使安娜-林德斯特德在斯德哥尔摩受审，罪名是在与外国打交道时越权，促成了桂民海的女儿与一对中国 "商人 "的私下会面，后者表示愿意提供帮助。

她被无罪释放，但这一事件给外交官们敲响了警钟，警告他们与一个同时也是大贸易伙伴的警察国家打交道的内在风险。

对于北京的国家安全控制者来说，这是该案件的一个有益的副产品。

 

Gui Minhai was to endure a cruel period of release and re-incarceration until he was handed a ten-year jail sentence in 2020 for ‘illegally providing intelligence to foreign powers’. Although his disappearance had not gone unnoticed – he was a naturalised Swedish citizen – the government in Stockholm was consigned to years of troubled and fruitless diplomacy on his behalf. Indeed, his kidnapping entangled Sweden in a scandal when its former ambassador to Beijing, Anna Lindstedt, was put on trial in Stockholm for exceeding her authority in dealing with a foreign power, having brokered a private meeting between Gui’s daughter and a pair of Chinese ‘businessmen’ who offered to help. She was acquitted, but the episode was a warning to diplomats about the risks inherent in dealing with a police state that was also a big trading partner. To the controllers of state security in Beijing, that was a useful by-product of the case.

 

尽管这五位书商的困境引起了世界的关注，但这只是众多行动中的一个。

2016年，两名香港杂志出版商王健民和郭忠孝因 "非法经营 "和贿赂被深圳一家法院判处五年监禁。

第三个香港出版商姚文田在2014年被判入狱十年，因为检察官指控他将工业涂料走私到深圳；他真正的罪行是委托出版一本名为《教父习近平》的异见作家的书。

 

Although the plight of the five booksellers commanded world attention it was just one action among many. Two Hong Kong magazine publishers, Wang Jianmin and Guo Zhongxiao, were jailed for five years by a court in Shenzhen in 2016 for ‘running an illegal business’ and bribery. A third Hong Kong publisher, Yiu Man-tin, got ten years in jail in 2014 after prosecutors accused him of smuggling industrial paint into Shenzhen; his real offence was to commission a dissident writer’s book called Godfather Xi Jinping.

 

这些行动的蓝图是一份名为 "广东行动计划 "的党内文件。

根据2015年4月25日的中央政府指令，该计划授权进行 "反击"，从源头上 "消灭 "被禁书刊，并将香港的14家出版社和21家出版物列为目标。

该计划的摘要落入香港立法者手中，他们与活动人士和当地记者分享。

 

The blueprint for these operations was an internal party document titled the ‘Guangdong Action Plan’. Based on a central government directive of 25 April 2015, it authorised a ‘counter-attack’ to ‘exterminate’ banned books and magazines at their source, identifying as targets fourteen publishers and twenty-one publications in Hong Kong. Extracts from the plan fell into the hands of Hong Kong legislators, who shared them with activists and local reporters.

 

中国安全部门胆子大了起来，扩大了他们的跨境行动，对来自泰国、老挝、柬埔寨和缅甸的持不同政见者实施了有据可查的绑架和失踪计划。

这些人是新的国家安全国家的被遗忘的受害者。

其中一位是年轻的记者和人权活动家Li Xin，他为广东一家受欢迎的报纸《南方都市报》工作。

在国家安全人员的压力下，Li Xin逃离了中国，但未能获得美国或印度的庇护。

他最后一次被看到是在曼谷登上一列开往泰国与老挝边境的火车。

他的妻子和孩子被禁止离开广东。

后来他给妻子打电话说他在中国的警察手中。

 

Emboldened, the Chinese security services expanded their cross-border operations to carry out a well-documented programme of abductions and disappearances of dissidents from Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Burma. These were the forgotten victims of the new national security state. One of them was a young journalist and human rights activist, Li Xin, who worked for the Southern Metropolis Daily, a popular newspaper in Guangdong. Li fled China after pressure from state security operatives but failed to win asylum from the US or India. He was last seen boarding a train in Bangkok bound for the Thai border with Laos. His wife and child were forbidden to leave Guangdong. He later called her to say he was in the hands of the police back in China.

 

在这种情况下，国际法并没有什么帮助。

泰国军政府将两名资深的持不同政见者，董廣平和姜野飛送回中国，尽管这两人已被联合国授予难民身份，联合国召集了其所有的愤怒储备，称这种引渡行为 "令人严重失望"。

美国法律学者杰罗姆-科恩（Jerome Cohen）几十年来一直致力于建设性地参与中国的法律改革，他宣称这表明 "不仅是中国法律的延伸，而且是中国违法行为的延伸"。

 

International law was not much help in such cases. The Thai military government sent two veteran dissidents, Jiang Yefei and Dong Guanping, back to China even though the pair had been granted refugee status by the United Nations, which summoned up all its reserves of indignation to call the rendition ‘a serious disappointment’. The American law scholar Jerome Cohen, who had devoted decades to constructive engagement with legal reform in China, declared that it showed ‘not only the extending reach of Chinese law but the extending reach of Chinese lawlessness’.

 

习近平的上台为香港带来了一个不确定的时代，虽然与1980年代的生存疑虑不同，但带来了新的不安感。

在贸易的良性影响下，中国重新回到强硬的独裁统治，结束了更自由的国际主义前景的梦想。

现在，随着经济震荡释放出预言家们未曾预料到的力量，全球化似乎不再是不可避免的。

在这股旋风中，香港只是南中国海上的一块小飞地，尽管它是地球上一些联系最紧密、最国际化的年轻人的家。

它成为时代的一面镜子。

 

The ascent of Xi Jinping had introduced an age of uncertainty for Hong Kong, which although different from the existential doubts of the 1980s, brought a new sense of unease. The return to a hard dictatorship ended dreams of a more liberal, internationalist outlook in China under the benign influence of trade. Now, as economic shocks set loose forces which its prophets had not foreseen, globalisation no longer seemed inevitable. Caught up in this whirlwind, Hong Kong was just a small enclave on the South China Sea, although it was home to some of the most connected, cosmopolitan young people on earth. It became a mirror to the times.

 

香港依靠自由贸易而繁荣。

在21世纪初，中国融入世界商业和数字经济的增长似乎提供了无限的机会。

随着数以百万计的中国工人脱离贫困，在沿海地区的工厂里工作，廉价商品流向西方，资金流回东方，香港已经从中获利。

这使全世界的通货膨胀和利率保持在低水平。

它也破坏了富国的制造业工作，其中大部分没有被新的服务行业取代。

相反，蓝领工人面临更低的工资和不安全感。

克林顿总统吹嘘的美国将出口商品而不是就业的说法越来越空洞。

也许有一百万美国人因为中国的竞争而失去了工作。

 

Hong Kong depended on free trade to flourish. The integration of China into world commerce and the growth of the digital economy in the early twenty-first century had seemed to offer limitless opportunities. Hong Kong had profited as millions of Chinese workers left poverty to toil in the factories on the coast, cheap goods flowed to the West and money flowed back to the East. That had kept inflation and interest rates low worldwide. It also destroyed manufacturing jobs in rich nations, most of which were not replaced by the new service industries. Instead blue-collar workers faced lower pay and insecurity. President Clinton’s boast that America would export goods but not jobs rang increasingly hollow. Perhaps a million Americans were put out of work by Chinese competition.

 

当中国加入世界贸易组织时，它在世界出口中的份额随着贸易量的增加而激增。

全球供应链已将人民共和国嵌入到跨国生产中，并将亚洲的新兴市场编织成一个相互关联的经济。

中国产品进入了德国的汽车制造商、日本的电子巨头和新技术巨头，如电脑和智能手机制造商苹果。

这是一个无缝的操作，通过计算机化管理成为可能。

跨越太平洋和大西洋的巨大资本流动正在进入越来越复杂的金融交易中。

美国联邦储备委员会说，全球出现了储蓄过剩。

高管们带着列宁前往芬兰站的自信，在预言性的公司 "峰会 "上分享他们对无边界未来的愿景。

只有少数金融分析师研究过复杂性理论，这是一门建立在自然科学基础上的学科，它告诉人们复杂的系统孕育着不确定性，过程不是线性的，秩序并不比混乱更不可避免。

 

When China joined the World Trade Organisation, its share of world exports had surged as the volume of trade went up. Global supply chains had embedded the People’s Republic into multinational production and woven emerging markets in Asia into one interconnected economy. Chinese products went to car makers in Germany, electronics giants in Japan and new technology giants like Apple, the maker of computers and smartphones. It was a seamless operation, made possible by computerised management. Huge capital flows across the Pacific and Atlantic were going into ever more intricate financial transactions. The US Federal Reserve said there was a global savings glut. With all the certainty of Lenin heading for the Finland Station, executives shared their visions of a borderless future at portentous corporate ‘summits’. Only a handful of financial analysts had studied complexity theory, a discipline founded in natural sciences which taught that complex systems bred uncertainty, process was not linear and order was no more inevitable than chaos.

 

当2008年的金融危机导致世界各地的需求崩溃时，情况就证明了这一点。

全球化停滞不前，利率下降到接近零，因为中央银行试图保持市场运作。

 技术的兴起导致竞争减少，利润集中在少数巨型科技公司手中。

工业化民主国家的工人并没有平等地分享收益，中产阶级感到被挤压。

中国领导人认为这证明了自由资本主义的衰落和他们自己制度的优越性。

他们很快就会发现，经济混乱并没有那么简单。

 

This was shown to be the case when the financial crisis of 2008 led to a collapse in demand around the world. Globalisation stalled and interest rates fell to near zero as central banks tried to keep markets functioning. The rise of technology led to reduced competition, concentrating profits in the hands of a few giant tech firms. Workers in the industrialised democracies did not share equally in the gains and the middle classes felt squeezed. Chinese leaders saw this as proof of the decline of liberal capitalism and the superiority of their own system. They would soon find out that economic disruption was not as simple as that.

 

在中国国内，贸易在国民生产总值中的份额不再增长。

随着外国直接投资的减少，经济转向内向。

一个新的中产阶级有钱可花，消费了更多他们生产的东西。

2015年左右，中国在世界出口中的份额不再上升，但进口份额却在增长。

自动化和3D打印等技术削减了企业通过将生产转移到利用中国廉价劳动力而获得的巨大成本节约。

社交媒体和 "快速时尚 "的爆发点燃了消费者对就近生产的快速、廉价商品的需求。

连接企业和 "及时 "交货的漫长供应链在意外的压力下可能会断裂，比如地震和海啸使日本的汽车制造商瘫痪，洪水使泰国的电脑工厂关闭。

公司开始认为供应链也可能是一种桎梏。

一些人厌倦了中国的官僚主义、腐败和任意使用法律的现象。

 

Inside China, trade ceased to grow as a share of gross national product. As foreign direct investment fell, the economy turned inward. A new middle class had money to spend, consuming more of what they produced. Around 2015 the Chinese share of world exports stopped rising, although the share of imports grew. Automation and technologies like 3D printing cut into the huge cost savings that firms had reaped by moving production to exploit cheap Chinese labour. The explosion of social media and ‘fast fashion’ ignited consumer demand for fast, cheap goods made nearer home. The long supply chains linking firms to ‘just-in-time’ delivery could snap under unexpected stresses, like an earthquake and tsunami that paralysed car makers in Japan, and floods which shut down computer factories in Thailand. Companies began to think supply chains might also be shackles. Some tired of the bureaucracy, corruption and arbitrary use of law in China.

 

然后是政治风险。

2016年11月，共和党人唐纳德-特朗普赢得了美国总统大选，他在参选期间曾表示，他为被全球化抛弃在濒临死亡的煤城和关闭的工厂的美国人说话。

他指责中国的所谓 "不公平 "做法，进而发动了一场贸易战。

 

Then there was political risk. In November 2016, Republican Donald Trump won the US presidential election, having said during his candidature that he spoke for Americans left behind by globalisation in dying coal towns and shuttered factories. Blaming China for what he called ‘unfair’ practices, he proceeded to launch a trade war.

 

即使是曾为比尔-克林顿解开入世协议的夏琳-巴舍夫斯基也承认，中国已经违背了人们的期望。

她认为，在胡锦涛领导下，中国已经偏离了市场经济，将特权交还给国有部门，歧视外国公司，强迫它们转让技术并窃取其知识产权。

巴尔舍夫斯基说，这些趋势在习近平上台后加速发展，以期在其国家转型中使用经济力量。

她指责共和党和民主党的总统都没有采取行动："可耻的是......美国错过了许多对中国执行世贸组织协议的机会。

她说，美国没有利用现有的机制进行反击，其大肆宣扬的经济对话只是 "谈话会"。

 

Even Charlene Barshefsky, who had unlocked the WTO accession deal for Bill Clinton, admitted that China had defied expectations. In her view, it had turned away from market economics under Hu Jintao, handing privileges back to the state sector, discriminating against foreign firms, forcing them to transfer technology and stealing their intellectual property. These trends had accelerated when Xi Jinping took power with a view to using economic power in his national transformation, said Barshefsky. She blamed both Republican and Democratic presidents for failing to act: ‘The shame of it … is that the United States missed many opportunities to enforce the WTO agreement against China.’ It had not used the mechanisms available to hit back, she said, and its much-touted economic dialogues were just ‘talkfests’.

 

这位前贸易谈判代表说，美国应该与其盟友合作，并利用多边体系，但特朗普政府对其认为是精英的内部人士的此类建议不闻不问。

世贸组织旨在裁决争端，但根据总统的说法，它是无效的和有偏见的。

他在日内瓦的代表通过一个聪明的权宜之计使其瘫痪，阻止了上诉小组法官的任命。

美国对中国进口商品的平均关税从12%提高到21%。

作为回应，北京将关税从17%提高到相同水平，美国对中国新经济的旗舰--电信公司华为和中兴通讯发起了行动。

 

The former trade negotiator said America should work with its allies and use the multilateral system, but the Trump administration was impervious to such advice from people it considered elite insiders. The WTO was meant to adjudicate disputes, but according to the president it was ineffective and biased. His representative in Geneva paralysed it by a clever expedient, blocking the appointment of judges its appeals panel. Average American tariffs on Chinese imports were increased from 12 per cent to 21 per cent. When in response Beijing hiked tariffs from 17 per cent to the same level, the US launched campaigns against the telecoms firms Huawei and ZTE, flagships of the new Chinese economy.

 

自20世纪70年代以来，美国第一次玩起了暴力。

这是经济民族主义，是对巴舍夫斯基和她的同行们在过去几十年中所实行的正统观念的拒绝。

直接的结果也许不是特朗普团队所计算的那样。

2017年，习近平主席前往达沃斯世界经济论坛，在那里他被誉为全球化、发展和善治的使徒。

他说，中国已经迈出了勇敢的一步，拥抱全球市场，并引用了一句古诗词。

'蜜瓜挂在苦涩的藤蔓上，甜枣长在荆棘上。【甘瓜抱苦蒂，美枣生荆棘。】

听众们对他报以热烈的掌声。

 

For the first time since the 1970s, America was playing rough. It was economic nationalism, a rejection of the orthodoxy of previous decades practised by Barshefsky and her peers. The immediate result was not, perhaps, what Trump’s team had calculated. In 2017 President Xi Jinping went to the World Economic Forum in Davos, where he was hailed as an apostle of globalisation, development and good governance. He said China had taken a brave step to embrace the global market and cited an ancient verse: ‘Honey melons hang on bitter vines; sweet dates grow on thistles and thorns.’ The audience gave him an ovation.

 

随着他的政权在国外变得更加自信，在国内也变得更加严厉。

在中国国内，习近平建立了高效独裁政权特有的法律和官僚体系。

他在2014年成立了一个国家安全委员会，作为警察国家机器的 "神经中枢"。

它的活动是秘密的，但习近平称赞它 "解决了棘手的问题"。

第二年，新的《国家安全法》获得通过，对危害国家安全的罪行进行了广泛的定义。

随后，《国家情报法》、《反间谍法》、《反恐怖主义法》、《网络安全法》和《外国非政府组织管理法》相继出台。

加州大学圣地亚哥分校的学者Tai Ming Cheung在分析该立法大厦时评论说，"中国国家安全机构拥有不可动摇的法律权力，可以在其境内和越来越多的境外做任何事情。

 

As his regime grew more assertive abroad, it grew harsher at home. Inside China, Xi put in place the legal and bureaucratic furniture typical of efficient dictatorships. He had inaugurated a National Security Commission in 2014 to act as a ‘nerve centre’ for the police state apparatus. Its activities were secret but Xi applauded it for ‘solving tough problems’. The next year a new National Security Law was passed with an expansive definition of offences against the state. There followed a National Intelligence Law, a Counter-Espionage Law, a Counter-Terrorism Law, a Cybersecurity Law and a Foreign Non-Governmental Organisations Management Law. Analysing the legislative edifice, the scholar Tai Ming Cheung of the University of California, San Diego, commented that ‘the Chinese national security state has unassailable legal authority to do anything it wants within its own borders and increasingly beyond.’

 

所有这一切都带有一个人统治的印记。

习近平废除了任期限制，允许自己作为国家主席终身任职。

他的个人崇拜越来越奢侈。

邓小平曾推动共产党走向集体领导，以阻止另一个像毛泽东一样的强人上台。

现在，习近平撕毁了这本规则。

在国内，他的注意力转向国外。

 

All this bore the stamp of one-man rule. Xi abolished term limits, allowing himself to stay in office as president for life. His personality cult grew extravagant. Deng Xiaoping had pushed the Communist Party towards collective leadership to stop another strongman like Mao coming to power. Now Xi tore up the rulebook. Supreme at home, he turned his attention abroad.

 

习近平大肆宣扬他与俄罗斯的普京和各种教士或黑手党的专制者的良好关系。

中国开始通过雄心勃勃的 "一带一路 "倡议扩大其外交和商业足迹，将投资投入到亚洲、中东和非洲的港口、公路和铁路。

北京称这些项目为 "双赢"，对中国来说，它们往往是双赢的。

中国的发展贷款直接流向了获得合同的中国国有企业。

 

Xi made much of his good relations with Vladimir Putin of Russia and sundry authoritarians of clerical or mafia stamp. China began expanding its diplomatic and commercial footprint by an ambitious ‘Belt and Road’ initiative, ploughing investment into ports, roads and railways in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. Beijing called these projects ‘win-win’, which for China they often were. Its development loans flowed straight back to the state-owned Chinese firms awarded the contracts.

 

中国在南中国海的军事存在不断增加，而南中国海的大部分地区都是中国的。

中国建立了一支蓝水海军，实现了空军现代化，并在导弹和隐形技术以及电子战方面快速发展。

它通过在太平洋战区的海空巡逻来考验美国及其盟友。

它支持朝鲜的核武政权，补贴巴基斯坦，并与印度在喜马拉雅山进行决斗。

在东南亚，只有越南进行了猛烈的反击，而泰国、菲律宾、柬埔寨和老挝则成为顺从或支流国家。

 

China’s military presence was growing in the South China Sea, most of which it claimed. It built a blue-water navy, modernised its air force and raced forward in missile and stealth technology and electronic warfare. It tested the United States and its allies with naval and air patrols in the Pacific theatre. It propped up the nuclear-armed regime in North Korea, subsidised Pakistan and duelled with India in the Himalayas. In southeast Asia only Vietnam pushed back hard, while Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia and Laos became compliant or tributary states.

 

中国的崛起构成了自第二次世界大战结束以来对美国最大的战略挑战。

这不是火烧眉毛的叛乱，而是要把美国人赶出亚洲的运动。

奥巴马政府采取了低调、耐心的应对措施，在贸易方面制定了跨太平洋伙伴关系，建立了联盟，并说服其伙伴加入对世界商业至关重要的海上通道的海军行动。

特朗普总统的口气更大；他的第二任国务卿迈克-蓬佩奥(Mike Pompeo)直接谈到了对抗中国的力量，尽管他们退出太平洋贸易协定和他们的外交混乱并没有帮助这一事业。

然而，美国的政策大致上是两党的，因为共和党人和民主党人都有一个共识，即 "接触 "并没有发挥作用。

五角大楼、情报界，甚至许多美国商界人士都认为早就应该采取强硬态度了。

很快，特朗普、他的内阁官员和国会的高级成员都把香港作为美中两国未来关系的一个考验。

 

The rise of China amounted to the greatest strategic challenge to the United States since the end of the Second World War. This was no brushfire insurgency but a drive to expel the Americans from Asia. The Obama administration took a low-key, patient response, crafting a Trans Pacific Partnership in trade, working up alliances and persuading its partners to join naval operations in the sea lanes vital for world commerce. President Trump took a louder tone; his second Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, spoke directly about confronting Chinese power, although their withdrawal from the Pacific trade pact and their diplomatic disarray did not help the cause. American policy was broadly bipartisan, however, for there was a consensus among Republicans and Democrats that ‘engagement’ had not worked. The Pentagon, the intelligence community and even many in American business felt a tough line was long overdue. Soon Trump, his cabinet officers and senior members of Congress were all singling out Hong Kong as a test of the future relations between America and China.

 

习近平的独裁统治和中美之间的冷战意味着香港不再是一个旁观者。

它抓住了那个时代的关键政治问题：自由与秩序，个人与国家，宽容与认同，服从与异议，法治与强人。

这个城市的地方冲突引起了全世界的关注。

而事件开始快速发展。

 

The Xi dictatorship and the cold war between China and America meant that Hong Kong was no longer a sideshow. It captured the key political questions of the era: freedom versus order, the individual versus the state, tolerance versus identity, obedience versus dissent, the rule of law versus the strongman. The city’s local conflicts drew worldwide attention. And events began to move fast.

 

2017年1月，大陆安全人员进入四季酒店的服务公寓，该酒店已成为不受中国政府青睐的富裕商业人士的豪华避难所。

他们带走了一位亿万富翁，即消失的大亨肖建华，当他被人用轮椅推到一辆等候的汽车上时，用头罩蒙住了他的头，汽车将他送过边境，进入中国。

在接下来的几年里，人们没有看到肖建华的身影。

政府接管了他的公司。

他的落马是习近平反腐运动的一部分，反腐运动将大陆的商业精英们一网打尽。

他离开香港的方式清楚地表明，不再有任何界限。

 

In January 2017, mainland security agents entered the service apartments at the Four Seasons Hotel, which had become a luxurious refuge for wealthy business figures out of favour with the Chinese government. They took away a billionaire, the vanished tycoon Xiao Jianhua, covering his head with a hood as he was pushed in a wheelchair to a waiting car, which drove him across the border into China. Nothing was seen of Xiao for the next few years. The government took over his companies. His fall was part of Xi’s campaign against corruption, which scythed through the mainland’s commercial elite. The manner of his exit from Hong Kong made it clear there were no boundaries any more.

 

两个月后，林郑月娥接替不受欢迎的梁振英担任行政长官，梁振英没有竞选第二任期。

她在由1194名成员组成的选举委员会中以777票获胜，击败了前财政司司长曾俊华和一名退休法官胡国兴。

770万香港人在这个问题上没有进一步的发言权。

一个更成熟的选择可能是曾鈺成，一个精明的左派政治家，领导最大的亲北京政党并担任立法会主席。

曾鈺成是一名马克思主义教师，出生在广州，但他在香港长大，比居住在香港顶层的精英公务员和商人更了解香港社会。

民意调查经常将他列为该市最受欢迎的立法者之一。

失去了这个机会，中国政府就只能选择林郑月娥，一个疏远而冰冷的官僚，其政治直觉很弱。

没过多久，这位前首席秘书就迈出了她走向灾难的第一步。

她说，那是由于最好的意图。

 

Two months later, Carrie Lam took over as chief executive from the unpopular C.Y. Leung, who did not stand for a second term. She won with 777 votes from an election committee of 1,194 members, defeating the former finance secretary, John Tsang, and a retired judge, Woo Kwok-hing. The 7.7 million people of Hong Kong had no further say in the matter. A more sophisticated choice might have been Jasper Tsang Yok-sing, an astute politician on the left who led the biggest pro-Beijing party and chaired the Legislative Council. Tsang was a Marxist teacher, born in Guangzhou, but he grew up in Hong Kong and knew its society better than the elite civil servants and businessmen who dwelt at its summit. Opinion polls regularly ranked him as one of the city’s most popular legislators. That opportunity lost, the Chinese government was stuck with Lam, a distant and icy bureaucrat whose political instincts were weak. It did not take long for the former chief secretary to take her first step to disaster. It was due, she said, to the best of intentions.

 

与许多香港人一样，林郑月娥对年轻孕妇潘曉穎被谋杀一事感到震惊，潘曉穎是在台湾度假时被其嫉妒的男友陳同佳杀害的。

他逃到了香港，由于两地之间没有引渡条约，他既不能为谋杀案受审，也不能被送回台湾接受审判。

陈因其他罪行被短期判刑，但他的豁免权激怒了受害者的家人。

林郑月娥说，这起案件说服她研究香港有限的引渡安排--香港仅与20个国家签订了条约--并使她相信香港需要一部新的法律。

她坚持认为，没有其他动机。

 

Like many Hong Kongers, Lam was horrified by the murder of a young pregnant woman, Poon Hiu-Wing, killed by her jealous boyfriend, Chan Tong-kai, on a holiday in Taiwan. He fled to Hong Kong, where he could neither be tried for the murder nor sent back to face justice in Taiwan because no extradition treaty existed between them. Chan served a short sentence for other crimes but his immunity infuriated the victim’s family. Lam said the case had persuaded her to examine Hong Kong’s limited extradition arrangements – it had treaties with just twenty countries – and convinced her that it needed a new law. There was, she maintained, no other motive.

 

林郑月娥听取了首位从警界晋升的保安司李家超的建议，李家超采取的是单纯的法律和秩序路线。

她的高级公务员张建宗也加入了磋商。

在他们之间，官僚们提出了一项法案，允许在香港以外的地区进行引渡。

这意味着嫌疑人可以被送往中国大陆，那里的法院为共产党服务。

 

Lam took advice from John Lee Ka-chiu, the first security secretary to be promoted from the ranks of the police, who took a plain law-and-order line. Her top civil servant, Matthew Cheung Kin-chung, joined the consultations. Between them, the bureaucrats came up with a bill allowing extradition to and from jurisdictions outside Hong Kong. It meant that suspects could be sent to mainland China, where the courts served the Communist Party.

 

该法案于2019年2月公布，并作为一项打击犯罪的措施加以宣传。

其条款掀起了一场风暴。

也许政府认为它是安全的，因为2016年选出的立法会在其七十名成员中拥有亲建制派的多数。

这也是一种误判。

当民主党人试图在委员会听证会上阻止该法案时，议会厅里发生了混战。

但即使是由商业界赞助的成员也感到不安。

香港的富豪们突然意识到，如果该法案成为法律，他们中任何一个在中国大陆陷入纠纷的人都可能与肖建华的命运一样，从会议室换到牢房。

当港澳办主任张晓明称这项立法是 "必要的 "时，他们并没有感到安心。

 

The bill was unveiled in February 2019 and promoted as a crime-fighting measure. Its provisions set off a storm. Perhaps the government thought it was secure because the Legislative Council elected in 2016 had a pro-establishment majority among its seventy members. That, too, was a miscalculation. There were scuffles in the council chambers as democrats tried to block the bill in committee hearings. But even members sponsored by the business community were uneasy. It had dawned on the tycoons of Hong Kong that if the bill became law any of them who got into a dispute in mainland China could share the fate of Xiao Jianhua, exchanging a boardroom for a cell. They were not reassured when the head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, Zhang Xiaoming, called the legislation ‘necessary’.

 

代表企业利益的自由党在议会中与商业和专业联盟排成一列，寻求修改。

美国商会，一个通常是建制派的可靠啦啦队的商业团体，表示失望。

律师协会谴责了该法案。

更为保守的法律协会也是如此。

 

The Liberal Party, which spoke for corporate interests, lined up with the Business and Professional Alliance in the council to seek amendments. The American Chamber of Commerce, a business group that was normally a reliable cheerleader for the establishment, expressed dismay. The Bar Association condemned the bill. So did the more conservative Law Society.

 

当反对声变成一连串的声音时，林郑月娥似乎瘫痪了。

当黃之鋒的新政党香港眾志举行静坐时，反对声就悄悄地开始了。

第一次反对法案的游行吸引了12,000人，第二次有130,000人走上街头。

民主运动感觉到了一个原因，于是觉醒了。

请愿书在学校和学院流传。

互联网被点燃了。

活动人士聚集在一个名为連登LIHKG的网上论坛，该论坛成为召集抗议活动、组织物资和选择目标的公告板。

它的主题使用了古典中文、非母语的粤语字符和偶尔选择不当的英文脏话。

它是一个活生生的东西。

6月9日，组织者说有一百万人在游行。

 

When opposition turned into a cascade, Lam seemed paralysed. It started quietly when Joshua Wong’s new political party, Demosistō, staged a sit-in. The first march against the bill drew 12,000 people, the second got 130,000 onto the streets. Sensing a cause, the democratic movement awoke. Petitions circulated at schools and colleges. The internet ignited. Activists mustered around an online forum called LIHKG, which became a bulletin board to rally protests, organise supplies and select targets. Its threads used classical Chinese, demotic Cantonese characters and the occasional ill-chosen obscenity in English. It was a living thing. On 9 June, the organisers said a million people marched.

 

在那个春天，在香港可以感受到空气中的变化。

占领中环的梦幻般的和平主义者已不复存在，他们用康托摇滚乐为自己的事业唱小曲，在帐篷里拥抱着学者们的演讲。

现在，苦涩、愤怒和隐蔽的计划标志着五年来的第一次大规模抗议活动。

呼喊声更加严厉，音乐更加响亮。

'反送中Faan sung zung！'他们合唱道，'反对被送往中国！'。

这是一个双关语，意思是送人去死。

占领的人群曾喜欢习近平作为小熊维尼的漫画，一只无助的熊。

这一代人画的是林郑月娥和其他处于死亡边缘的敌人，滴着血。

一种新型的街头斗士出现了，他们身着黑衣，戴着头盔、护目镜和保鲜膜面罩，靴子系着腰带，智能手机放在一个坚固的箱子里，随时准备找麻烦。

 

To be in Hong Kong that spring was to sense a change in the air. Gone were the dreamy pacifists of Occupy Central, serenading their cause with Canto-rock and cuddling in tents as academics orated. Now bitterness, anger and covert planning marked the first mass protests in five years. The chanting was harsher, the music plangent. ‘Faan sung zung!’ they chorused, ‘oppose being sent to China!’ It was a pun on words that meant sending someone to their death. The Occupy crowd had liked cartoons of Xi Jinping as Winnie-the-Pooh, a hapless bear. This generation drew Carrie Lam and other enemies in their death throes, dripping blood. A new breed of street fighter appeared, black-clad, in helmets, goggles and cling-film masks, boots laced and smartphone in a rugged case, ready for trouble.

 

6月12日，大坝破裂。

数以百计的企业因员工参加大罢工而关闭。

一场巨大的示威游行向立法会大楼进发，以阻止对法案的二读。

警方自 "占领中环 "以来首次使用催泪瓦斯，还发射了橡皮子弹和 "豆袋 "海绵弹。

这股暴力旋风不分老幼。

这是一支不同的警察部队，他们充满敌意、咄咄逼人、冷酷无情，他们的警员把制服上的序列号撕掉，这样他们就不能被绳之以法。

他们的对手以出乎意料的愤怒进行了斗争。

一名游行者展示了他的智能手机信息，召集在前线的 "勇猛的人"--JUNG MOU。

他们是桑竹，是兄弟姐妹。

 

On 12 June, the dam broke. Hundreds of businesses shut as staff joined a general strike. A huge demonstration headed for the Legislative Council building to stop a second reading of the bill. Police used tear gas for the first time since Occupy Central, also firing rubber bullets and ‘bean bag’ sponge rounds. The whirlwind of violence spared neither old nor young. This was a different police force, one that was hostile, aggressive and cold, whose officers tore their serial numbers off their uniforms so they could not be brought to book. Their opponents fought with unexpected fury. A marcher showed his smartphone messages rallying the jung mou, ‘the brave and fierce’, who were in the front lines. They were san zuk, brothers and sisters in arms.

 

林郑月娥受到了震动。

6月15日，她暂停了引渡法案。

但为时已晚；起义已经开始了。

它变成了一场旋转的、混乱的城市叛乱。

7月，林郑月娥宣布该法案无效，9月，法案被撤回，10月，法案被正式从法令文件中删除。

到那时，它的命运已经不再重要了。

城市已经陷入了一个深渊。

 

Lam was shaken. On 15 June she suspended the extradition bill. It was too late; the uprising had taken off. It became a whirling, chaotic urban insurgency. In July Lam declared the bill dead, in September it was withdrawn and in October it was formally removed from the order papers. By then its fate no longer mattered. The city had fallen into an abyss.

 

夏初，抗议运动迅速扩大了其要求。

它希望林郑月娥正式道歉，成立一个调查委员会来调查所谓的警察暴行，宣布6月12日的冲突不是 "暴乱"，赦免被捕者，以及--几乎是事后才想到--普选。

6月16日，许多示威者出来了，以至于游行队伍花了七个小时才穿过香港岛。

组织者说可能有两百万人上街。

警方认为人数不到四分之一，但看起来仍然是香港历史上最大的抗议活动。

林郑月娥表示道歉，但没有进一步退缩。

即使她想认输，中国政府也不会让她这样做。

关于痉挛的暴力是否符合共产党的利益，人们争论不休。

年长的人想起了列宁说过的一句话："越坏越好"。

 

In early summer the protest movement rapidly expanded its demands. It wanted a formal apology from Lam, a commission of inquiry into alleged police brutality, a declaration that the clash on 12 June was not ‘a riot’, an amnesty for those arrested and – almost as an afterthought – universal suffrage. On 16 June so many demonstrators came out that the marches took seven hours to wind across Hong Kong island. The organisers said there may have been two million in the streets. The police put it at less than a quarter of that but it still looked like the biggest protest in the history of Hong Kong. Lam apologised but would retreat no further. Even if she had been tempted to concede, the Chinese government would not have let her do so. There was endless debate about whether the spasms of violence served the Communist Party’s interests. Older heads recalled the catchphrase cited by Lenin: ‘the worse, the better.’

 

年轻人并不关心理论上的难题。

他们兴高采烈地发明了自己的巷战词典。

他们的咒语在Telegram和其他应用程序中被交换。

抗议者必须像大米一样强壮，这意味着谷物会凝聚在一起。

他们会像水一样流动。

他们会像露水一样聚集，像薄雾一样消逝。

他们喜欢这些颗粒状的有机主题，这些主题赋予了街头暴力以冷静的哲学光环。

大胆的人和犹豫不决的人都有标签。

 

The young did not care for theoretical puzzles. Exhilarated, they were inventing their own lexicon of street fighting. Its mantras were swapped on Telegram and other apps. The protesters must be strong like rice, which meant grains cohering in a mass. They would flow like water. They would gather like dew and fade away as mist. They loved these granular and organic themes, which endowed street violence with a cool philosophical aura. There were hashtags for the bold and for the hesitant.

 

战术是在LIHKG上协调的，由一个虚构的城市香城的在线游戏来掩盖。

该运动发展了自己的生态结构，与海外活动家如气候运动组织Extinction Rebellion交换意见。

它使用短信和Telegram信息来指挥快闪族，组织物资和呼吁急救。

它甚至拥有一支由 "优步救护车 "组成的志愿者车队，将伤员送往医院。

与雨伞运动一样，它找到了一首由匿名的 "Thomas dgx yhl "创作的《願榮光歸香港》。

一支身着黑衣、戴着口罩和护目镜的管弦乐队的表演在YouTube上被观看了400多万次。

在这个城市，770万人中有440万人在Facebook上注册，对社交媒体的力量怎么估计都不过分。

毫不奇怪，抗议者的胆子越来越大。

最受欢迎的威胁来自于电影《饥饿游戏》："如果我们被烧死，你们也会被烧死"。

说出这句话的很多人都太年轻了，没有参加2016年黃之鋒的和平饥饿游戏致敬抗议活动。

 

Tactics were co-ordinated on LIHKG, masked by an online game played out in a fictional city called Heung Shing. The movement developed its own ecostructure, exchanging ideas with activists overseas like climate campaign group Extinction Rebellion. It used texts and Telegram messages to direct flash mobs, organise supplies and call on first aid. It even had a volunteer fleet of ‘Uber ambulances’ to ferry casualties to hospital. Like the Umbrella Movement, it found an anthem in ‘Glory to Hong Kong’, composed by the anonymous ‘Thomas dgx yhl’. A performance by an orchestra all clad in black, wearing masks and goggles, was viewed more than four million times on YouTube. It was impossible to overestimate the power of social media in a city where 4.4 million people out of 7.7 million were registered on Facebook. Not surprisingly, the protesters grew in boldness. A favourite threat came from the movie The Hunger Games: ‘if we burn, you burn with us’. Many who uttered it were too young to have joined Joshua Wong’s peaceful Hunger Games salute protest in 2016.

 

边界一个接一个地崩溃了。

抗议者围攻警察总部，并向外国领事馆游行，乞求帮助。

7月1日纪念回归二十二周年的年度游行在一小群激进分子冲进立法会大楼时陷入了疯狂的场面。

他们冲进会议厅，打碎家具，用油漆涂抹仪式上的徽章，带着他们敌人的肖像游行，并在台子上挂上黑色横幅。

最具侮辱性的是，他们把香港的英国殖民地旗帜挂在长椅上。

一位名叫梁繼平的年轻人撕下自己的面具，宣读了一份要求民主选举的宣言（他后来逃到了美国）。

这次破坏行为的修复费用超过510万美元。

真正的代价体现在一条喷涂的标语上："你让我知道和平抗议是没有用的。

 

One by one, boundaries collapsed. Protesters besieged police headquarters and marched to foreign consulates begging for help. The annual march on 1 July marking the twenty-second anniversary of the handover descended into wild scenes when a small group of militants smashed their way into the Legislative Council building. They stormed into the chamber, broke up furniture, smeared the ceremonial insignia with paint, paraded with portraits of their enemies and hung black banners on the dais. Most insulting of all, they draped the British colonial flag of Hong Kong across the benches. One young man, Brian Leung Kai-ping, ripped off his mask to read a manifesto demanding democratic elections (he later fled to the United States). The vandalism cost more than US$5.1 million to put right. The true cost was captured in a spray-painted slogan: ‘You have taught me that peaceful protest is useless.’

 

这个夏天变成了一场混乱的狂欢。

自1967年的骚乱以来，香港从未见过这样的情况。

7月21日，当一群白衬衫男子拿着棍子和中国国旗冲进元朗地铁站，攻击任何看起来像抗议者的人时，国内冲突的威胁出现了。

无辜的乘客，包括一名孕妇，在尖叫求救时被打成重伤，但警察却不见踪影。

这些人是当地三合会的黑帮分子。

事后，亲北京的地方议员何俊伟称赞他们，说他们是在保卫自己的家园和家人。

 

The summer turned into a carnival of disorder. Hong Kong had seen nothing like it since the riots of 1967. On 21 July, the threat of civil conflict raised its head when a mob of white-shirted men charged into the Yuen Long mass transit station with staves and Chinese flags, attacking anyone who looked like a protester. Innocent passengers, including a pregnant woman, were clubbed as they screamed for help, but the police were nowhere to be seen. The men were local Triad gangsters. Afterwards they were complimented by a pro-Beijing local legislator, Junius Ho, who said they were defending their homes and families.

 

同一天晚上，示威者袭击了位于西营盘旧城区的中国政府联络处。

这个中央权力的坚固象征高达四十一层，高于周围的市场和公寓，为其干部提供豪华的会议室、健身房、补贴食堂和一个拥有13,000本书的图书馆，包括马克思主义小册子和民主论文。

它是坚不可摧的，但一群激进分子从整个西部地区的冲突中脱身出来，向它投掷鸡蛋和油漆，污损外面的国徽。

 

On the same evening, demonstrators attacked the Chinese government’s Liaison Office in the old western district of Sai Ying Pun. This fortified symbol of central authority soared forty-one floors above the markets and flats around it, offering its cadres plush conference rooms, a gym, a subsidised canteen and a library of 13,000 books, including both tracts on Marxism and essays on democracy. It was impregnable, but a group of militants broke away from clashes spiralling across the western districts to hurl eggs and paint at it, defacing the national emblem outside.

 

在7月底和8月，示威者占领了香港机场的大厅，采取了从礼貌地纠缠乘客到完全阻挡乘客的策略。

愤怒的人群殴打了两名引起他们怀疑的中国大陆男子。

其中一人是民族主义的《环球时报》的记者傅国豪，该报的编辑们以不逊于任何舰队街小报的手法，将他们的人的折磨发挥到了极致。

这个故事在中国的社交媒体上像野火一样传播。

这一事件标志着国家宣传人员不再忽视香港的抗议活动，而是对其采取了攻势。

 

In late July and August, demonstrators occupied concourses at Hong Kong airport, employing tactics that veered from politely picketing passengers to blocking them altogether. A baying crowd beat up two mainland Chinese men who aroused their suspicions. One of them was Fu Guohao, a journalist for the nationalistic Global Times, whose editors made the most of their man’s ordeal with a flair worthy of any Fleet Street tabloid. The story spread like wildfire on Chinese social media. The incident marked the point when the state propagandists stopped ignoring the Hong Kong protests and took the offensive against them.

 

中国媒体开始指责抗议者鼓动独立。

事实上，当局已经粉碎了一个致力于此的小型政治运动，一个名为 "香港本土 "的政党，其同情者曾组织集会反对中国大陆的 "水货客"，这些人挤在新界的城镇里购买货物转卖到边境。

2016年，他们参加了旺角街头小贩的抗议活动，该活动演变成了与警方的暴力冲突。

 

The Chinese media began to accuse protesters of agitating for independence. In fact the authorities had already crushed a small political movement dedicated to it, a party called Hong Kong Indigenous whose sympathisers had organised rallies against mainland Chinese ‘parallel traders’ who crowded into the towns of the New Territories to buy up goods for resale across the border. In 2016, they had joined a protest by street hawkers in Mongkok that turned into a violent clash with the police.

 

当该组织的发言人，一位名叫梁天琦的聪明而善于表达的年轻政治家，参加补选时，他只赢得了15%的选票。

尽管如此，政府还是把他放在眼里。

2018年，他因在旺角抗议活动中的骚乱和攻击行为而被定罪，并被判处六年监禁。

独立仍然是一个少数人的事业，但梁振英给抗议者留下了一个具有大众吸引力的口号："解放香港；我们时代的革命"。

 

When the group’s spokesman, an intelligent and articulate young politician named Edward Leung Tin-kei, stood in a by-election he won only 15 per cent of the vote. None the less, the government had him in their sights. In 2018 he was convicted of rioting and assault at the Mongkok protests and sent to prison for six years. Independence was still a minority cause, but Leung bequeathed the protesters a slogan which had mass appeal: ‘Liberate Hong Kong; revolution of our times’.

 

要找到敌视人民共和国的证据是很容易的。

示威者捣毁了中国大陆的银行、商店、办公室和餐馆，抵制或破坏了冒犯他们的商店。

他们的目标之一是美心Maxims连锁餐厅。

其创始人的大女儿吴淑贞是亲北京的商业精英的忠实成员，她称抗议者为 "被洗脑的僵尸"。

香港政府凭借其对公共关系的准确把握，派她与赌场亿万富翁何鸿燊的女儿何超琼一起，在日内瓦的联合国人权理事会上代表普通妇女的意见。

在香港定居的约7.7万名被称为 "帮派 "或 "漂泊者 "的年轻大陆专业人士中，有些人收拾行李回家。

如果说抗议者的目的是将习近平政权的愤怒降到他们头上，那么他们已经成功了。

 

It was easy to find proof of hostility to the People’s Republic. Demonstrators trashed mainland Chinese banks, shops, offices and restaurants, boycotting or vandalising outlets that offended them. One of their targets was the Maxims chain of restaurants. Its founder’s elder daughter, Annie Wu Suk-ching, was a faithful member of the pro-Beijing business elite who called the protesters ‘brainwashed zombies’. With its unerring grasp of public relations, the Hong Kong government sent her to represent the views of average women at the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva, along with Pansy Ho, daughter of the casino billionaire Stanley Ho. Some of the estimated 77,000 young mainland professionals, dubbed gangpiao, or drifters, who had settled in Hong Kong packed their bags for home. If the protesters had set out to bring down the wrath of the Xi Jinping regime on their heads they had succeeded.

 

香港社会开始分崩离析。

恶性的、个人化的攻击，在过去是不常见的，现在成了常态。

由于数字叛乱分子找到了警察的个人资料，包括他们的家庭住址和孩子的名字，并将其发布到网上，这种做法被称为 "挖墙脚"，警察的士气受到了打击。

一群人围攻了黄大仙区一条名为 "和谐社区 "的街道上的警察家属区，他们投掷砖头和瓶子，而居民则扔回玻璃和粪便袋。

家庭和几代人因暴力事件而分裂。

民意调查显示，迄今为止，有相当数量的爱好和平的香港人准备为其辩护。

 

Hong Kong’s society began to fracture. Vicious, personalised attacks, unusual in the past, became the norm. Police morale frayed as digital insurgents found officers’ personal data, including their home addresses and the names of their children, and posted it online, a practice known as ‘doxing’. A crowd besieged police family quarters on a street that bore the name of ‘harmonious neighbourhood’ in the district of Wong Tai Sin, hurling bricks and bottles, while the residents threw back glass and bags of faeces. Families and generations divided over the violence. Public opinion polls showed that a remarkable number of hitherto peaceable Hong Kongers were ready to justify it.

 

现在，"連儂牆 "在这个城市里遍地开花，充满了机智和愤懑。

但随着暴力变得普遍，公共生活的语言也变得粗糙。

说话温和的民主党领袖胡志偉在被赶出立法会时对林郑月娥大喊："「唔好講大話（不要說謊）」「你唔死都冇用呀八婆！」不管是死是活，你都是没用的，婊子！"。

在街上，警察讥讽地称抗议者为 "蟑螂"。

他们用 "黑警 "的嘲讽来回击。

一些餐馆开始禁止某一方的游击队员入座。

仲夏时节，年迈的亿万富翁李嘉诚以老式的方式在报纸上刊登广告，进行了神秘的干预。

他引用了唐朝的一句诗："黃台之瓜，何堪再摘"，这句诗是由七世纪的王子李显写的，他是可怕的武皇后的儿子。

李嘉诚似乎在说，香港是一个太过娇嫩的水果，不可能被擦伤而幸存。

 

‘Lennon Walls’ now sprouted all over the city in a flowering of wit and bile. But as violence became common, the language of public life coarsened. The mildly spoken leader of the Democratic Party, Wu Chi-wai, shouted at Lam: ‘You are useless, dead or alive, bitch!’ as he was ejected from the Legislative Council. On the streets, policemen sneeringly called protesters ‘cockroaches’. They hit back with taunts of hak ging – ‘black cops’. Some restaurants began to bar partisans of one side or another from their tables. In midsummer the ageing billionaire Li Ka-shing made an enigmatic intervention the old-fashioned way by taking out newspaper advertisements. He quoted a line from a Tang dynasty poem, ‘the melon of Huangtai cannot bear being picked again’, by the seventh-century prince Li Xian, a son of the formidable Empress Wu. Li Ka-shing seemed to be saying that Hong Kong was too delicate a fruit to be bruised and survive.

 

随着2019年秋季的到来，政治家和评论家们担心，尽管引渡法案已被撤销，但事件正走向高潮。

周而复始的信任被腐蚀，催泪瓦斯弥漫在空气中，商店和地铁站被烧毁，带血的抗议者和警察挤满了急诊室。

混乱成了惯例。

香港中文大学的一项调查发现，只有58.8%的受访者仍然认为抗议活动必须是和平的，比林郑月娥上任时的近75%有所下降。

四分之一的人认为 "激进 "的方法是合理的，而更多的人拒绝谴责它们。

 

As the autumn of 2019 drew on, politicians and commentators feared events were moving towards a climax even though the extradition bill had been dropped. Week by week trust corroded, tear gas filled the air, shops and metro stations burned, bloodied protesters and policemen filled the emergency rooms. The mayhem became routine. A survey for the Chinese University of Hong Kong found that only 58.8 per cent of respondents still felt that protests must be peaceful, down from almost 75 per cent when Carrie Lam took office. A quarter felt that ‘radical’ methods were justified, while many more people declined to condemn them.

 

香港和北京之间出现了一道心理鸿沟。

与共产党关系密切的《南华早报》前编辑王向伟预言，习近平将变得强硬。

他指出，在党的干部学校的一次演讲中，习近平在9分钟内几乎使用了60次 "斗争 "一词，让人想起毛泽东。

这是个聪明的分析。

但在香港，很少有人愿意注意到这一点。

 

A psychological chasm had developed between Hong Kong and Beijing. Wang Xiangwei, a former editor of the South China Morning Post who was close to the Communist Party, predicted that Xi Jinping would get tough. He pointed to a speech at the party’s school for cadres in which Xi used the word ‘struggle’ almost sixty times in nine minutes, evoking Mao Zedong. It was a smart analysis. But few in Hong Kong were disposed to take notice.

 

这场危机在10月1日中国国庆日达到了顶峰。

行政长官率领一个由240名知名人士组成的代表团前往北京，习近平在天安门城楼上检阅了大型阅兵式，并宣布 "任何力量都无法阻止中国人民和民族"。

回到香港，暴力抗议活动在下午时分蔓延到整个城市。

在受影响最严重的地区，商业和交通都被关闭。

穿着黑衣的蒙面街头斗士烧毁了红旗，并放火烧毁了习近平和林郑月娥的画像。

他们投掷砖头、汽油弹和酸液弹，在大陆银行和企业的房舍上喷漆侮辱。

这种情绪被概括为一个标签：#not my national day。

 

The crisis came to a head on China’s National Day, 1 October. The chief executive led a delegation of 240 worthies to Beijing, where Xi reviewed a huge military parade from his perch atop Tiananmen Gate and declared that ‘no force can stop the Chinese people and nation’. Back in Hong Kong, violent protests spread across the city by mid-afternoon. Commerce and transport shut down in the worst-hit areas. Masked street fighters in black burned the red flag and set fire to portraits of Xi and Lam. They hurled bricks, petrol bombs and acid bombs, spray-painting insults on the premises of mainland banks and businesses. The mood was summed up in a hashtag, #notmynationalday.

 

九龙和新界爆发了骚乱，警察用警棍冲向人群，并发射了一轮又一轮的催泪瓦斯。

智能手机记录下了警察打人和抗议者与警察打斗的过程。

一群手持棍棒的人包围了一名倒下的警察，促使一名警察在向一名十几岁的抗议者曾志坚的胸部开枪前大声警告。

医生挽救了这名青年的生命，他被指控为暴乱。

旺角的警察小队向空中发射实弹。

警方总共使用了1400枚催泪弹、900枚橡皮子弹和420枚非致命性子弹--这些数据与以色列占领区或北爱尔兰动乱时期的暴力事件相仿。

林郑月娥和她的代表们飞回了震惊的城市，他们的周围到处是冒烟的碎片。

 

Disorder broke out in Kowloon and the New Territories, where police charged the crowds with batons and fired round after round of tear gas. Smartphones recorded policemen beating people and protesters fighting police. One group armed with staves surrounded a fallen policeman, prompting a fellow officer to shout a warning before he shot a teenage protester, Tsang Chi-kin, in the chest. Doctors saved the youth’s life and he was charged with rioting. Police squads in Mongkok fired live rounds in the air. In all the force used 1,400 tear gas canisters, 900 rubber bullets and 420 non-lethal rounds – statistics comparable to days of violence in the Israeli-occupied territories or the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Carrie Lam and her delegates flew home to a city of shocked inhabitants, their surroundings pitted here and there with smoking debris.

 

有一种感觉，这种情况不能再继续下去了，"香港最知名的人物之一说，他和许多人一样，决定现在匿名是最好的勇气，在11月发言澄清事实。

我们觉得，如果不采取任何措施，香港就会出现像天安门广场那样的悲剧，不管我们有什么分歧，我们香港人都不想看到这种情况。

许多精英人士认为，渗透者刺激了抗议运动，使其达到了迄今为止在香港年轻人中不曾有过的暴力强度。

一些人指责台湾的情报部门，另一些人则认为中国的敌对派别试图挑起混乱，以破坏习近平的声誉或诱使他进行军事干预。

一种理论认为，薄熙来的党羽和这位领导人的各种堕落对手正在花钱破坏他。

这些观点都没有证据，但这些观点被广泛持有的事实说明了香港高层的不安全感和疑虑。

政治家、亿万富翁和行政人员之间的电话线非常繁忙。

所有人都对林郑月娥的管理不善和缺乏领导力感到绝望，即使他们之间在政治上存在分歧。

他们中没有人能够发挥决定性的影响。

几乎处于隐居状态的董建华也敦促中国官员要有耐心，要保持克制。

 

‘There was a feeling that this simply could not go on,’ said one of Hong Kong’s best-known figures, who, having decided like many that anonymity was now the better part of valour, spoke to put the record straight that November. ‘We felt that if nothing was done Hong Kong would see a tragedy like Tiananmen Square, whatever our differences none of us here in Hong Kong wanted to see that.’ Many of the elite believed that infiltrators had spurred the protest movement on to a violent intensity hitherto unknown among young Hong Kongers. Some blamed the Taiwanese intelligence services, others thought rival factions in China sought to stir chaos either to discredit Xi or to goad him into military intervention. One theory held that partisans of Bo Xilai and sundry fallen rivals of the leader were spending money to undermine him. There was no proof for any of these beliefs, but the fact that they were profoundly held spoke to the insecurity and doubts of those at the top in Hong Kong. The phone lines ran hot between politicians, billionaires and administrators. All despaired at Lam’s mismanagement and lack of leadership, even if they disagreed among themselves on politics. None of them was able to exercise decisive influence. Tung Chee-hwa, who was in virtual seclusion, none the less urged Chinese officials to be patient and to exercise restraint.

 

事情当然会变得更糟，而且确实如此。

11月4日星期日，一名年轻的学生周梓樂在不明原因的情况下从一个停车场摔下，当时附近的冲突正在激烈进行。

他在昏迷中徘徊，不到一周后死亡。

香港科技大学校长史維在毕业典礼上宣布了他的死亡，包括史維本人在内的许多人都流下了眼泪。

但是学生们随后在他们自己的校园里进行了一场愤怒的狂欢，破坏了星巴克的一家分店、食堂、中国银行的一家分行和校长自己的住所。

随着消息的传播，城市周围爆发了冲突，一些警察因这个年轻人的死亡而嘲弄 "蟑螂"。

那天，旧机构的气氛变得比以前更黑暗。

南华早报》的一位作家周忠仁将他的城市比作他年轻时学习过的但丁-阿利吉耶里的《神曲》中冰冷的第九层地狱；他回忆说，诗人笔下的堕落天使路西法是一个激动人心的巨人，对他人的观点视而不见，充满仇恨，永远被困在冰中。

 

Things could of course get worse, and they did. On Sunday 4 November a young student, Chow Tsz-lok, fell from a car park in unexplained circumstances while clashes raged nearby. He lingered in a coma and died less than a week later. The president of the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, Wei Shyy, announced his death at a graduation ceremony where many, including Wei himself, shed tears. But the students then went on an infuriated rampage across their own campus, wrecking a branch of Starbucks, the cafeteria, a branch of the Bank of China and the president’s own residence. As word spread, clashes broke out around the city and some policemen taunted the ‘cockroaches’ over the young man’s death. That day, the mood in the old establishment turned darker than ever before. A writer for the South China Morning Post, Chow Chung-yan, compared his city to the frozen ninth circle of hell in Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy, which he had studied in his youth; the poet’s fallen angel Lucifer, he recalled, was a thrashing giant, blinded to the views of others, full of hatred and trapped forever in ice.

 

接下来的一周又陷入了新的困境。

11月11日星期一，活动人士举行了大罢工，封锁了火车和公共汽车，然后在 "快闪 "集会中突然出现，反对警察。

一群人向在车站与他们对峙的57岁男子李志祥泼油，并放火烧了他。

李志祥幸免于难，但在另一场敌对的抗议者之间的冲突中被打倒在地的一名老人却没有幸免。

 

The next week plumbed new depths. On Monday 11 November, activists called a general strike, blocked trains and buses, then popped up in ‘flash mob’ rallies against the police. One group poured fuel over a fifty-seven-year-old man, Lee Chi-cheung, who confronted them at a station, and set him ablaze. Lee survived, but an elderly man knocked to the ground in a separate clash between rival protesters did not.

 

午餐时分，中环最聪明的街道上的购物者和办公人员尝到了更恶劣地区几周来所忍受的滋味。

数百人站在一旁观看防暴警察与一小群封锁了一个十字路口的和平抗议者对峙。

大多数围观者都是身着商务装的年轻上班族，他们戴着公司的身份牌，吃着三明治，对着智能手机喋喋不休。

没有人表现出丝毫的暴力倾向。

突然一声令下，蒙面警察旋即向人群发射催泪弹，这些人四散奔逃，带着愤怒和蔑视的集体嚎叫跑过蒂芙尼和古奇。

这一幕浓缩了香港警察和有抱负的中产阶级之间的隔阂。

 

At lunchtime, shoppers and office workers in Central’s smartest street got a taste of what rougher districts had endured for weeks. Hundreds stood watching as riot police confronted a small group of peaceful protesters who had blocked a crossroads. Most of the onlookers were young office workers in business attire, wearing their corporate ID tags, munching sandwiches and chattering into their smartphones. None showed the least inclination to violence. At a sudden command, masked policemen whirled and fired tear gas canisters spinning directly into the crowd, who scattered and ran past Tiffany and Gucci with a collective howl of rage and contempt. It was a scene that crystallised the estrangement between the Hong Kong police and the aspirational middle class.

 

在这场混乱中，抗议者改变了他们的策略。

他们不再 "像水一样流淌"，而是撤退到占领大学校园，用路障和燃烧的轮胎加固校园。

这是个失误。

警察终于有机会做他们训练过的事情了。

指挥官赶来增援，封锁了校园并将其围困起来。

在随后的日子里，激进分子在街上失去了动力，公众的同情心开始动摇。

 

Amid the chaos the protesters changed their tactics. No longer flowing ‘like water’, they retreated to occupy university campuses, fortifying them with barricades and burning tyres. It was a blunder. At last the police had an opportunity to do what they had trained for. Commanders rushed reinforcements to seal off the campuses and place them under siege. In the days that followed, the militants lost momentum on the streets and public sympathies began to waver.

 

激进分子的第一次失败发生在香港中文大学，该校有20,000名学生在新界一个青翠的校园工作。

由于过度自信和计划不足，他们在每个入口处都挡住了警察，占领了食堂，并在体育中心建立了一个临时军械库，携带弓箭、电锯和标枪。

志愿者们在一条汽油弹生产线上工作。

一名说话温和的激进分子从他的黑色面具后面透露，他和他的朋友们已经 "从互联网上学会了如何制造燃烧弹"。

他说，他们正在研究自制的爆炸装置，但还没有成功地制造出可以使用的装置。

如果抗议队伍中确实有来自中国和台湾的幽灵渗透者，他们似乎并不包括任何军火专家。

 

The first defeat for the radicals came at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, whose 20,000 students worked on a verdant campus in the New Territories. Over-confident and under-planned, they held off the police at each entrance, seized the canteen and set up a makeshift armoury at the sports centre, taking bows and arrows, chainsaws and javelins. Volunteers staffed a petrol bomb production line. One softly spoken militant confided from behind his black mask that he and his friends had ‘learned how to make Molotov cocktails from the internet’. He said they were studying home-made explosive devices but had not yet succeeded in making one that worked. If there were indeed spectral infiltrators from China and Taiwan in the protest ranks, they did not seem to include any munitions experts.

 

警察并不气馁，他们带来了水炮并发射了数百发催泪瓦斯。

抗议者向他们射箭，投掷数十枚汽油弹，并向一条主要道路投掷砖块。

学院管理人员试图促成一项退出协议，但没有领导的激进分子和日益自信的警察指挥官都不感兴趣。

在一片相互矛盾、愤怒的叙述中，不可能确定真相，但很明显，占领校园的大多数人都不是学生。

在五天时间里，一个受人尊敬的学习场所被捣毁，因为它的学者们呼吁理性。

一些来自中国大陆的学生被护送到一艘船上，从海上撤离。

最终，大多数占领者都消失了。

警察扫荡了校园，并说他们发现了3900个汽油弹。

行动已经开始了。

 

Undeterred, the police brought in water cannon and fired hundreds of rounds of tear gas. The protesters shot arrows at them, threw dozens of petrol bombs and hurled bricks onto a main road. College administrators tried to broker an exit deal but neither the leaderless radicals nor the increasingly confident police commanders were interested. In a whirl of conflicting, angry accounts it was impossible to establish the truth, but it was clear that most of the people occupying the campus were not students. Over five days, a well-regarded seat of learning was trashed as its academics appealed to reason. Some students from mainland China were escorted to a boat for evacuation by sea. Eventually, most of the occupiers melted away. The police swept the campus and said they found 3,900 petrol bombs. The action had moved on.

 

为了达到最大的效果，选择了一个摊牌的地方。

理工大学位于九龙的一个繁忙地区，靠近海底隧道和红磡的一个大铁路站，该站为华南地区服务。

11月11日，戴面具的抗议者出现在校园里。

他们开始封锁校园，检查进出的人，并着手建立汽油弹和导弹的储备。

两天后，他们捣毁并烧毁了隧道的收费站，迫使其关闭。

那天晚上，汽油弹的气味取代了汽车尾气的臭味，空荡荡的车道呈现出阴森恐怖的景象。

交通通过另外两条隧道改道，但切断香港和九龙的心理影响是很重要的：没有人可以说这是照常营业。

 

The place chosen for a showdown was located for maximum effect. The Polytechnic University stood in a busy district of Kowloon near the cross-harbour tunnel and a big rail station at Hung Hom, which served southern China. Masked protesters appeared on campus on 11 November. They began to close it off, checking people coming in and out, and set to building stockpiles of petrol bombs and missiles. Two days later they smashed and burned the toll booths at the tunnel, forcing it to shut. That night the scent of petrol bombs replaced the reek of car exhausts and the empty road lanes presented an eerie scene. Traffic was diverted through two other tunnels, but the psychological impact of severing Hong Kong from Kowloon was important: nobody could claim that it was business as usual.

 

十三天来，警察包围了校园，与躲在里面的武装分子进行决斗。

他们封锁了每个出口，并向抗议者发出最后通牒，要求他们出来接受身份检查，作为刑事指控的前奏。

18岁以下的人将被带回家；其他任何人都将被拘留。

情况变得很糟糕。

数百人睡在体育馆和走廊里。

即食食品短缺。

场地内垃圾遍地。

年轻人没有洗漱，没有睡觉，也很害怕，他们试图以任何方式逃跑。

有些人冲进下水道，有些人从悬挂在桥上的绳索上滑下，骑着等待的摩托车飞奔而去。

很少有人能逃脱。

 

For thirteen days, the police ringed the campus and fought duels with militants holed up inside. They sealed off every exit and issued an ultimatum to protesters to come out and submit to having their identities checked as a prelude to criminal charges. Those under eighteen would be taken home; anyone else was to be held in custody. Conditions became dire. Hundreds slept in the gymnasium and corridors. Instant foods ran short. Rubbish littered the site. Unwashed, sleepless and scared, young people tried to escape any way they could find. Some splashed through sewers, others slid down ropes suspended from a bridge and raced off on waiting motorbikes. Few got away.

 

随着理工大学被围困的时间越来越长，精英网络再次开始热闹起来。

如果警察的战术部队进去，人们非常担心会发生流血事件，"这位曾经唤起天安门阴影的人说，"政府中的一些强硬分子会很乐意看到这种情况，但这对香港来说将是一场灾难，因此对投资非常不利。

 

As the siege of Polytechnic University dragged on, the elite network began to buzz once again. ‘There was a great fear of bloodshed if the police tactical units went in,’ said the same person who had evoked the spectre of Tiananmen, ‘and some hardline elements in government would have been happy to see that but it would have been a catastrophe for Hong Kong and thus very bad for investment.’

 

中国领导层被这样的论调所说服，没有逼迫林郑月娥政府使用最大的武力。

他们再一次选择了用时间和耐心来消磨他们的对手。

这成了一场面子上的演习。

当理工学院当局检查他们被破坏的校园时，警方按兵不动。

当抗议者离开时，他们的名字被记录下来，但并非所有人都被逮捕。

约有300人后来面临暴乱的指控。

11月29日星期五，当警察进入寂静的、被烟雾笼罩的校园时，围攻已经结束。

抗议运动用新的想法和技术重塑了自己，它的城市战士们毫无畏惧，迅速而自豪。

它又一次失败了。

 

The Chinese leadership was persuaded by such arguments and did not press Lam’s administration to use maximum force. Once again, they opted for time and patience to wear down their opponents. It became an exercise in saving face. The police held back while the Polytechnic authorities inspected their wrecked campus. As protesters filed out, their names were taken, but not all were arrested. Some 300 people later faced charges of rioting. When the police moved onto a silent, haze-shrouded campus on Friday 29 November, the siege was over. The protest movement had reinvented itself with new ideas and technology, its urban warriors tameless and swift and proud. Once again, it had failed.

 

理工大学抵抗运动的崩溃，有效地结束了2019年的叛乱。

抗议者再次上街游行，但面临警察迅速而坚决的干预。

他们恢复了小规模的闪电式示威和社交媒体运动。

 

The collapse of resistance at Polytechnic University effectively ended the insurrection of 2019. Protesters went on the march again but faced rapid, determined intervention by the police. They reverted to small flash mob demonstrations and social media campaigns.

 

政府并没有获胜--远非如此。

11月24日，香港选民在区议会选举中以和平方式投票，对他们的统治者进行了回击。

他们把压倒性的胜利交给了民主候选人，他们控制了18个议会中的17个。

300多万人，占登记选民的71%，使投票率创下新高。

对北京来说，这个结果是没有办法掩饰的。

现在是改变策略的时候了。

然后事件发生了意想不到的变化。

 

The government had not won – far from it. On 24 November Hong Kong voters delivered a rebuff to their rulers by going peacefully to the ballot boxes in district council elections. They handed a landslide victory to democratic candidates, who took control of seventeen out of eighteen councils. More than three million people, 71 per cent of registered voters, made it a record turnout. There was no way to sugar-coat the result for Beijing. It was time for a change of strategy. Then events took an unexpected turn.

 

2020年1月23日，香港确认了第一例新的冠状病毒。

受害者是一名来自武汉的男子，武汉的疫情在去年秋天开始爆发。

在最初的应对措施中，中国当局制定了严厉的规则，限制人口并封锁武汉，尽管许多旅行者在他们干预之前就离开了该城市。

世界迟迟没有认识到它面临着一场大流行病，但是香港在2003年经历了SARS之后，已经做好了准备。

病人在一家隔离医院接受治疗，医务人员有足够的防护装备供应。

大多数人戴着口罩，并遵循公共卫生信息，洗手并与他人保持距离。

这些久经考验的习惯使这个城市保持良好的状态。

 

On 23 January 2020, the first case of a new coronavirus was confirmed in Hong Kong. The victim was a man from Wuhan, where the outbreak had begun the previous autumn. After initially bungling their response, the Chinese authorities instituted draconian rules confining the population and sealing off Wuhan, although many travellers left the city before they intervened. The world was slow to recognise that it faced a pandemic, but Hong Kong was well prepared after its experience of SARS in 2003. Patients were treated at an isolation hospital and medical staff had adequate supplies of protective gear. Most people wore masks and followed public health messages to wash their hands and keep their distance from others. These were time-tested habits that stood the city in good stead.

 

香港政府再次面临一个政治上敏感的决定。

该市的第二个确诊病例是一名访问过武汉的当地男子。

当医务人员罢工要求关闭与中国的边界时，当局让步，关闭了除三个入境点之外的所有入境点。

自1970年代以来，首次停止了来自大陆的大规模旅行。

在香港，生活在限制之下继续进行，这些限制没有许多西方民主国家那么繁琐。

然而，政府禁止4人以上的集会，后来又将这一限制提高到8人。

政府关闭了酒吧、酒馆、卡拉OK酒廊和按摩院，并对社会行为施加了规则。

非居民不能再飞往机场。

为返回的公民建立了测试和检疫系统。

与许多其他社会相比，香港的死亡率仍然很低。

当他们生活在奇怪的隔离状态中时，世界的注意力都被这一流行病所吸引，香港人发现自己正面临着自第二次世界大战结束以来对其生活方式的最深刻的改变。

 

Once more the Hong Kong government faced a politically sensitive decision. The city’s second confirmed case was a local man who had visited Wuhan. When medical workers went on strike to demand that the border with China be closed, the authorities conceded by shutting all but three entry points. Mass travel from the mainland ceased for the first time since the 1970s. Inside Hong Kong, life went on under restrictions, which were less onerous than in many Western democracies. However, the government banned gatherings of more than four people, later raising the limit to eight. It shut bars, pubs, karaoke lounges and massage parlours, and imposed rules on social behaviour. Non-residents could no longer fly in to the airport. Testing and quarantine systems were put in place for returning citizens. The toll in Hong Kong remained low when compared to many other societies. While they lived in strange isolation, with the world’s attention consumed by the pandemic, the people of Hong Kong found themselves confronting the profoundest change to their way of life since the end of the Second World War.

 

它始于一次共产党的改组。

2020年1月，习近平解除了香港中联办主任王志民的职务，王志民未能在当地选举前向其主子传达政治现实。

山西省党委书记骆惠宁取代了他的位置，山西省是中国的煤矿核心区，他在那里与腐败作斗争，其腐蚀性之强，被比作癌症。

习近平的下一步行动是将港澳办主任张晓明降职，他也被指责向领导层提供错误信息。

取而代之的是夏宝龙，他是一个值得信赖的强硬派，已经过了退休年龄，在担任浙江省党政领导期间，他通过迫害基督教会赢得了自己的资格。

 

It began with a Communist Party reshuffle. In January 2020, Xi removed the head of the Liaison Office in Hong Kong, Wang Zhimin, who had failed to communicate political reality to his masters before the local elections. Into his place stepped Luo Huining, the party chief in Shanxi province, the coal-mining core of China, where he was fighting graft so corrosive that it was compared to a cancer. Xi’s next move was to demote the chief of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs office, Zhang Xiaoming, who was also blamed for misinforming the leadership. He was replaced at the top by Xia Baolong, a trusted hardliner past retirement age, who had earned his credentials by persecuting Christian churches while serving as party leader in Zhejiang province.

 

在短时间内，中国让两个强硬的经营者负责香港事务。

很快就有人宣布，他们的办公室不受《基本法》中关于中国政府机构在香港活动的限制的约束。

这是北京对现状进行澄清的时刻，结束了几十年来有用的含糊不清。

 

In short order, China had put two tough operators in charge of Hong Kong affairs. It was soon declared that their offices were not bound by restrictions in the Basic Law on the activities of Chinese government bodies in Hong Kong. This was the moment when Beijing imposed clarity on the status quo, ending decades of useful ambiguity.

 

结果很快就显现出来了。

在战胜了街头的敌人之后，北京现在将转向警察、法院和监狱，像在中国大陆那样挥舞法律。

尽管在疫情发生的最初几个月，抗议活动有所减少，但民主人士警告说，当局将利用公共卫生危机来掩盖更多镇压。

这场运动说明了共产党的方法现在是如何忠实地在香港复制的。

活动以 "国家安全教育日 "开始，在网站上提供文本、演讲视频、问答游戏和作文比赛。

 

The results were swiftly apparent. Having vanquished its foes on the street, Beijing would now turn to the police, the courts and the jails, wielding the law as it did in mainland China. Even though protests had dwindled in the early months of the pandemic, democrats warned that the authorities would use the public health crisis as cover for more repression. The campaign illustrated how faithfully Communist Party methods were now being replicated in Hong Kong. It began with a National Security Education day, featuring a website which offered texts, video speeches, a question-and-answer game and an essay competition.

 

中联办新任主任骆惠宁发布了一段视频，告诉香港人 "我们必须共同抗击大流行病，反对'如果我们被烧死，你们也会被烧死'的口号"，这至少表明骆惠宁可能看了《饥饿游戏》。

他谈到了 "斗争 "和 "把防线向前推进"，这些都是毛主义词汇。

人民日报》则说，每个人都必须'筑起国家安全的钢铁长城'，而国家安全部部长陈文清则在党报《求是》上发表了他的想法，说中国不可能通过'敲锣打鼓'实现民族复兴，而是必须战斗。

他说："我们必须为自己站起来，不要害怕摊牌。

这意味着要为香港通过一部国家安全法，使这个城市最终与中国其他地区接轨。

在回归后的23年里，香港人成功地抵制了这种立法。

根据《基本法》第23条的规定，这是有必要的，但没有一个香港政府能够赢得公众舆论或在立法会中争取到所需的多数票来进行立法。

在习近平看来，这种借口的时间已经过去。

如果香港不能遵守，中国就会做这件事。

 

Luo Huining, the new boss of the Liaison Office, issued a video message telling Hong Kongers that ‘we must fight the pandemic together and oppose the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us”,’ which at least indicated that Luo might have watched The Hunger Games. He talked of ‘struggle’ and of ‘taking the defence line forward’, words from Maoist vocabulary. The People’s Daily, for its part, said everyone must ‘build a great steel wall of national security’, while the minister of state security, Chen Wenqing, contributed his thoughts to the party journal Qiushi (‘Seeking Truth’), saying China could not achieve national rejuvenation ‘by beating drums and gongs’ but must fight. ‘We must stand up for ourselves and not be afraid of a showdown,’ he said. That meant passing a National Security Law for Hong Kong so that the city was finally brought into line with the rest of China. For twenty-three years after the handover its people had successfully resisted such legislation. It was required under Article 23 of the Basic Law, but no Hong Kong government had managed to win public opinion or rally the required majority in the Legislative Council to do it. The time for such excuses had passed, in the eyes of Xi Jinping. If Hong Kong could not comply, China would do the job.

 

当地的运动组织得很好。

亲北京的政治家何君堯Junius Ho说，他在一份网上请愿书中收集了186万个签名，这些签名来自渴望制定这样一项法律的焦虑的公民。

骆惠宁的中联办称抗议者是 "政治病毒"。

中国官员对美国国会资助的国家国际事务民主研究所的一份批评报告进行了抨击，称其为 "严重干扰"，并称其 "美化了极端分子的不人道、可怕的犯罪行为"。

中国外交部的代表谢锋说，国家安全法即将出台，并警告外国势力，反对该法将越过北京的红线，并补充说。

'任何危害国家主权的企图都不会被容忍。

 

The local campaign was well-organised. Junius Ho, a pro-Beijing politician, said he had collected 1.86 million signatures in an online petition from anxious citizens who desired such a law. Luo’s Liaison Office called protesters ‘a political virus’. Chinese officials tore into a critical report by the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, a body funded by the US Congress, calling it ‘gross interference’ and saying it ‘glorified inhuman, terrifying, criminal acts of extremists’. The representative of China’s foreign ministry, Xie Feng, said that a national security law was coming and warned foreign powers that opposing it would cross a red line for Beijing, adding: ‘no attempt to endanger national sovereignty will be tolerated.’

 

4月18日，警方逮捕了资深民主运动人士李柱铭（现年81岁）和其他14名运动中的知名人士，包括《苹果日报》的老板黎智英、律师何俊仁、工会成员李卓人和律师吴霭仪，这一点很明显。

他们面临与反引渡抗议活动有关的指控，并获准保释。

李柱铭说，中国已经放弃了邓小平关于 "一国两制 "的承诺，国际社会有支持香港人的 "道德责任"。

 

That was made clear on 18 April, when police arrested the veteran democracy campaigner Martin Lee, now aged eighty-one, and fourteen other prominent figures in the movement, including Jimmy Lai, the owner of Apple Daily, the lawyer Albert Ho, trade unionist Lee Cheuk-yan and lawyer Margaret Ng. They faced charges in connection with the anti-extradition protests and were granted bail. Lee said that China had abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s promise of ‘one country, two systems’, and that the international community had a ‘moral responsibility’ to support Hong Kong people.

 

4月底，林郑月娥被传唤到深圳开会，港澳办新任主任夏宝龙警告她，时间不多了。

他说，她所在的城市正在成为国家安全的一个漏洞，决不能成为一个薄弱环节。

在北京，官员们开始暗示全国人民代表大会将在其春季会议上采取行动。

 

At the end of April, Carrie Lam was summoned to a meeting in Shenzhen, where she was warned by Xia Baolong, the new head of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, that time was running out. Her city, he said, was becoming a loophole in national security and must not become a weak link. In Beijing, officials began to hint that the National People’s Congress would act at its spring session.

 

一场旨在使香港保持一致的广泛运动以教科书般的完美方式展开。

当地立法者采取行动，禁止侮辱中国的国歌 "义勇军进行曲"，其激昂的音调在体育赛事中引来嘲笑。

在普遍的嘲笑声中，该市的独立警察投诉委员会发布了一份报告，清除了警察在抗议活动中的不当行为，尽管它承认警察 "已经失去了光泽"。

人民日报》说，香港的教育系统已经成为 "毒药工厂"。

前行政长官梁振英鼓励人们向一个政府举报网站举报任何 "散布危险思想 "的教师。

中国国家电视台指控李柱铭、陈方安生、黎智英和何俊仁与 "外国敌对势力 "勾结，称他们为香港 "四人帮"。

 

A broad-spectrum campaign to bring Hong Kong into line unfolded to textbook perfection. Local legislators moved to ban insults to China’s national anthem, ‘The March of the Volunteers’, whose stirring tones had attracted jeers at sports events. To general scorn, the city’s Independent Police Complaints Council issued a report clearing the police of misconduct during the protests, although it conceded that the force ‘had lost its lustre’. The People’s Daily said that Hong Kong’s education system had become ‘a poison factory’. The former chief executive, C.Y. Leung, encouraged people to report any teachers ‘spreading dangerous ideas’ to a website for government tip-offs. Chinese state television accused Martin Lee, Anson Chan, Jimmy Lai and Albert Ho of collusion with ‘hostile foreign forces’, calling them the Hong Kong ‘Gang of Four’.

 

这种语言预示着决定性的措施。

在适当的时候，一位发言人宣布，拟议的安全立法已列入国会议程，但细节是保密的。

中国驳回了特朗普总统关于美国将对该法律作出 "非常强烈 "反应的言论。

但是，当美国国务卿迈克尔-蓬佩奥(Michael Pompeo)告诉美国国会，根据美国法律，香港不再需要特殊待遇时，香港的商业领袖们感到沮丧--当然，他们没有表达出来。

他说："鉴于当地的事实，今天没有一个合理的人可以断言，香港保持了对中国的高度自治。

虽然美国曾经希望香港能够为专制的中国提供一个模式，但现在很明显，中国正在以自己的方式塑造香港。

美国与英国、澳大利亚和加拿大一起发表声明说，中国的决定'与它在具有法律约束力的、在联合国注册的《中英联合声明》原则下的国际义务直接冲突'。

"邓小平和撒切尔夫人根据这份文件达成了未来半个世纪的协议。

 

Such language foreshadowed decisive measures. In due course a spokesman announced that the proposed security legislation was on the Congress agenda, although the details were kept secret. China dismissed a remark by President Trump that the US would react ‘very strongly’ to the law. But there was dismay – unvoiced, of course – among Hong Kong business leaders when the US Secretary of State, Michael Pompeo, told the US Congress that the city no longer warranted special treatment under US law. ‘No reasonable person can assert today that Hong Kong maintains a high degree of autonomy from China, given facts on the ground,’ he said. ‘While the United States had once hoped that Hong Kong would provide a model for authoritarian China, it is now clear that China is modelling Hong Kong after itself.’ The US was joined by Britain, Australia and Canada in a statement saying that China’s decision ‘lies in direct conflict with its international obligations under the principles of the legally-binding, UN-registered Sino-British Joint Declaration’. the document by which Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher had forged an agreement for half a century ahead.

 

中国领导人没有被这种批评所吓倒。

它以精明和深思熟虑的方式回应了外交、政治和经济反措施。

西方国家在与大流行病作斗争的过程中团结一致，处于混乱状态，无法追赶。

中国外交部说，《联合声明》是 "不相关的"。

俄罗斯外交部长谢尔盖-拉夫罗夫（Sergei Lavrov）迅速表示赞同，中国外交官最终召集了53个国家，由古巴牵头，在日内瓦举行的联合国人权理事会会议上对该法律表示欢迎。

只有27个国家与西方国家站在一起。

为了让投资者放心，香港金融管理局局长余永定说，其金融体系的基本面不会改变，并补充说资本的自由流动和当地美元的自由兑换得到保证。

大亨李嘉诚表示，希望该法能消除中国政府对香港的担忧。

 

The Chinese leadership was not intimidated by such criticism. It responded in an astute and well-thought-out manner with diplomatic, political and economic counter-measures. The West, disunited and in disarray as it struggled with the pandemic, could not catch up. The Joint Declaration was ‘not relevant’, the Chinese foreign ministry said. The Russian foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, swiftly expressed his approval and Chinese diplomats were eventually to rally fifty-three countries, led by Cuba, who welcomed the law at a session of the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva. Only twenty-seven nations lined up with the West. To reassure investors, the head of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority, Eddie Yue, said there would be no change to the fundamentals of its financial system, adding that the free flow of capital and free convertibility of the local dollar were guaranteed. The tycoon Li Ka-shing expressed the hope that the law would allay the worries the Chinese government felt about Hong Kong.

 

在北京，官员们准备公布新的措施，放宽金融业的外国投资，承诺给寻找新市场的华尔街公司带来巨大利益。

越来越多的中国公司被美国拒之门外，它们计划在香港证券交易所进行首次公开募股，这将产生丰厚的费用。

随着西方市场的萎缩，中国的替代方案看起来很稳固。

然而，按照共产党的风格，这些诱惑是伴随着威胁而来的。

 

In Beijing, officials prepared to unveil new measures liberalising foreign investment in the financial sector, promising huge benefits to Wall Street firms in search of new markets. Chinese companies, increasingly shut out of the United States, planned to list initial public offerings on the Hong Kong stock exchange, which would generate lucrative fees. As Western markets reeled, the Chinese alternatives looked solid. In Communist Party style, however, the blandishments came accompanied by menace.

 

银行巨头汇丰银行就是一个典型的例子。

它因配合美国检察官调查中国电信公司华为的一名高管孟晚舟涉嫌犯罪而受到批评。

人民日报》称其为 "两面派"，随之而来的是社交媒体的谩骂风暴。

一向警觉的梁振英告诉当地人考虑关闭他们的账户，指出汇丰银行的大部分利润来自亚洲，并观察到其大部分高层管理人员仍然是英国人。

迟来的高管们表达了对新安全法的支持，但却没有什么效果。

该银行的股价已经受到不利市场条件的压力，进入了持续下跌。

中国国有保险巨头中国平安利用下跌的机会，将其在汇丰的股份提高到8%。

有些人说，如果中国接管了这个最大的殖民主义钱柜娱乐，这将是一个合适的结局。

 

The banking giant HSBC was a prime example. It faced criticism for its compliance with US prosecutors investigating alleged crimes by a senior executive of the Chinese telecoms firm Huawei, Meng Wanzhou. The People’s Daily called it ‘two-faced’ and a storm of social media abuse ensued. The ever-vigilant C.Y. Leung told locals to consider closing their accounts, noted that HSBC made most of its profits in Asia and observed that most of its top management was still British. It was to little avail that executives belatedly expressed their support for the new security law. The bank’s share price, already under pressure from adverse market conditions, went into a steady decline. The state-owned Chinese insurance behemoth, Ping An, took advantage of the fall to raise its stake in HSBC to 8 per cent. It would, said some, be a fitting end if China took over the greatest colonial money box of all.

 

2020年的多重危机使这种野心变得现实。

当时，列宁的一句话被广泛引用，他认为有几十年没有发生任何事情，而有几周发生了几十年。

大流行病、贸易战、全球不景气和民主国家的政治动荡使习近平政权更有勇气加速其计划。

 

The multiple crises of 2020 had made such ambitions realistic. A phrase of Lenin much quoted at the time held that there were decades where nothing happened and weeks when decades happened. The pandemic, the trade war, a global slump and political turmoil in the democracies emboldened the Xi regime to accelerate its plans.

 

习近平指示该党准备再次向内转，不再谈论全球化，而是谈论 "全球合作"。

同时，中国专注于其巨大的内部市场，建立国内供应链，并通过在国内创新核心技术来抵御外国压力。

同时，中国将加强国际产业链对中国的依赖性，并确保商品的替代来源，以阻止外来者切断供应。

达沃斯的陈词滥调已经成为过去。

 

Xi directed the party to prepare to turn inwards once more, no longer talking of globalisation but ‘global co-operation’. Meanwhile China focused on its giant internal market, building domestic supply chains and insulating itself against foreign pressure by innovating core technologies at home. At the same time it would tighten the dependence of the international industrial chain on China and ensure alternative sources of commodities to deter outsiders from cutting off supply. The platitudes of Davos lay in the past.

 

南方强国对这一半自动的愿景至关重要。

中国已经计划将香港纳入一个包括深圳、珠海和澳门等城市的大湾区，建立一个共同经济区，金融和贸易将由大陆机构主导。

世界上最长的跨海大桥和隧道，连接香港和邻国，于2018年开通。

现在，习近平表示，工业安全和国家安全是一体的。

在他的战略中，不会有不设防的堡垒。

 

The southern powerhouse was crucial to this semi-autarchic vision. China already planned to absorb Hong Kong into a Greater Bay Area encompassing the cities of Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Macau in a common economic zone where finance and trade would be dominated by mainland institutions. The world’s longest sea bridge and tunnel, connecting Hong Kong to its neighbours, opened in 2018. Now Xi stated that industrial security and national security were one and the same. There would be no undefended fortress in his strategy.

 

国家安全法》于2020年6月30日正式生效。

在中国人眼里，它的六章六条是在香港纪念回归二十三周年时公开的，很合适。

该文本由全国人民代表大会通过，并在当天晚上11点由香港政府通过。

一位高级官员张晓明说，这是 "一份生日礼物"。

 

The National Security Law came into effect on 30 June 2020. Fittingly in Chinese eyes, its six chapters and sixty-six articles were made public as Hong Kong marked twenty-three years since the handover. The text was passed by the National People’s Congress and adopted by the Hong Kong government at 11 p.m. that night. It was ‘a birthday present’, said a senior official, Zhang Xiaoming.

 

在法律向香港人公布之前，细节一直是保密的。

他们一觉醒来，发现自己生活在一个新的社会中。

即使是该市的主要政治和商业人物也不知道具体的规定。

这些规定比许多人预期的更加全面和严厉：实际上，该法律将香港置于统治中国其他地区的模糊但绝对主义的权力之下。

它禁止分裂、颠覆和恐怖活动，规定最高刑罚为终身监禁。

它将 "与外国或外部势力勾结 "定为犯罪。

人们可以因泄露国家机密而被起诉，这在中国几乎是一个无限的类别。

第38条将法律的适用范围扩大到全世界，包括任何犯有罪行的人，即使他们既不在香港，也不是香港的公民或永久居民。

该法强调了挫败外国阴谋的必要性，正如斯大林所教导的那样，外国阴谋是多种多样的，也是有用的。

它要求所有国家机关采取 "必要措施"，"加强对外国代表、国际组织、全球媒体和非政府团体的管理"。

 

The details had been kept secret until the law was unveiled to the people of Hong Kong. They woke up to find that they were living in a new society. Even the city’s leading political and business figures had been left in ignorance of the exact provisions. These were more sweeping and draconian than many had expected: in effect the law brought Hong Kong under the vague but absolutist powers which reigned over the rest of China. It banned secession, subversion and terrorist activities, fixing a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. It made ‘collusion with a foreign country or external elements’ a crime. People could be prosecuted for disclosing state secrets, a practically limitless category in China. Article 38 extended the law’s reach worldwide to anyone committing an offence, even if they were neither in Hong Kong nor a citizen or permanent resident of the city. The law emphasised the necessity of foiling foreign plots, which, as Stalin had taught, were both multifarious and useful. It commanded all the organs of state to take ‘necessary measures’ to ‘strengthen the management’ of foreign representatives, international organisations, the global media and non-governmental groups.

 

这种新秩序需要一个新的官僚机器，而党对这一任务是非常重视的。

行政首长将领导一个维护国家安全委员会，其主要顾问是中联办的骆惠宁。

中央政府首次在香港设立了自己的机构，拥有特殊的权力，并将其定名为维护国家安全办公室。

该办公室由郑雁雄领导，他曾在中国南方的一个村庄--乌坎镇平息了一场小规模的叛乱，赢得了声誉。

他负责与中国人民解放军的驻军联络，并指导他自己的大陆安全人员团队，这些人享有法律豁免权。

他们和他们的车辆不受香港警察的检查、搜查或拘留。

 

This new order required a new bureaucratic machine, a task to which the party was more than equal. The chief executive was to head a Committee for Safeguarding National Security, whose main adviser was Luo Huining of the Liaison Office. For the first time, the central government set up its own agency with extraordinary powers in Hong Kong, styling it the Office for Safeguarding National Security. It was headed by Zheng Yanxiong, who had won his spurs by stifling a minor rebellion in Wukan, a southern Chinese village. He was to liaise with the garrison of the People’s Liberation Army and direct his own team of mainland security agents, who enjoyed legal immunity. They and their vehicles were not subject to inspection, search or detention by the Hong Kong police.

 

然而，警方被赋予了新的权力，可以在没有搜查令的情况下进行搜查，冻结资产，拦截通信和要求互联网公司提供数据。

一个特别警察小组专门负责处理国家安全案件。

鼓励举报人通过热线或网站举报罪犯。

成立了一个特别的检察官小组。

行政长官将选择合适的法官来审理国家安全案件。

这一特权使司法部门感到惊讶，但它也是有限的。

中国政府保留了接管案件的权利，并在其认为合适的情况下在自己的法院进行起诉。

 

The police were, however, handed new powers to conduct searches without a warrant, to freeze assets, intercept communications and demand data from internet companies. A special police unit was dedicated to national security cases. Informers were encouraged to denounce offenders to a hotline or website. A special team of prosecutors was established. The chief executive would choose suitable judges to sit in national security cases. This prerogative astonished the judiciary yet it, too, was limited. The Chinese government reserved the right to take over cases and to prosecute them in its own courts if it saw fit.

 

7月1日是一个分水岭，"北京《环球时报》的编辑胡锡进评论说。

这一次，这是一个无可争议的声明。

胡锡进说，"如果人们明智地采取行动，改变自己的方式，他们就会安全。

香港的亲共产主义报纸欢欣鼓舞。

‘The first of July is a watershed,’ commented Hu Xijin, editor of the Global Times in Beijing. For once it was an incontestable statement. Hu said that people ‘will be safe if they act wisely and change their ways’. The pro-Communist newspapers in Hong Kong rejoiced.

 

行政长官林郑月娥在一个视频信息中向联合国保证，该法律不具有追溯力，只在少数极端情况下使用。

她说："任何中央政府都不能对这种对主权和国家安全的威胁以及颠覆国家政权的风险视而不见。

 

Carrie Lam, the chief executive, assured the United Nations in a video message that the law was not retroactive and would be used only in a handful of extreme cases. ‘No central government could turn a blind eye to such threats to sovereignty and national security as well as risks of subversion of state power,’ she said.

 

新秩序的第一天并没有证明她的观点。

在城市爆发的示威活动中，警察逮捕了370人，对抗议者和围观者都使用了水炮和胡椒喷雾。

他们展示了紫色的旗帜，警告人们不要展示旗帜或横幅，高呼口号或进行意图分裂或颠覆的行为。

警方说，有7名警察受伤，其中一人 "被一名暴乱分子用匕首刺伤"，三人 "被一名骑着摩托车的暴乱分子击中"。

 

The first day of the new order did not prove her point. The police arrested 370 people as demonstrations broke out in the city, using water cannon and pepper spray against protesters and onlookers alike. They displayed purple flags warning people against displaying flags or banners, chanting slogans or conducting themselves with an intent to commit secession or subversion. Police said seven officers were injured, one ‘stabbed by a rioter with a dagger’ and three ‘hit by a rioter riding a motorcycle’.

 

六名男子和四名妇女成为首批面临国家安全法指控的人。

警方的推特自豪地展示了在铜锣湾购物区对三名 "展示带有香港独立口号的材料 "的女孩进行突击检查的成果。

这些材料只有几张可怜的传单，包括一幅习近平身穿苏联式元帅服、头戴冠状病毒的漫画，写着 "解放香港 "的贴纸，一幅带有 "我也是 "标签的笑脸漫画，以及一张印有《圣经》语录的黑色传单，"让审判如水，正义如大河"。

 

Six men and four women became the first to face charges under the national security law. The police Twitter feed proudly displayed the spoils of a swoop on three girls ‘showing materials with Hong Kong independence slogans’ in the Causeway Bay shopping district. These amounted to a pathetic handful of leaflets including a cartoon of Xi Jinping clad in a Soviet-style marshal’s uniform with a coronavirus-shaped head, stickers saying ‘liberate Hong Kong’, a smiley cartoon with a ‘me too’ tag and a black leaflet bearing a biblical quotation, ‘let judgement run down as waters and righteousness as a mighty stream’.

 

阿摩司书》第五章第二十四节的这些话在本质上并不明显是犯罪。

也许随附的英文译文来自《詹姆士王圣经》这一事实就足以证明传单是外国势力所为。

 

These words of chapter five, verse twenty-four of the book of Amos were not patently criminal in nature. Perhaps the fact that an accompanying English translation came from the King James Bible was sufficient to certify the leaflet’s inclusion as the work of foreign forces.

 

为避免有人怀疑中国是认真的，国家电视台播放了解放军驻军在特种部队、军舰和飞机的帮助下在香港的陆地和海上追捕逃犯的演习视频。

一群试图乘快艇逃往台湾的人被当局追踪，拦截并被带到深圳，后来他们在那里受审，并因非法越境被判刑。

这一事件引起了香港许多家庭的共鸣，他们的祖先曾乘坐小船逃离毛泽东主义中国。

长期担任立法委员的田北辰在彭博电视上告诉跨国公司，只要他们避免谈论共产党，就可以继续进行贸易、跳舞和看赛马。

香港八所公共资助大学的负责人都表示支持这项法律。

 

Lest anyone doubt that China was serious, state television broadcast video of the PLA garrison staging drills to track down fugitives on land and sea in Hong Kong with the aid of special forces, warships and aircraft. A group who tried to escape to Taiwan by speedboat were tracked by the authorities, intercepted and taken to Shenzhen, where they were later put on trial and given jail terms for illegally crossing a border. The episode struck a chord with many families in Hong Kong whose forebears had fled Maoist China in small boats. Michael Tien, a long-serving legislator, went on Bloomberg television to tell multinational companies they could go on trading, dancing and going to the horse races as long as they avoided even speaking about the Communist Party. The heads of Hong Kong’s eight publicly funded universities all expressed their support for the law.

 

香港最知名的学生并不同意。

从现在开始，#香港进入了一个新的恐怖统治时代。

他和他的战友们解散了他们短命的政党Demosistō。

我将继续坚守我的家园--香港，直到他们将我从这片土地上沉默和抹去，"他在Facebook上说。

亲北京的《文汇报》以一篇独家报道来庆祝，声称揭示了黄之锋、周庭和罗冠聪从民主党的基金中拿走了数百万美元，并计划在美国领事馆寻求庇护。

他们都没有表现出任何炫耀财富的迹象，当罗冠聪最终寻求庇护时，他选择了英国。

 

Hong Kong’s best-known student did not agree. ‘From now on, #Hongkong enters a new era of reign of terror,’ Joshua Wong wrote on Twitter. He and his comrades disbanded their short-lived political party, Demosistō. ‘I will continue to hold fast to my home – Hong Kong, until they silence and obliterate me from this land,’ he said in a Facebook posting. The pro-Beijing daily Wen Wei Po celebrated with an exclusive story purporting to reveal that Wong, Agnes Chow and Nathan Law had taken millions of dollars from the Demosistō funds and planned to seek asylum in the American consulate. None of them showed any signs of ostentatious wealth and when Nathan Law eventually sought asylum he chose Britain.

 

黄之锋没有逃亡。

他被逮捕，被认定为煽动和未经授权的集会，并被送入监狱13个半月。

在监狱里，他对非法集会和违反大流行前的面具禁令的进一步指控表示认罪。

然后，检察官根据《国家安全法》指控他犯有颠覆罪，这一罪行可以判处终身监禁。

其他52人在同一天被指控。

黄的父母卖掉了他们的公寓，带着他的弟弟悄悄地搬到了澳大利亚。

 

Wong did not flee. He was arrested, convicted of incitement and unauthorised assembly, and sent to prison for thirteen and a half months. While in jail, he pleaded guilty to further charges of unlawful assembly and defying a pre-pandemic ban on masks. Then prosecutors charged him with subversion under the National Security Law, a crime that could draw a life sentence. Fifty-two others were charged the same day. Wong’s parents sold their flat and quietly moved to Australia with his younger brother.

 

香港的法院开始呼应中国大陆的法院。

苹果日报》的老板黎智英被认定为非法集会，并被监禁了14个月。

然后他被指控 "勾结外国势力 "和违反国家安全法。

警方后来搜查了该报，逮捕了其编辑，没收了文件并冻结了其银行账户。

该报在26年后被迫关闭。

李柱铭和玛吴霭仪因非法集会分别被判处11个月和12个月的缓刑。

两人都面临律师协会的调查。

 

The Hong Kong courts began to echo those in mainland China. Jimmy Lai, the owner of Apple Daily, was convicted of unlawful assembly and jailed for fourteen months. He was then accused of ‘collusion with foreign forces’ and breaking the National Security Law. Police later raided the newspaper, arrested its editors, seized documents and froze its bank accounts. It was forced to close after twenty-six years. Martin Lee and Margaret Ng got suspended sentences of eleven and twelve months respectively for unlawful assembly. Both faced an inquiry by the Bar Association.

 

裁判官拒绝了许多被告的保释。

一位名叫Esther Toh Lye-ping的法官裁定，其中一位公民党的Jeremy Tam是外国势力的 "利益相关者"，因为美国领事曾邀请他喝咖啡。

根据她自己的官方传记，Toh法官出生于新加坡，在英国接受教育，并在1974年获得了英国律师资格。

她是香港在宣传自己是 "亚洲的世界城市 "时所展示的那种人物。

 

Magistrates denied bail to many defendants. A judge, Madame Justice Esther Toh Lye-ping, ruled that one of them, Jeremy Tam of the Civic Party, was ‘a person of interest’ to foreign powers because the American consul had invited him for coffee. According to her own official biography, Judge Toh was born in Singapore and educated in Britain, where she was called to the English Bar in 1974. She was the kind of figure that Hong Kong showcased in publicity branding itself ‘Asia’s World City’.

 

中国观众被邀请思考对异议人士的惩罚。

国家电视台的一名主播对香港的学校和图书馆已经将可疑书籍从书架上撤下的消息表示赞许，告诉观众 "毒药 "终于被清除了。

然而，仅有合法性是不够的，因为 "红线必须铭刻在心"。

这方面的内容还有很多。

 

The Chinese audience was invited to contemplate the penalties for dissent. An anchor on state television waxed approving at the news that schools and libraries in Hong Kong were already removing suspect books from their shelves, telling viewers that the ‘poison’ was at last being purged. Legality was not enough, however, for ‘the red line must be inscribed in the hearts’. There was much more in this vein.

 

支持民主的候选人将在9月的立法机构选举中胜出，因此在7月底，林郑月娥推迟了这个问题，将投票推迟了一年，声称他们对公众健康构成了威胁。

她说："没有任何政治考虑。

(台湾、韩国、尼泊尔、新加坡、蒙古和印度在大流行期间都安全举行了选举）。

作为预防措施，政府已经取消了十几位民主人士的参选资格，包括黄之锋Wong和岑敖暉Lester Shum，理由是他们 "不适合任职"。

 

Pro-democracy candidates were set to win elections to the legislature in September, so at the end of July Lam deferred that problem by postponing the polls for a year, claiming that they posed a risk to public health. ‘There were no political considerations,’ she said. (Elections were held safely during the pandemic in Taiwan, South Korea, Nepal, Singapore, Mongolia and India.) As a precaution the government had already disqualified a dozen democrats, including Wong and Lester Shum, from standing on the grounds that they were ‘not fit for office’.

 

美国坚持认为它 "不会对中国将香港吞入其专制大嘴的行为袖手旁观"。

美国国务院声称中国的国际承诺是空话。

中国共产党承诺给香港人五十年的自由，但只给了他们二十三年。

美国认为，这已经成为一种行为模式，因为中国还违反了与世界卫生组织、世界贸易组织和联合国的协议。

特朗普政府迅速采取行动，对林郑月娥和其他官员实施制裁，停止向香港出口国防和两用技术，并取消特别行政区因其地位而享有的贸易特权。

 

The United States insisted it ‘would not stand idly by while China swallows Hong Kong into its authoritarian maw’. The State Department claimed China’s international commitments were empty words: ‘The CCP promised fifty years of freedom to the people of Hong Kong and gave them only twenty-three.’ This had become a pattern of behaviour, according to the US, because China had also broken agreements with the World Health Organisation, the World Trade Organisation and the United Nations. The Trump administration moved quickly to impose sanctions on Carrie Lam and other officials, to end exports of defence and dual use technology to Hong Kong, and to eliminate trade privileges the Special Administrative Region had enjoyed by virtue of its status.

 

特朗普的副国家安全顾问马修-波顿是钝化措施的主要倡导者。

他将专业知识与那些亲身经历过人民共和国的人所特有的暗淡现实主义相结合。

波顿能说流利的中文，曾在北京当过多年记者，了解台湾，并曾在美国海军陆战队担任情报官。

他的策略打破了美国自20世纪70年代开始的 "接触 "的惯例。

安静的外交被丢到了过去。

取而代之的是高调的法律案件、对等的驱逐记者和对中国官员的制裁。

丢脸，似乎是新政策的一部分。

波顿是最危险的敌人，一个知道如何伤害对手的人。

 

Matthew Pottinger, Trump’s deputy national security adviser, was a key advocate of blunt measures. He combined expertise with a bleak realism peculiar to those who had experienced the People’s Republic at first hand. Pottinger was fluent in Chinese, had spent years as a journalist in Beijing, knew Taiwan and had served as an intelligence officer in the US Marine Corps. His tactics broke with American practice since the beginning of ‘engagement’ in the 1970s. Quiet diplomacy was consigned to the past. In its place came high-profile legal cases, reciprocal expulsions of journalists and sanctions against Chinese officials. Loss of face, it seemed, was part of the new policy. Pottinger was that most dangerous of foes, a man who knew how to hurt his adversary.

 

他并不孤单。

竞选总统的民主党人乔-拜登说，国家安全法对 "使香港有别于中国其他地区的自由和自治给予了致命打击"。

他承诺禁止美国公司'教唆镇压和支持中国共产党的监视国家'。

 他着眼于该法的全面规定，威胁说如果中国试图'让行使第一修正案权利的美国公民、公司和机构保持沉默'，将迅速实施经济制裁。

 

He was not alone. Joe Biden, the Democrat running for president, said the national security law dealt ‘a death blow to the freedoms and autonomy that set Hong Kong apart from the rest of China’. He pledged to prohibit US companies from ‘abetting repression and supporting the Chinese Communist Party’s surveillance state’ With an eye on the law’s sweeping provisions, he threatened to impose swift economic sanctions if China tried ‘to silence U.S. citizens, companies, and institutions for exercising their First Amendment rights’.

 

这是历史上的一个例子，一个城市的命运--像加莱、但泽或柏林--对国际事务产生了巨大的影响。

香港的命运有助于巩固美国共和党人和民主党人的信念，即现在是对中国采取强硬态度的时候了，这在一个两极分化的政治体系中是一个了不起的共识。

两党都支持一项迅速通过的法案，以制裁削弱香港自治权的中国官员以及与他们做生意的银行和公司。

第二项立法，即《香港安全港法案》，为害怕政治迫害的香港人提供了难民身份。

该法案也得到了各党派的支持。

 

This was an instance in history when the destiny of a single city – like Calais, Danzig or Berlin – exercised an outsize influence on international affairs. The fate of Hong Kong helped to cement the conviction among both Republicans and Democrats in the United States that it was time to get tough on China, a remarkable consensus in a polarised political system. There was bipartisan support for a swiftly passed bill to sanction Chinese officials who eroded Hong Kong’s autonomy as well as banks and firms that did business with them. A second piece of legislation, the Hong Kong Safe Harbor Act, gave refugee status to Hong Kongers fearing political persecution. It also had backing across the aisle.

 

当拜登在2020年11月赢得美国大选时，他上任后承诺与美国的盟友合作，对中国采取协调一致的政策，他还组建了一个由经验丰富的亚洲人组成的团队，将特朗普的言论变成有效的措施。

美国找到了一种罕见的政治团结，预示着对北京的耐心和持续反击。

欧洲的政府被冠状病毒大流行淹没时，发现了一个不太连贯和直接的反应；一些国家在寻求重建其瘫痪的经济时担心失去与中国的贸易。

但是，香港被加入了重新思考西方应该如何对待人民共和国的理由清单。

半个世纪以来，香港的政治家们第一次开始扭转他们对一个巨大的专制国家的依赖。

 

When Biden won the US election in November 2020, he came into office pledging to work with America’s allies in a concerted policy towards China, and he assembled a team of seasoned Asia hands to turn Trump’s rhetoric into effective measures. America had found a rare political unity that foreshadowed a patient, sustained push back against Beijing. Europe found a less coherent and direct response while its governments were submerged by the coronavirus pandemic; some feared the loss of trade with China as they sought to rebuild their crippled economies. But Hong Kong was added to the list of reasons to think again about how the West should deal with the People’s Republic. For the first time in half a century its politicians began to reverse their dependence on a giant authoritarian state.

 

最大的改变来自于这个前殖民国家。

在1984年英国和中国结束交易时，一位英国官员在给撒切尔夫人的备忘录上写道："没有什么可以为中国人做的"。

她用蓝墨水在这句话上划了重重的底线，不言自明。

铁娘子不信任共产党人，对香港人感到真正的道德上的痛苦，并安慰自己说，英国已经为他们做了最好的事情。

然而，她自己的移民政策却为数百万有权获得英国护照的人关上了大门。

他们被称为英国国民（海外）公民，被剥夺了在英国定居的权利，而中国认为他们是中国人，不承认双重国籍。

在1997年香港回归时，撒切尔夫人曾说她希望香港能赢得独立，并对未能实现独立表示遗憾；她对那些被她抛弃在中国统治下的人们感到不安，直到生命的最后时刻。

但事情就这样过去了，外交官和中国商人都松了一口气。

 

The greatest change of heart came in the former colonial power. ‘There is nothing to be done for those of Chinese race’, a British official had written on a memo for Margaret Thatcher as Britain and China closed their deal in 1984. Her heavy underlining of the words in blue ink spoke for itself. The Iron Lady distrusted Communists, felt a genuine moral pang for people in Hong Kong and comforted herself with the thought that Britain had done its best for them. Yet her own immigration policies had shut the door on the millions entitled to British passports. They were called British National (Overseas) Citizens and denied the right to settle in the United Kingdom, while China considered them Chinese and did not recognise dual nationality. At the handover in 1997 Mrs Thatcher had said that she wished Hong Kong had won independence and voiced her regret that it had not been possible; she nourished to the end of her days a sense of unease about the people she consigned to Chinese rule. But there the matter rested, to the relief of the diplomats and the China traders.

 

然而，习近平政府成功地改变了英国人的想法，而三十多年的游说都没有成功。

2020年7月1日，保守党外交大臣多米尼克-拉布在下议院宣布了 "清醒的结论"，即《国家安全法》"明显严重违反了联合声明"。

拉布继续说，它违反了承诺给香港的高度自治和司法独立，并说即使根据中国法律也没有理由这样做。

他呼应美国国务院的说法，说中国违背了将联合国《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》适用于香港的承诺，此举 "与中国作为国际社会主要成员的责任无法调和"。

如果说伦敦和北京之间的关系曾经有过一个黄金时代，那么它肯定是在议会的那次会议上结束的。

中国已经违背了它根据自己的法律对香港人的承诺。

中国违反了《联合声明》规定的对英国的国际义务，"外交大臣说。

 

The Xi Jinping government had succeeded, however, in changing British minds where more than three decades of lobbying had failed. On 1 July 2020 the Conservative Foreign Secretary, Dominic Raab, rose in the House of Commons to announce the ‘sobering conclusion’ that the National Security Law was ‘a clear and serious breach of the Joint Declaration’. It violated the high degree of autonomy and judicial independence promised to Hong Kong, Raab continued, saying that even under Chinese law there was no justification for it. Echoing the US State Department, he said that China had broken its commitment to apply the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to the city, a move ‘which cannot be reconciled with … its responsibility as a leading member of the international community’. If there ever was a golden era of relations between London and Beijing, it surely came to an end at that sitting of Parliament. ‘China has broken its promise to the people of Hong Kong under its own laws. China has breached its international obligations to the United Kingdom under the Joint Declaration,’ the foreign secretary said.

 

在只有低沉的赞同声中，拉布告诉议会，英国现在将履行其对那些拥有英国国民（海外）身份的人的承诺。

他们可以申请来英国五年，获得定居身份，并逐步获得公民身份。

这意味着多达300万生活在中国香港的人可以在未来几年内迁往英国。

他们中只有一部分人会去，但最后所有的人都有了一个保险单。

 

In a hush broken only by murmurs of approval, Raab told the house that Britain would now honour its commitment to those who held British National (Overseas) status. They could apply to come to Britain for five years, gain settled status and progress to citizenship. That meant that up to three million people living in Hong Kong, China, could move to the United Kingdom in the years ahead. Only some of them would go, but at last all of them had an insurance policy.

 

负责移民事务的内政部做出了一个更加惊人的让步。

它将这一特权扩大到整个家庭和1997年7月1日移交后出生的任何人。

不仅如此，申请人甚至不需要出示英国护照，只需提供身份证明--此举旨在防止中国的限制和报复。

 

The Home Office, which handled immigration, made an even more stunning concession. It extended the privilege to whole families and to anyone born after the handover on 1 July 1997. Not only that, but applicants need not even produce a British passport, only proof of identity – a move designed to forestall restrictions and reprisals by China.

 

这一决定引起了北京的强烈反应，北京谴责它违反了协议，并说它威胁到两国之间的良好关系。

然而，这是大卫-卫奕信在天安门广场之后勇敢地游说撒切尔夫人的事业，许多与香港有家庭、商业或服务关系的英国人认为这是公正的。

即使是批评英国政府的人，也认为它的决定是体面的、务实的和早该作出的，因为英国政府在大流行病和欧洲政策方面正处于困境。

事实证明，毕竟有些事情是可以做的。

 

The decision drew a sharp reaction from Beijing, which condemned it as a breach of agreements and said it threatened good relations between the two countries. It was, however, the cause for which David Wilson had gallantly lobbied Mrs Thatcher after Tiananmen Square and which so many Britons connected to Hong Kong by family, business or service felt was just. Even critics of the British government, which was in dire straits over the pandemic and its European policy, felt that its decision was decent, pragmatic and overdue. It turned out, after all, that something could be done.

 

后记Afterword

 

 

20世纪80年代初，一个名叫鲍璞的青年在他父亲--党的高级官员鲍彤--位于北京的家中的图书馆里发现一个人在等着见他。

打电话的人解释说，他是一位人类学家。

他研究了香港的街名，这些街名通常是为了纪念早已去世的老总和士兵。

在中国，革命已经消除了所有这些外国势力的遗迹。

来电者的任务是准备一份街道清单，以便在中国接管该殖民地时重新命名。

 

Early in the 1980s a youth named Bao Pu found a man waiting to see his father, the high party official Bao Tong, in the library of their home in Beijing. The caller explained that he was an anthropologist. He studied street names in Hong Kong, which often commemorated long-deceased proconsuls and soldiers. In China, the revolution had erased all such relics of foreign power. It was the caller’s task to prepare a list of streets to be renamed when China took over the colony.

 

鲍璞最后到了香港，在那里他经营着一家出版公司，以来自中国内部的回忆录和文件取得了显著的成功，而他的父亲则因为参与政治改革的失败而在首都被软禁，度过了晚年。

这就是 "一国两制 "对一个家庭的实际作用。

 

Bao Pu ended up in Hong Kong, where he ran a publishing company that scored notable success with memoirs and documents from inside China, while his father passed into old age under house arrest in the capital for his part in the lost cause of political reform. This was how ‘one country, two systems’ worked in practice for one family.

 

街道名称并没有改变。

也许来自北方的官员发现，当地人长期以来一直无视英文标志，在城里走来走去都很顺利。

他们不太可能只是忘记了。

这里面有象征意义，因为孔子曾宣称，如果不纠正地名，就不可能有正直的治理。

然而，以他们的智慧，统治中国的人决定不去管它。

在很长一段时间里，香港似乎可以获得自由，而国家的其他地区却没有。

对高度自治的保证使人们接受了中央统治。

资本主义制度将持续50年的承诺保证了他们的服从，即使不是他们的热情。

 

The street names did not change. Perhaps officials from the north discovered that local people had long ignored the English signs and got around town just fine. It is unlikely that they simply forgot. There was symbolism in it, for Confucius had declared that without the rectification of names there could be no righteous governance. Yet in their wisdom the men who ruled China decided to leave well alone. For a long time it seemed that Hong Kong could be free while the rest of the country was not. The guarantee of a high degree of autonomy led people to accept central rule. The promise that the capitalist system would continue for fifty years assured their compliance if not their enthusiasm.

 

这就是邓小平提出的交易条件。

它的保证是希望在半个世纪过去时，中国会变得更加自由。

一些人说服自己，香港甚至可能照亮道路。

我们现在知道，故事的结局并非如此。

 

That was the bargain offered by Deng Xiaoping. It was secured in the hope that China would be more liberal by the time half a century passed. Some people persuaded themselves that Hong Kong might even light the way. We now know that was not how the story ended.

 

香港生活在一个矛盾之中：它有自由但没有民主。

它无法进行由人民治理的社会适应变化和逆境所需的路线修正。

政治从立法机构逃到了街上，开始了一个只有一个结果的冲突循环。

最终，中国控制了局面，正如它一直警告的那样，它可以做到。

力求获得自由和民主的香港，最终却没有获得自由和民主。

历史学家的问题是，本来可以有什么不同。

 

Hong Kong lived with a contradiction: it had freedom but not democracy. It could not make the course corrections through which societies governed by the people adjust to change and adversity. Politics fled from the legislature to the street, starting a cycle of conflict which could have only one outcome. Eventually China took control, as it had always warned that it could. Striving to gain freedom and democracy, Hong Kong ended up with neither. The question for the historian is what could have been different.

 

通过借鉴中国公开的回忆录和文件，这篇报道试图全面反映中国的观点，但并不完美。

在精英政治的反事实历史中，"如果 "是非常诱人的，这超出了它的范围。

然而，共产党确实有一个自由派，这是一个事实。

它被打败了，但却取得了很多成就，而且还可能做得更多。

可以肯定的是，当狡猾而老练的廖承志于1983年去世时，香港失去了机会。

他在共产党机构中的继任者在地位上都无法与他相提并论，他们自以为是的回忆表明了这一点。

只有当这一时期的档案、日记和文件提供给中国历史学家时，内部的争论才可能浮出水面。

在那之前，正如一位天才的汉学家所写的那样，承认无知是智慧的开始。

 

By drawing on memoirs and documents publicly available in China, this account has sought, imperfectly, to give full scope to the Chinese point of view. The ‘what ifs’ so tempting in a counterfactual history of elite politics are beyond its scope. It is, however, a fact that the Communist Party did have a liberal faction. It was vanquished, yet achieved much and might have done more. What can be said for certain is that Hong Kong lost out when the wily and sophisticated Liao Chengzhi died in 1983. None of his successors in the Communist apparatus matched him in stature, as their self-serving recollections make clear. It is only when the archives, diaries and papers of the period become available to Chinese historians that the internal debates may emerge into daylight. Until then, as a gifted Sinologist once wrote, the confession of ignorance is the beginning of wisdom.

 

在西方人中，责任和功劳都比较容易分配。

从鸦片战争结束到20世纪末，殖民国家坚持维多利亚女王的箴言，即保持自己所拥有的东西是好的，在帝国的辉煌时期，英国没有动力给予其中国臣民民主。

第二次世界大战后，马克-杨爵士制定了一项计划，通过给予人民投票权来加强英国统治的合法性。

这是建立一个强大的现代政治制度的最好机会，但它被白厅埋葬了。

后来英国各届政府都听命于那些向他们保证远东情况不同的总督，大多数中国人不希望有投票的负担。

冷战使冒险成为不可想象的事情，因为如果共产党的地下组织站出来并赢得选举怎么办？这是一个很方便的，甚至是愤世嫉俗的借口。

当邓小平在1979年召见总督时，官员们可以说已经太晚了。

他们争辩说，不和谐会带来混乱，政治纷争会破坏信心，预示着香港财富的结束。

中国可能会大举进入。

 

Among the Westerners, blame and credit are easier to apportion. From the end of the Opium Wars until the late twentieth century, colonial powers adhered to Queen Victoria’s dictum that it was good to keep what one possessed, and in the high and palmy days of empire Britain had no incentive to grant democracy to its Chinese subjects. After the Second World War Sir Mark Young produced a plan to strengthen the legitimacy of British rule by giving people the vote. This was the best chance to establish a robust and modern political system, but it was interred by Whitehall. Later British governments of all stripes deferred to governors who assured them that things in the Far East were different and most Chinese people did not want the burden of a vote. The Cold War made risk-taking unthinkable, for what if the Communist underground stepped forth and won an election? It was a convenient, if cynical, excuse. And by the time Deng Xiaoping summoned the governor to his presence in 1979, officials could maintain it was too late. They argued that out of discord sprang chaos, political strife would wreck confidence and spell the end of Hong Kong’s riches. China might march in.

 

英国是其最后一个中国属地的自由监护人，但除了为少数特权人士拉票外，英国拒绝让其国民对自己的未来发表意见，是其记录上的一个污点。

这就是撒切尔夫人面临的道德困境，她几乎单枪匹马地与之搏斗，直到她被迫接受一个她不喜欢的解决方案。

文件显示，英国和中国是在误解的空隙中进行谈判的，这也是自1840年以来双方交锋的特点。

英国人试图从香港赢得荣誉退出，这将保证他们的资产，并使他们站在中国的正确一边。

中国方面从未偏离他们的唯一目的，即恢复对其所有土地的主权和控制。

对他们来说，所有其他的事情都是细节。

在这种确定性的支撑下，邓小平满足于放弃条约，发出威胁，将谈判推向边缘。

他把撤退的管理权留给了他的英国对手。

这是一个精明的做法，在珀西-柯利達爵士爵士那里，邓小平找到了一个有天赋的悲观主义者，他在他的激进的现实主义面前退缩了。

 

Britain was a liberal custodian of its last Chinese possession but its refusal to give its subjects a voice in their own future, apart from canvassing a few privileged worthies, was a stain on its record. That was the moral dilemma which confronted Margaret Thatcher and with which she wrestled, almost single-handed, until she was forced to accept a solution she did not like. The documents show that Britain and China negotiated in the void of misunderstanding which had characterised their encounters since 1840. The British tried to win an exit with honour from Hong Kong which would insure their assets and put them on the right side of China. The Chinese side never deviated from their sole purpose, the resumption of sovereignty and control over all their land. To them, all the rest was detail. Fortified by this certainty, Deng was content to discard treaties, issue threats and take negotiations to the brink. He left the management of retreat to his British opponents. It was a shrewd approach and in Sir Percy Cradock, Deng found a gifted pessimist who quailed before his militant realism.

 

尽管如此，柯利達爵士还是策划了一个解决方案，为香港提供了20多年的时间，使数百万人繁荣起来，黃之鋒这一代人自由地走向成熟。

他还赢得了一个更大的奖项。

联合声明》使中国受制于国家不破坏条约的原则，而是通过谈判来改变条约。

如果没有这一点，拥有核武器的世界可能会回到战时的几十年，那时崛起的大国对一纸空文漠不关心。

这是国际秩序的一个无名胜利。

柯利達爵士没能活着看到他的大部分预言成为现实。

也许这本书会让人们正确看待他的成就和错误。

 

Despite that, Cradock masterminded a settlement that gave Hong Kong more than two decades when millions prospered and the Joshua Wong generation freely came of age. He also won a greater prize. The Joint Declaration bound China to the principle that nations do not break pacts but negotiate to change them. Without that the nuclear-armed world might have returned to the inter-war decades when rising powers cared nothing for scraps of paper. This was an unsung victory for the international order. Cradock did not live to see most of his predictions come to pass. Perhaps this book will put his achievements as well as his mistakes in a proper perspective.

 

下一个考验是，在香港移交给中国统治时，本可以做些什么来使香港更加自由和强大。

作为总督，卫奕信在本书中走出了阴影。

他为扩大高等教育、扩大政治代表权和使基础设施现代化所采取的措施使殖民地处于有利地位。

正是在他的监督下，香港将主要的国际人权法规纳入了自己的法律。

1979年，卫奕信出席了创建工作；他与邓小平同在一个房间里，谈判了《联合声明》的文本，并以平静的勇气飞往伦敦，告诉撒切尔夫人，在天安门广场大屠杀之后，有道义上的责任给香港人发放护照，这一义务在31年后才得以履行。

 

The next test is what could have been done to make Hong Kong freer and stronger at the handover to Chinese rule. As governor, David Wilson steps out of the shadows in this book. His steps to expand higher education, to extend political representation and to modernise infrastructure stood the colony in good stead. It was on his watch that Hong Kong incorporated the key international human rights statutes into its own law. Wilson was present at the creation; he was in the room with Deng Xiaoping in 1979, he negotiated the text of the Joint Declaration and, with quiet courage, he flew to London to tell Mrs Thatcher that there was a moral duty to give the people of Hong Kong passports after the massacre at Tiananmen Square, an obligation fulfilled only thirty-one years later.

 

最后一任总督彭定康，在公众面前胜过他的前任。

他在精英们的共识中带来了争议，打乱了苹果车，不顾中国的愤怒，带来了更多的民主，为此他得到了自由派的认可。

事后，他并不后悔。

他说，英国在1997年离开之前别无选择，只能加强民主和法制。

他拒绝接受这样的说法：由于害怕报复，英国应该避免争论，并从同意将香港交还给中国时向议会作出的承诺中退缩。

他的政治改革没能成功。

 

The Last Governor, Chris Patten, outshone his predecessors in the public eye. He brought controversy where elite consensus had reigned, upset apple-carts and defied the wrath of China to bring in more democracy, for which he basked in liberal approval. Afterwards he had no regrets. He said that Britain had no choice but to strengthen democracy and the rule of law before it left in 1997. He refused to accept that for fear of reprisal it should have avoided arguments and retreated from the promises made to Parliament when it agreed to hand back Hong Kong to China. His political reforms did not survive.

 

彭定康为自己的记录辩护说，本着不提前认输的原则，尽可能地推动权利和自由是正确的。

在2019年这本书的采访中，他说香港在1997年后的十到十二年里做得很好，大体上中国人坚持了他们的承诺，直到习近平上台。

他不时回到这个前殖民地，迎接他的是渴望与他进行辩论的年轻人的听众，他们并不害怕不同意他的温和建议或拒绝支持独立。

许多在英国离开香港时没有出生或正在上小学的人，对经济和政治自由之间的关系有着非同寻常的认识。

最后一位总督可以为这一遗产感到自豪。

 

Patten defended his record by saying it was correct to push rights and freedoms as far as possible on the principle that one did not concede defeat in advance. In an interview for this book in 2019 he said Hong Kong had done pretty well for ten to twelve years after 1997 and that by and large the Chinese stuck to what they promised until Xi Jinping took power. From time to time he returned to the former colony, where he was greeted by audiences of young people eager to engage him in debate and not afraid to disagree with his counsel of moderation or his refusal to support independence. Many who were not born or were at primary school when Britain left Hong Kong had none the less an extraordinary sense of the relationship between economic and political freedom. The Last Governor could be proud of that legacy.

 

香港在中国境内的历史是一个仍在进行中的教训。

它提出了我们这个时代的问题：自由社会如何与专制国家打交道；贸易如何解放或奴役；以及如果国家要在没有战争的情况下处理深刻的冲突，政治家和外交家必须无休止地学习讨价还价、让步和抵抗的艺术。

很多关于现代中国的说法都是夸张的，与过去的比较也是不可靠的。

然而，我们可以得出一些初步的结论。

 

The history of Hong Kong within China is a lesson still in progress. It poses the problems of our time: how free societies deal with authoritarian states; how trade may liberate or enslave; and how politicians and diplomats must endlessly learn the arts of bargaining, concession and resistance if nations are to manage profound conflicts without war. Much that is said about modern China is overdone and comparisons with the past are treacherous. Yet some tentative conclusions can be drawn.

 

伟大的历史学家【史景遷】乔纳森-斯彭斯写道，邓小平、长者和他们的年轻集团在1989年的行动共同威胁着政府再次 "陷入十九世纪的谬论"，即中国可以完全按照自己的方式加入现代世界。

没有比这更能说明三十年后习近平的计划了。

 

The great historian Jonathan Spence wrote that Deng, the elders, and their younger clique threatened jointly by their actions in 1989 to commit the government again ‘to the nineteenth-century fallacy’, that China could join the modern world entirely on its own terms. There could be no better description of Xi Jinping’s project thirty years later.

 

西方的一个谬论是，中国共产党欺骗了它的对话者，说服领导人和商人说它是一个不存在的东西。

这是不真实的。

如果这个故事说明了什么，那就是外国人欺骗了他们自己。

特使、高管、投资者和学者；都很容易出现选择性失明。

然而，对任何有眼睛的人来说，事实是显而易见的。

中国是一个独裁国家；它将继续是一个独裁国家。

邓小平自己也这么说。

这位元老裁定，中国必须隐藏自己的实力，等待时机。

党所做的正是它说要做的事。

它在风趣的演讲中阐述，在无数的专栏中写下。

它从未让步，因为那将是权力的终结。

 

One Western fallacy is that the Chinese Communist Party deceived its interlocutors, persuading leaders and businessmen that it was something it was not. This is untrue. If this story shows anything, it is that the foreigners deceived themselves. Envoys, executives, investors and scholars; all were prone to selective blindness. Yet to anyone with eyes to see, the facts were in plain sight. China was a dictatorship; it would remain one. Deng said so himself. The patriarch ruled that China must hide its strength and bide its time. The party did exactly what it had said it would do. It was laid out in windy speeches and written down in countless columns. It never conceded, for that would be the end of authority.

 

从全球角度来看--因为不仅仅是 "西方"，还有亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲的其他国家，他们都在关注中国的崛起--列宁1901年的著名问题是正确的。

该怎么做呢？

From a global perspective – for it is not just ‘the West’ but the rest, in Asia, Africa and Latin America who watch the rise of China – Lenin’s famous question of 1901 is the right one: What is to be done?

即使像彭定康这样的鹰派人士也承认，能为香港做的最好的事情就是提高中国独裁政策的成本。

民主国家已经开发了一套制裁、签证禁令和个人资产冻结的工具箱。

美国，仍然是他们的领导力量，在长期的政治正确性和满足当前的战略需求之间寻求平衡：保持和平并与中国在气候变化、贸易和公共卫生等重大问题上进行合作。

过去的情况表明，这将不是一项容易的任务。

 

Even hawks like Patten conceded that the best that could be done for Hong Kong was to raise the cost to China of its dictatorial policies. The democracies had developed a toolkit of sanctions, visa bans and individual asset freezes. The United States, still their leading power, sought a balance between getting the politics right over the long term and meeting the strategic demands of the present: to keep the peace and to co-operate with China on big things like climate change, trade and public health. The past suggests it will not be an easy task.

 

这本书的大部分内容是在日内瓦写的，在离世界贸易组织不远的地方，国际联盟的大厅提醒着人们可能出现的问题。

20世纪30年代，年轻的英国政治家安东尼-伊登在这里与当时崛起的大国就阿比西尼亚和西班牙等失落的事业进行谈判，在一个案例中，他努力使中国免受日本入侵的残酷影响。

艾登写道，如果一个领先的大国不进行领导，它就不可能看到其政策取得成功。

一厢情愿的绥靖更有可能滋生怀疑的朋友，而不是吓倒潜在的敌人。

对新的大国来说，旧的秩序正在衰败："义务被忽视，约定被冷酷地撕毁，信心......被动摇，不宣而战的方法正在被采用，而每个国家一直宣布其唯一的愿望是和平。

 

Much of this book was written in Geneva, where, a short walk from the World Trade Organisation, the halls of the League of Nations stand as a reminder of what can go wrong. Here in the 1930s a young British statesman, Anthony Eden, negotiated with the rising powers of the day on lost causes like Abyssinia and Spain, in one case striving to spare China the cruelties of invasion by Japan. Eden wrote that if a leading power does not lead it is not likely to see its policies succeed. Appeasement fed by wishful thinking is more likely to breed doubting friends than daunt would-be enemies. To the new powers, the old order is in decay: ‘Obligations are ignored, engagements cynically torn up, confidence … shaken, methods of making war without declaring war are being adopted, while all the time each nation declares that its one desire is for peace.’

 

在这样一个世界上，符号很重要，即使是像路牌一样微小的符号，因为小地方的命运往往对未来发出警告。

香港仍然是一个资本家交易和共产党人投资的城市，人们享受着自由的个人生活，学生们可以辩论雅典民主的缺陷，中国的古老艺术在这里蓬勃发展，寺庙里的香火不受干扰，教堂在周日响起赞美诗。

这一切都不会在一天或一年内消失。

同样，也没有一个是不灭的。

 

In a world like this symbols matter, even ones as minor as street signs, because the fate of small places has often sent a warning about the future. Hong Kong was still a city where capitalists traded and Communists invested, where people enjoyed free personal lives and students could debate the flaws of Athenian democracy, where the ancient arts of China flourished, the incense rose in temples undisturbed and churches resounded to hymns on a Sunday. None of this would vanish in a day or a year. Equally, none of it was imperishable.

 

注释Notes

 

 

简称

ABBREVIATIONS

CNA 中国新闻分析CNA China News Analysis

PREM 总理办公室，国家档案馆，KewPREM Prime Minister’s Office, The National Archives, Kew

THCR 撒切尔男爵夫人的文件，丘吉尔档案中心，丘吉尔学院，剑桥THCR The Papers of Baroness Thatcher, Churchill Archives Centre, Churchill College, Cambridge

 

 

引言：中国香港

INTRODUCTION: HONG KONG, CHINA

其股东的成本 Richard Roberts和David Kynaston, The Lion Wakes: 汇丰银行的现代史》（伦敦：Profile Books，2018），p160cost its shareholders Richard Roberts and David Kynaston, The Lion Wakes: A Modern History of HSBC (London: Profile Books, 2018), p160

The gate through which 一个由约翰-庞弗雷特创造的短语，"A Long Wait at the Gate to Greatness", Washington Post, 27 July 2008the gate through which A phrase coined by John Pomfret, ‘A Long Wait at the Gate to Greatness’, Washington Post, 27 July 2008

这句话由卡尔-马克思提出，"中国和欧洲的革命"，《纽约每日论坛报》，1853年6月14日That isolation having come Karl Marx, ‘Revolution in China and Europe’, New York Daily Tribune, 14 June 1853

只有通过了解新华社，来自澳门的报道，2019年12月Only by knowing Xinhua, report from Macau, Dec 2019

 

 

1 商人和吏员

1 MERCHANTS AND MANDARINS

九世纪时，Abu Zayd al-Sirafi，《中国和印度的账目》和Ahmed Ibn Fadlan，《出使伏尔加河》，载于两本阿拉伯游记（纽约/伦敦：纽约大学出版社，2014年）。

 

In the ninth century Abu Zayd al-Sirafi, Accounts of China and India and Ahmed Ibn Fadlan, Mission to the Volga, in Two Arabic Travel Books (New York/London: New York University Press, 2014)

有一篇报道谈到了爱德华-H-舍费尔，《撒马尔罕的金桃》（伯克利和洛杉矶：加利福尼亚大学出版社，1963年）。

 

One account spoke Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1963)

The babble ibid.the babble ibid.

 

一个怀疑的时代，同上。

an age of suspicion ibid.

 

从来没有自由，同上。

was never free ibid.

 

马可波罗游记》，罗纳德-莱瑟姆编著（伦敦：企鹅出版社，1958），第237页。

for all the ships The Travels of Marco Polo, tr. Ronald Latham (London: Penguin, 1958), p237

这里是一个国家，J.H. Elliott，《帝国西班牙1469-1716》（伦敦：Edward Arnold，1963年）。

 

Here was a country J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain 1469–1716 (London: Edward Arnold, 1963)

就像魔法的织物一样 珀西-比希-雪莱，《朱利安和马达洛》（1818年），第92页。

like fabrics of enchantment Percy Bysshe Shelley, Julian and Maddalo (1818), l. 92

中华帝国 马戛尔尼勋爵，《出使中国》，即马戛尔尼勋爵在1793-1794年出使乾隆皇帝期间所记的日记，编辑：J.L. Cranmer-By. J.L. Cranmer-Byng (London: Longmans, 1962), p212The Empire of China Lord Macartney, An Embassy to China, Being the Journal Kept by Lord Macartney during his Embassy to the Emperor Ch’ien-lung 1793–1794, ed. J.L. Cranmer-Byng (London: Longmans, 1962), p212

第一艘美国船只 Carl L. Crossman, The Decorative Arts of the China Trade (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors Club, 1991), p16The first American vessel Carl L. Crossman, The Decorative Arts of the China Trade (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Antique Collectors Club, 1991), p16

中国出口的价值 John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge History of China, Vol 10 (Cambridge University Press, 1978; Caves Books, Taipei, 1986), p164The value of Chinese exports John K. Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge History of China, Vol 10 (Cambridge University Press, 1978; Caves Books, Taipei, 1986), p 164

世界上最有价值的同上，第173页the world’s most valuable ibid., p173

到1838年，同上，第178页By 1838 ibid., p178

乔纳森-斯彭斯的研究，《中国的鸦片烟》，载于弗雷德里克-瓦克曼和卡罗琳-格兰特（编），《晚期帝国中国的冲突与控制》（伯克利和洛杉矶：加利福尼亚大学出版社，1975），第143-73页A study by Jonathan Spence, ‘Opium Smoking in Ch’ing China’ in Frederic Wakeman and Carolyn Grant (eds), Conflict and Control in Late Imperial China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975), pp143–73

在帝国内部 《剑桥中国史》，第10卷，第179页Within the empire The Cambridge History of China, Vol 10, p179

最后的并发症 Steve Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong (London: Bloomsbury, 2003), p6A final complication Steve Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong (London: Bloomsbury, 2003), p6

阿司匹林和苯并二氮杂卓 Wayne Hall，"英国的鸦片"，《柳叶刀》，1999年4月24日。

the aspirin and benzodiazepine Wayne Hall, ‘Opium in Britain’, The Lancet, 24 Apr 1999

剑桥中国史》，第10卷，第177页。

protocol was the essence The Cambridge History of China, Vol 10, p177

属于一个国家......一场更不公正的战争 汉萨德，下议院辩论，对华战争，1840年4月7日和8日belonged to a country … A war more unjust Hansard, House of Commons debate, War With China, 7 and 8 April 1840

莫名其妙地......完全不听话 维多利亚女王，致比利时国王的信，1841年4月13日unaccountably strange … completely disobeyed Queen Victoria, Letter to the King of the Belgians, 13 April 1841

乔治-波廷格，亨利-波廷格爵士，第一任香港总督（Stroud, Glos: Sutton Publishing, 1997），第79页。

remove, carry away George Pottinger, Sir Henry Pottinger, First Governor of Hong Kong (Stroud, Glos: Sutton Publishing, 1997), p79

他们的凶残程度的最好证明，同上，第92页。

great proof of their ferocity ibid., p92

意识到他在做交易，同上，第93页。

realised that he was dealing ibid., p93

在撤退的过程中，同上，第89页。

 

During the retreat ibid., p89

这几乎是不可能的，Cecil Woodham-Smith, The Reason Why (London: Penguin, 1968), p16It is almost impossible Cecil Woodham-Smith, The Reason Why (London: Penguin, 1968), p16

军队没有同上，第88页。

the army was not ibid., p88

一个典型的例子 Philip Bowring, Free Trade's First Missionary, Sir John Bowring in Europe and Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2014), p131a typical example Philip Bowring, Free Trade’s First Missionary, Sir John Bowring in Europe and Asia (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2014), p131

它被称为Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1991), p158It has been called Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1991), p158

剑桥中国史》，第10卷，第213页。

the most long-continued The Cambridge History of China, Vol 10, p213

清朝 Roberto Peruzzi, Diplomatici, banchieri e mandarini, Le origini finanziarie e diplomatiche della fine dell'impero Celeste（米兰：Mondadori，2015），pp89-103The Qing dynasty Roberto Peruzzi, Diplomatici, banchieri e mandarini, Le origini finanziarie e diplomatiche della fine dell’impero Celeste (Milan: Mondadori, 2015), pp89–103

伦敦市同上，第147页。

 

The City of London ibid., p147

赔偿金的数额是Shinkichi Nagaoka，"中日战争后日本金融政策中的赔偿金考虑"，北大经济论文11（1981），1-29The indemnity amounted Shinkichi Nagaoka, ‘Indemnity Considerations in Japanese Financial Policy after the Sino-Japanese War’, Hokudai Economic Papers 11 (1981), 1–29

 

 

2 改革与开放

2 REFORM AND OPENING UP

他不耐烦地坐在广东省档案馆。

广东改革开放30年重要档案文件集，共226件，1978年12月-2008年7月（中国档案出版社，2008年）。

 

He sat impatiently Guangdong Provincial Archives: Important Archive Documents on 30 Years of Reform and Opening Up in Guangdong, a collection of 226 documents, Dec 1978–Jul 2008 (China Archives Publishing House, 2008)

1979年2月21日吴南生的巨大对比报告，广东省档案馆。

改革开放30年的档案文献The huge contrast Report by Wu Nansheng of February 21, 1979, Guangdong Provincial Archives: Archive Documents on 30 Years of Reform and Opening Up

周子阳开始了《国家的囚徒》，《周子阳的秘密日记》，由鲍璞、蒋蕾妮、阿迪-伊格内修斯撰写（纽约：西蒙-舒斯特，2009年）。

 

Zhou Ziyang began Prisoner of the State, The Secret Journal of Zhou Ziyang, tr. Bao Pu, Renee Chiang, Adi Ignatius (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009)

根据胡邦定的回忆录，《回忆段云同志》，载于《价格理论与实践》，北京，1997年2月According to a memoir Hu Bangding, ‘Recalling comrade Duan Yun’, in Price Theory and Practice, Beijing, Feb 1997

中华人民共和国官方历史的形成，http://www.hprc.org.cnThe formation of Official history of the People’s Republic of China, http://www.hprc.org.cn

官史》同上。

the official history ibid.

 

深圳和珠海 段云同志在港澳经济考察组和调研的报告，1978年，http://www.hprc.org.cnShenzhen and Zhuhai Report of comrade Duan Yun on the economic investigation group and research in Hong Kong and Macao, 1978, http://www.hprc.org.cn

这段历程被贾巨川等人记述，《习仲勋（1913-2002），一位中国革命家和中国共产党的政治领袖》，2卷（北京：中央文献出版社；第一卷2008，第二卷2013）。

 

The journey is recounted Jia Juchuan et al, Xi Zhongxun (1913–2002), A Chinese revolutionary and political leader of the CCP, 2 vols (Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House; vol 1 2008, vol 2 2013)

我查了一下 采访张伟航，广州，1998年I looked up Interview with Zhang Weihang, Guangzhou, 1998

看起来有好几百个 采访魏瀚，广州，2001年It looked like hundreds Interview with Wei Han, Guangzhou, 2001

此行来了贾氏等人，习仲勋（1913-2002）。

 

The trip came Jia et al, Xi Zhongxun (1913–2002)

李强成为专家 《李强传：90年的经验》（北京：人民出版社，2004）。

 

Li became an expert The Biography of Li Qiang: 90 Years of Experience (Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2004)

麦理浩做了很多 《中国共产党新闻与历史》，http://cpc.people.com.cnMacLehose did a lot News and History of the Communist Party of China, http://cpc.people.com.cn

出自1978年中共十一届三中全会；官方说法见http://www.hprc.org.cn，《邓小平年谱1975-1997》，中共中央文献研究室编，（北京：中央文献出版社，2004年）From the 18th Third Plenum of the 11th CPC Central Committee, 1978; the official accounts are at http://www.hprc.org.cn, the ‘Chronology of Deng Xiaoping 1975–1997’, ed. literature research office of the CPC Central Committee (Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House, 2004)

邓小平来了 新闻和中国共产党的历史Deng Xiaoping has come News and History of the Communist Party of China

结束了两年同上。

 

It ended two years ibid.

 

他去携带广东省档案馆。

改革开放30年的重要档案文件He went carrying Guangdong Provincial Archives: Important Archive Documents on 30 Years of Reform and Opening Up

让广东先走一步《敢为天下先--广东改革开放千名先锋》，张汉卿等为全国政协编著，《南方日报》2015年10月12日Let Guangdong go first ‘Dare to be First – One Thousand Pioneers of Reform and Opening Up in Guangdong’, compiled by Zhang Hanqing and others for the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Nanfang Daily, 12 Oct 2015

虽然麻雀虽小广东省档案馆。

习仲勋同志在中央工作会议上的讲话，1979年4月8日Though the sparrow Guangdong Provincial Archives: Speech of Comrade Xi Zhongxun to the Central Committee Work Conference, 8 Apr 1979

全省的广东省档案馆。

习仲勋同志在广东省第五届人民代表大会上的讲话，1979年12月17日The whole province’s Guangdong Provincial Archives: Speech of Comrade Xi Zhongxun to the Fifth People’s Congress of Guangdong Province, 17 Dec 1979

广东有《改革开放以来广东省大事记》（南方日报出版社，1998年）。

 

Guangdong has been The Chronicle of Guangdong Province since Reform and Opening Up (Nanfang Daily Publishing House, 1998)

如果名字不是The Analects of Confucius, tr. Simon Leys (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1997)If the names are not The Analects of Confucius, tr. Simon Leys (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1997)

 

 

3 漫长的告别

3 A LONG FAREWELL

一个世纪以来'毛泽东。

答柳亚子》，见《毛泽东诗词》，顾正坤主编（北京：北京大学出版社，1993年）。

 

For a century ‘Mao Zedong: Reply to Liu Yazi’, in Poems of Mao Zedong, tr. Gu Zhengkun (Beijing: Peking University Press, 1993)

毛泽东1956年12月8日的谈话《"靠边站 "是对的吗》，载于《毛泽东论外交》（北京：外文出版社，1998年）中的力量The forces of ‘Is it right to “Lean to One Side”?’, talk by Mao Zedong, 8 Dec 1956, in Mao Zedong on Diplomacy (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1998)

西方世界是'帝国主义没什么可怕的'，毛泽东与活动家的谈话，1960年5月7日，同上。

 

The Western world is ‘Imperialism is nothing to Fear’, talk with activists by Mao Zedong, 7 May 1960, ibid.

 

在他的回忆录李志绥，《毛主席的私人生活》（纽约：兰登书屋，1994年）In his memoir Li Zhisui, The Private Life of Chairman Mao (New York: Random House, 1994)

如果他问《与爱德华-希思的谈话》，1974年5月25日，载于《毛泽东论外交》中If he had asked ‘Talk With Edward Heath’, 25 May 1974, in Mao Zedong on Diplomacy

二十五次 中华人民共和国驻英国大使馆，新闻发布会，2014年7月14日)twenty-five times Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the UK, news release, 14 Jul 2014)

至于做生意'有计划地彻底消灭帝国主义在中国的统治'，毛泽东在七届二中全会上的报告，1949年3月5日，载于《毛泽东论外交》。

 

As for doing business ‘Systematically and completely destroy imperialist domination in China’, report by Mao Zedong to the Second Plenary of the 7th central committee, 5 Mar 1949, in Mao Zedong on Diplomacy

人民日报》徐冰，《香港回归的风云》（吉林省出版社，1996），第54-7页Why did the People’s Xu Bing, The Wind and the Cloud of the Return of Hong Kong to China (Jilin Provincial Publishing House, 1996), pp54–7

这将是一个历史性的同上。

it would be a historic ibid.

 

it could not be ibid.it could not be ibid.

 

香港是有很大好处的 ibid.Hong Kong is of great benefit ibid.

 

被香港迷住的道格拉斯-赫德，《回忆录》（伦敦：小布朗出版社，2003），第100页Entranced by Hong Kong Douglas Hurd, Memoirs (London: Little, Brown, 2003), p100

a place where bare feet Hong Kong 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services)a place where bare feet Hong Kong 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services)

只有一份奥斯汀-科茨，《我是一个普通人：一个特别治安官的回忆录》（伦敦：弗雷德里克-穆勒，1968）。

 

Only one copy Austin Coates, Myself a Mandarin: Memoirs of a Special Magistrate (London: Frederick Muller, 1968)

漫步街头 香港 1993 (香港: 政府新闻处)A stroll through the streets Hong Kong 1993 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services)

对中国专家的采访 沈国放，北京，1996年To the Chinese experts Interview with Shen Guofang, Bejing, 1996

两千多年来《论语》，tr. LeysFor more than two thousand The Analects of Confucius, tr. Leys

我们吃了烤牛肉 赫德，回忆录，p101We ate roast beef Hurd, Memoirs, p101

收到他的信后，科茨，《我是一个普通人》（Myself a Mandarin）。

 

On receiving his letter Coates, Myself a Mandarin

感到很好奇，也很感激 香港1992年年报（香港：政府新闻处）。

were intrigued and appreciative Hong Kong 1992 Annual Report (Hong Kong: Government Information Services)

我们有一个神话采访，伦敦2019年，应受访者要求不透露身份We had a myth Interview, London 2019, identity withheld at the interviewee’s request

编号为630万的香港1996年年报，（香港：政府新闻处）。

numbered 6.3 million Hong Kong 1996 annual report, (Hong Kong: Government Information Services)

一般遵循同上。

generally followed ibid.

 

据官方讣告 中国日报，1983年6月18日According to official obituaries China Daily, 18 Jun 1983

外交部网站 https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ziliao_665539/wjrw_665549/lrfbzjbzzl_665553/t222815.shtmlforeign ministry website https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ziliao_665539/wjrw_665549/lrfbzjbzzl_665553/t222815.shtml

中国流亡者伊藤美诚，《中日关系的先驱》（纽约：Palgrave Macmillan US，2012）。

 

The Chinese exiles Mayami Itoh, Pioneers of Sino-Japanese Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012)

他被视为杰伊-泰勒，《总司令》（Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2009），pp50-2He was seen Jay Taylor, The Generalissimo (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2009), pp50–2

完全不可能 采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，伦敦，2019年totally unlikely Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, London, 2019

献身事业 中华人民共和国全国人民代表大会，http://www.npc.gov.cn/devoted to the cause National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China, http://www.npc.gov.cn/

一位专门研究Roger Faligot的作者，《中国间谍》（伦敦：Hurst & Co，2019），p128One author specialising Roger Faligot, Chinese Spies (London: Hurst & Co, 2019), p128

对Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵的采访，信息量极大，2019年extremely well informed interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

该党自己的方堪思，'1978-1982年。

中国决定收回香港的过程》，载于《当代中国历史研究》（中国社会科学院，2017年9月）。

 

The party’s own Fang Kanshi, ‘1978–1982: The process of China’s decision to take back Hong Kong’, in Contemporary Chinese History Studies (Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Sep 2017)

我们所有的工作同上。

all our work ibid.

 

专门从事文化方面的工作，同上。

specialised in cultural ibid.

 

人们回想 采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，2019年One thinks back Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

就没有同上。

 

There will be no ibid.

 

正常的方式 ibid.The normal way ibid.

 

我的印象 ibid.My impression ibid.

 

这个想法曾被大卫-欧文，《宣布的时间》（伦敦：企鹅出版社，1991），p405The idea had been David Owen, Time to Declare (London: Penguin, 1991), p405

告诉他的政治秘书 采访鲍璞，香港，2019年told his political secretary Interview with Bao Pu, Hong Kong, 2019

香港是中国的方，'1978-1982年。

中国决定收回香港的过程'。

 

Hong Kong is Chinese Fang, ‘1978–1982: The process of China’s decision to take back Hong Kong’

 

不会追求机密。

总理与华国锋总理的讨论记录，1979年11月1日，PREM 19/3would not pursue Confidential: Record of a discussion between the prime minister and Premier Hua Guofeng, 1 Nov 1979, PREM 19/3

一国两制方，《1978-1982 年。

中国决定收回香港的过程》。

 

One country, two systems Fang, ‘1978–1982: The process of China’s decision to take back Hong Kong’

 

事实是宗道义，周南，口述历史。

回顾那些日子》（北京：齐鲁出版社，2007）。

 

The fact is Zong Daoyi, Zhou Nan, Oral History: Recalling Those Days (Beijing: Qilu Press, 2007)

中国已经准备好了方，'1978-1982年。

中国决定收回香港的过程"。

 

China was ready Fang, ‘1978–1982: The process of China’s decision to take back Hong Kong’

 

 

 

4 铁娘子与钢铁厂之争

4 THE IRON LADY VERSUS THE STEEL FACTORY

这个所谓的铁娘子周，口述历史This so-called iron lady Zhou, Oral History

准备诉诸法律 鲁平，接受东方卫视采访，2007年ready to resort Lu Ping, interview with Dragon TV, 2007

非和平的手段 周，口述历史non-peaceful means Zhou, Oral History

因此有谢泼德勋爵的信，1982年8月10日，PREM 1/10/30There is therefore Letter from Lord Shepherd, 10 Aug 1982, PREM 1/10/30

和你一样，我怀疑撒切尔夫人，1982年8月25日给谢泼德勋爵的信，THCR 3/2/99 f44Like you, I doubt Margaret Thatcher, letter to Lord Shepherd 25 Aug1982, THCR 3/2/99 f44

他们认为，信，1982年8月31日，THCR 1/10/37they took the view Letter, 31 Aug 1982, THCR 1/10/37

研究小组报告，CPS关于香港的报告，THCR 1/10/37，f58research group report CPS Report on Hong Kong, THCR 1/10/37, f58

我们决不允许PREM19/1054we must not allow PREM 19/1054

外交官的提醒 安东尼-阿克兰德致罗伯特-阿姆斯特朗的信，THCR 1/10/39The diplomats reminded Letter from Anthony Acland to Robert Armstrong, THCR 1/10/39

承诺继续保持柯利達爵士的电报，THCR 1/10/37A。

with the largest number THCR 1/10/37A

承诺继续保持柯利達爵士的电报，THCR 1/10/37Apromised to keep up Cradock telegram, THCR 1/10/37A

每人50元的餐费，同上。

 

The 50 yuan per head meal ibid.

 

不--太贵了 THCR 1/10/37Ano – far too expensive THCR 1/10/37A

辉煌的柯利達爵士电报之一，《总理访华》，1982年10月7日，PREM 19/962one of those glorious Cradock dispatch, ‘visit of the PM to China’, 7 Oct 1982, PREM 19/962

中国政府 秘密：总理与赵紫阳总理的谈话记录，PREM 19/962that the Chinese government Secret: record of a conversation between the prime minister and premier Zhao Ziyang, PREM 19/962

秘密：总理与邓小平副主席在人民大会堂的谈话记录，1982年9月24日，PREM19/790。

she could not recommend its handover Secret: record of a conversation between the prime minister and Vice Chairman Deng Xiaoping at the Great Hall of the People, 24 Sept 1982, PREM 19/790

不记得听到过这些话 2021年5月25日，鲍勃-皮尔斯的电子邮件did not recall hearing words Email from Bob Peirce, 25 May 2021

我有很高的高跟鞋 香港电视台采访，1997年6月I had very high heels Hong Kong television interview, Jun 1997

首相希望 秘密：电报596/24，1982年9月，PREM 962The prime minister wished Secret: telegram 596/24, Sep 1982, PREM 962

中国人已经 秘密：关于包玉刚爵士的说明，私人秘书John Holmes，唐宁街10号，1982年9月28日，THCR 1/9/18AThe Chinese had already Secret: note on Sir Y.K. Pao, private secretary John Holmes, 10 Downing Street, 28 Sep 1982, THCR 1/9/18A

我......希望善待自己 香港电视台采访，1997年6月I … wish to goodness Hong Kong television interview, Jun 1997

有一份非常有限的10号谈话记录，PREM 19/790had a very limited No 10 record of conversation, PREM 19/790

不是所有的牌 PREM 19/790not all the cards PREM 19/790

军事努力 PREM19/1053, f29the military effort PREM19/1053, f29

关键会议 PREM19/1054The crucial meeting PREM 19/1054

除了冰冷之外，《每日电讯报》，1993年7月27日Apart from iciness Daily Telegraph, 27 Jul 1993

中国的谈判风格 1982 年 11 月 4 日，国务院会议纪要，PREM 19/1053China’s negotiating style Note of a meeting at the State Department, 4 Nov 1982, PREM 19/1053

 

 

5份联合声明

5 A JOINT DECLARATION

名为《我们对香港问题的基本立场》，载于《改革开放30年文献》（北京：中央文献出版社，2008）。

 

It was called ‘Our basic position on the question of Hong Kong’, in Documents on 30 years of Reform and Opening Up (Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House, 2008)

没有权力联系 柯利達爵士致外交部长，1983年11月8日，PREM 19/1059no link of authority Cradock to FCO, 8 Nov 1983, PREM 19/1059

香港分开THCR 1/10/74Hong Kong apart THCR 1/10/74

邓小平很害怕 周南，口述历史Deng Xiaoping was afraid Zhou Nan, Oral History

深刻的不信任 PREM 19/1264deep mistrust PREM 19/1264

告诉[英国人] 周南，口述历史told [the British] Zhou Nan, Oral History

高级别谈判 采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，2019年The senior level negotiations Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

我认为我们应该 秘密：给查尔斯-鲍威尔的说明，1984年7月13日，THCR 1/10/74I think we should Secret: Note to Charles Powell, 13 Jul 1984, THCR 1/10/74

我说出了周南，口述历史I spoke out Zhou Nan, Oral History

因此，我们是THCR 1/10/75we are therefore THCR 1/10/75

周南仍然是PREM 19/1267Zhou Nan has remained PREM 19/1267

答案是秘密：外交部给唐宁街的说明，1984年9月21日，PREM 19/1267the answer is Secret: FCO note to Downing Street, 21 Sep 1984, PREM 19/1267

第二天 南华早报，1984年9月21日The second day South China Morning Post, 21 Sep 1984

什么都没有 Hansard，1984年12月5日There is nothing Hansard, 5 Dec 1984

她会喜欢 采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，2019年She would have loved Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

在他的回忆录中，珀西-柯利達爵士，《中国的经历》（伦敦：约翰-默里，1994）。

 

In his memoir Percy Cradock, Experiences of China (London: John Murray, 1994)

 

 

6 八十年代

6 THE EIGHTIES

飞来横财公司David Bonavia，《香港1997：最后的解决》（香港：哥伦布书局，1985），第58页Fly-by-night companies David Bonavia, Hong Kong 1997: The Final Settlement (Hong Kong: Columbus Books, 1985), p58

坎贝尔的文章 Duncan Campbell，《殖民主义。

一个独裁的秘密计划》，《新政治家》，1980年12月12日Campbell’s article Duncan Campbell, ‘Colonialism: A Secret Plan for Dictatorship’, New Statesman, 12 Dec 1980

特别部门证实https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr94-95/english/lc_sitg/hansard/h950510.pdfSpecial Branch confirmed https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr94-95/english/lc_sitg/hansard/h950510.pdf

对于1982年上半年英格兰银行的历史数据For the first half of 1982 Bank of England historic data

不可控制的尾巴 约翰-格林伍德，香港与美元的联系。

起源与演变》（香港：香港大学出版社，2007），第140页uncontrollable tailspin John Greenwood, Hong Kong’s Link to the US Dollar: Origins and Evolution (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2007), p140

的经典错误同上，第142页the classic error ibid., p142

但根据https://www.hkma.gov.hk/eng/news-and-media/insight/1999/11/19991104/But according to https://www.hkma.gov.hk/eng/news-and-media/insight/1999/11/19991104/

它让银行付出了代价 罗伯茨和凯纳斯顿，《狮子醒了》，第155页It cost the bank Roberts and Kynaston, The Lion Wakes, p155

听起来有点做作同上。

sounded a bit artificial ibid.

 

宣布采访威廉-珀维斯爵士，伦敦，2019年It was announced Interview with Sir William Purves, London, 2019

1982年，人口 Spence, The Search for Modern China, p683In 1982 the population Spence, The Search for Modern China, p683

在中国，公民同上。

 

In China, citizens ibid.

 

没有人预料到赵紫阳，《国家的囚徒》（纽约：Simon & Schuster，2009），p139No one had foreseen Zhao Ziyang, Prisoner of the State (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2009), p139

在广州，现代的《目击者旅行笔记》，1985年In Guangzhou, the modern Notes on an eyewitness trip, 1985

广东省第五届人民代表大会常务委员会第十六次会议决议的危险性，1982年3月13日，见广东省档案馆。

改革开放30年的重要档案文件，第147-8页the danger of Resolution of the 16th meeting of the standing committee of the Fifth Guangdong Provincial People’s Congress, 13 Mar 1982, in Guangdong Provincial Archives: Important Archive Documents of 30 Years of Reform and Opening Up, pp147–8

严打赵紫阳，《国家的囚徒》，第103页strike hard against Zhao, Prisoner of the State, p103

工人们开始遵循改革的指令，文件编辑。

广东省档案馆，2008年，第15-19页The workers started Following the Dictates of Reform, documents ed. Guangdong Provincial Archives, 2008, pp15–19

当时相等的世界银行历史汇率equal at the time World Bank historical exchange rates

当我们到了那里 南华早报，2018年11月17日When we got there South China Morning Post, 17 Nov 2018

的贡献感 Michael Enright, Developing China (London: Routledge, 2017), p156a sense of contributing Michael Enright, Developing China (London: Routledge, 2017), p156

1985年至2014年期间，同上。

 

Between 1985 and 2014 ibid.

 

1981年，当地制造商同上，p160In 1981 local manufacturers ibid., p160

陈云认为赵紫阳，《国家的囚徒》，pp102-4Chen Yun believed Zhao, Prisoner of the State, pp102–4

早期蔡其孟，《1978-2007年开放中的鸿运国际欢迎你演变》，载于《中国经济史研究2》，港澳研究所，2018年In the early stage Cai Chimeng, ‘The Evolution of Hong Hong in Opening Up from 1978–2007’, in Research on China’s Economic History 2, HKMAO Institute, 2018

前所未有 马丁-沃尔夫，《全球化为何有效》（纽黑文：耶鲁大学出版社，2004），p142Never before have Martin Wolf, Why Globalisation Works (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), p142

在这十年中，同上，p144In the decade ibid., p144

剑桥大学丘吉尔学院的座次计划撒切尔文件The seating plan Thatcher papers, Churchill College, Cambridge

它抽出了更多的钱 罗伯茨和凯纳斯顿，《狮子醒了》，第98页It pumped more Roberts and Kynaston, The Lion Wakes, p98

银行挤兑和囤货 赵国栋，《国家的囚徒》，第223页The bank runs and hoarding Zhao, Prisoner of the State, p223

自由和民主 安德鲁-内森和佩里-林克（编），《天安门文件》，张良编译（Perseus Books，2001），第34页Freedom and democracy Andrew Nathan and Perry Link (eds), The Tiananmen Papers, compiled by Zhang Liang (Perseus Books, 2001), p34

一份秘密报告，同上，第338页，"关于美国和其他国际政治势力对我国的意识形态和政治渗透"，1989年6月1日A secret report ibid., p338, ‘On ideological and political infiltration into our country from the United States and other international political forces’, 1 Jun 1989

看看香港 ibid., p326Look at Hong Kong ibid., p326

许多事实证明，同上，第348页。

 

Many facts demonstrate ibid., p348

我们有几次私人采访，伦敦，2019年We had several Private interview, London, 2019

香港是唯一的理查德-J-奥尔德里奇，GCHQ（伦敦：HarperPress，2010），第475页Hong Kong was the single Richard J. Aldrich, GCHQ (London: HarperPress, 2010), p475

 

 

7 变化

7 THE CHANGE

我们知道1997年5月8日对李柱铭的采访We knew about Interview with Martin Lee, 8 May 1997

2019年采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，有一个增长。

 

There was a growing Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

市场是狂热的 当代报道笔记，1989年6月5日The market was berserk Contemporary reporting notes, 5 Jun 1989

贿赂也很有效 采访西方情报官员，1997年Bribery worked as well Interview with western intelligence official, 1997

无法想象 采访克里斯-彭定康，伦敦，2019年could not imagine Interview with Chris Patten, London, 2019

我们没有任何 采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，2019年We didn’t have any Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

党的领导 王淦昌，《香港的治安》（Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2012）p286The party leadership Kam C. Wong, Policing in Hong Kong (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2012) p286

我们都很清楚https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1989/jun/21/hong-kongWe are all well aware https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1989/jun/21/hong-kong

埋下了深深的疑惑 柯利達爵士，《中国的经验》，第229-32页lay a profound suspicion Cradock, Experiences of China, pp229–32

忠实的使者 钱其琛，《外交事务中的十件大事》（北京：世界知识出版社，2004）。

a faithful emissary Qian Qichen, Ten Important Events in Foreign Affairs (Beijing: World Knowledge Press, 2004)

新的分歧同上。

fresh disagreements ibid.

 

我们有明确的理解 柯利達爵士，《中国的经验》，第22页we had clear understandings Cradock, Experiences of China

当布什尝试帕特里克-泰勒，《一道长城》。

六位总统与中国》（纽约：世纪基金会图书公司，1999），第364页When Bush tried Patrick Tyler, A Great Wall: Six Presidents and China (New York: Century Foundation Books, 1999), p 364

坦率地说，https://www.chinafile.com/library/reports/us-china-diplomacy-after-tiananmen-documents-george-hw-bush-presidential-libraryTo be frank https://www.chinafile.com/library/reports/us-china-diplomacy-after-tiananmen-documents-george-hw-bush-presidential-library

美国不得不对付泰勒，《长城》，第364页America had to deal Tyler, A Great Wall, p364

一个更直接的香港1990（香港：政府新闻处，1991）。

a more directly Hong Kong 1990 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services, 1991)

在我任职期间，有一次采访Tillyorn的卫奕信勋爵，2019年There was during my time Interview with Lord Wilson of Tillyorn, 2019

我们被迎来了 采访威廉-珀维斯爵士，伦敦 2019年We were ushered Interview with Sir William Purves, London 2019

1963年，苏联https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB38/In 1963 the Soviet Union https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB38/

一部中国官方历史https://www.scmp.com/article/714064/nixon-intervention-saved-china-soviet-nuclear-attackAn official Chinese history https://www.scmp.com/article/714064/nixon-intervention-saved-china-soviet-nuclear-attack

1989年12月26日和27日，《人民日报》头版头条front page People’s Daily, 26 and 27 Dec 1989

他向李柱铭提出https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/28/world/asia/china-communist-party-xu-jiatun-exile.htmlHe offered Martin Lee https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/28/world/asia/china-communist-party-xu-jiatun-exile.html

党任命的周，口述历史The party appointed Zhou, Oral History

特别任务同上。

special mission ibid.

 

Kam后来告诉https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/28/world/asia/china-communist-party-xu-jiatun-exile.htmlKam later told https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/28/world/asia/china-communist-party-xu-jiatun-exile.html

他屈服于对周的崇拜，口述历史。

succumbed to the worship Zhou, Oral History

任意的个人决定，同上。

arbitrary personal decisions ibid.

 

在他自己的眼中，许家屯，《香港回忆录》（台北：联经出版社，1993）。

 

In his own eyes Xu Jiatun, Memoirs of Hong Kong (Taipei: Lian Jing Publishing House, 1993)

海港是香港1991》（香港：政府新闻处，1992）。

 

The harbour is Hong Kong 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services, 1992)

知人知面不知心，外事十大事记a man who knew Qian, Ten Important Events in Foreign Affairs

总督写道 1991年7月6日大卫-卫奕信爵士的信，剑桥大学圣约翰学院柯利達爵士文件the governor wrote Letter from Sir David Wilson of 6 July 1991, Cradock papers, St John’s College, Cambridge

所有这一切都会发生在香港1991年（香港：政府新闻处，1992年）。

 

All this would come Hong Kong 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services, 1992)

它有一个人口同上。

 

It had a population ibid.

 

1988年至1990年，《广东省统计年鉴》，1996年Between 1988 and 1990 Statistical Yearbook of Guangdong Province, 1996

到1990年香港1991年（香港：政府新闻处，1992年）。

 

By 1990 Hong Kong 1991 (Hong Kong: Government Information Services, 1992)

A dedicated Hurd, Memoirs, p478A dedicated Hurd, Memoirs, p478

在每次谈判中 刘振武，《活的历史，香港回归祖国》，张浚生访谈录（北京：解放出版社，2010）。

 

In every negotiation Liu Zhenwu, Living History, the return of Hong Kong to the motherland, interviews with Zhang Junsheng (Beijing: Liberation Press, 2010)

 

 

8 两次旅行

8 TWO JOURNEYS

本报报道《大公报》，1992年1月22日和27日，转引自CNA1453，1992年2月1日The paper reported Ta Kung Pao, 22 and 27 Jan 1992, cited in CNA 1453, 1 Feb 1992

南方之行 杨继盛，《中国经营报》，2012年1月31日The southern tour Yang Jisheng, China Business News, 31 Jan 2012

私有化......这是不相容的 寻求真理》，1991年9月2日，引自中新社1460期，1992年5月15日privatisation … which is incompatible Seeking Truth, 2 Sep 1991, cited in CNA 1460, 15 May 1992

中国青年报》的声音，1992年4月15日，同上。

the sound of China Youth Daily, 15 Apr 1992, ibid.

 

据报道，谣言成明，香港，1992年3月reported rumours Chengming, Hong Kong, Mar 1992

改革开放 邓小平，在深圳的讲话（全文），《人民日报》，1994年11月17日Reform and opening up Deng Xiaoping, Speech in Shenzhen (full text), People’s Daily, 17 Nov 1994

我想过了，采访彭定康，2019年I’ve thought that Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

我们被要求去同上。

 

We were asked to go ibid.

 

彭定康是一个典型的刘德华，活生生的历史Patten was a typical Liu, Living History

彭定康得到了他们 Chris Patten, East and West (London: Macmillan, 1998), p70Patten has got them Chris Patten, East and West (London: Macmillan, 1998), p70

不管是谁设计的，同上，p58Whoever had devised them ibid., p58

我们直接就同意了 采访彭定康，2019年We straight away agreed Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

损失已经造成了 采访李柱铭，1997年The damage has been done Interview with Martin Lee, 1997

飞机晚点了 刘，生活史The plane was late Liu, Living History

总是很谨慎的赫德，《回忆录》，第484页Always a cautious Hurd, Memoirs, p484

我发表了一个声明 钱老，《外交事务中的十件大事》。

 

I made a statement Qian, Ten Important Events in Foreign Affairs

英国方面同上。

 

The British side ibid.

 

议员当选 鲁平，《香港回归口述史》，摘录于《文汇报》，2009年7月24日councillors elected Lu Ping, Oral History of The Return of Hong Kong, excerpted in Wen Wei Po, 24 July 2009

的想法，采访彭定康，2019年The idea that Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

我说，彭定康先生，《香港回归口述历史》，摘自《文汇报》，2009年7月24日。

 

I said, Mr Patten Lu, Oral History of The Return of Hong Kong

锁定在毫无结果的交流中 彭定康，《东方与西方》，第67页locked in fruitless exchanges Patten, East and West, p67

如果事情是采访威廉-珀维斯爵士，2019年If things were Interview with Sir William Purves, 2019

当黑狗彭定康，《东方与西方》，第70页when the black dog Patten, East and West, p70

像佛一样说话 大公报》，1993年3月18日，转引自中新社1494版talking like a Buddha Ta Kung Pao, 18 Mar 1993, cited CNA 1494

解放日报》的一篇文章，1993年3月23日，引自CNA1482An article Liberation Daily, 23 Mar 1993, cited CNA 1482

这条路线曾被卢，《香港回归口述史》。

 

The route had been Lu, Oral History of The Return of Hong Kong

当时很多事情同上。

 

At the time many things ibid.

 

老一辈共产党人的凝聚力 彭定康，《东方与西方》，第81页old-time Communist coelacanths Patten, East and West, p81

谈判破裂了 钱老，《外交事务中的十件大事》。

 

The talks fell apart Qian, Ten Important Events in Foreign Affairs

我从来不知道真的采访彭定康，2019年I never knew really Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

 

 

9、一个四季如一的官員

9 A MANDARIN FOR ALL SEASONS

你已经送达了罗伯特-盖茨的手写卡片，1992年5月27日，柯利達爵士文件You have served Handwritten card from Robert Gates, 27 May 1992, Cradock papers

如此令人不安和不准确 珀西-柯利達爵士爵士，致约翰-科尔斯爵士的信，1993年9月28日so disturbing and inaccurate Sir Percy Cradock, letter to Sir John Coles, 28 Sep 1993

我的看法很暗淡 THCR 1/10/74I take a bleak view THCR 1/10/74

痴呆的环境 柯利達爵士，《中国的经历》，第90页a demented environment Cradock, Experiences of China, p90

forsan et haec Virgil, Aeneid, 1.203forsan et haec Virgil, Aeneid, 1.203

将永远是绿色的 王光美的说明，1983年12月19日，柯利達爵士文件will be ever green Note from Wang Guangmei, 19 Dec 1983, Cradock papers

给总理的个人密函，1992年11月17日，柯利達爵士文件personal and confidential letter to the prime minister, 17 Nov 1992, Cradock papers

他们觉得自己有 在外交事务委员会的证词，1993年12月8日They feel they have Testimony to Foreign Affairs Committee, 8 Dec 1993

从一面之词 麦理浩爵士的信，1994年4月12日From one side Letter from Lord MacLehose, 12 Apr 1994

她的自传 致李光耀的信，2001年，柯利達爵士文件her autobiography Letter to Lee Kuan Yew, 2001, Cradock papers

我完全支持卡拉汉勋爵的信，1994年4月25日，柯利達爵士的文件I entirely support Letter from Lord Callaghan, 25 Apr 1994, Cradock papers

李光耀的信，未注明日期，柯利達爵士文件a tour de force Letter from Lee Kuan Yew, undated, Cradock papers

我不禁想到撒切尔夫人的个人信件，2001年7月10日，柯利達爵士文件I cannot help thinking Personal letter from Margaret Thatcher, 10 Jul 2001, Cradock papers

我们很清楚，Len Appleyard的信，无日期，柯利達爵士文件We are clearly Letter from Len Appleyard, undated, Cradock papers

我记得我自己在旅行的时候，Swynnerton的托马斯勋爵，2010年2月5日的电子邮件，柯利達爵士文件I recall myself travelling Lord Thomas of Swynnerton, email of 5 Feb 2010, Cradock papers

 

 

10 过渡期

10 TRANSITIONS

它表明，与李柱铭的访谈，1997年It showed that Interview with Martin Lee, 1997

大刀阔斧 采访前情报官员，2019年great shagger Interview with former intelligence official, 2019

他给我看鲁平，口述历史，文汇读书周报，2009年7月24日He showed me Lu Ping, Oral History, Wenhui Reading Weekly, 24 Jul 2009

我们有一个明确的1995年香港政府报告（政府新闻处，1996年）。

 

We have a clear Hong Kong Government Report for 1995 (Government Information Services, 1996)

他们已经有了 采访李柱铭，1997They had already Interview with Martin Lee, 1997

他对我说 采访彭定康，2019年He says to me Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

一个强硬的福建人 休-戴维斯，《香港1997：处理移交》（私人出版，2016），第74页a tough Fujianese Hugh Davies, Hong Kong 1997: Handling the Handover (privately published, 2016), p74

陈后来描述了张亚文，《几百年前的召唤》，tr. Matt Schrader (夏安：陕西人民教育出版社，2013)Chen later described Zhang Yawen, The Summons of Centuries Past, tr. Matt Schrader (Xia’an: Shaanxi People’s Education Press, 2013)

他们都很 采访布莱恩-达顿，香港，1997年5月26日They are all very much Interview with Brian Dutton, Hong Kong, 26 May 1997

被偷的孩子张，《百年前的召唤》（The Summons of Centuries Past）。

 

The child stolen Zhang, The Summons of Centuries Past

维克斯解释 采访西蒙-维克斯，香港，1997年Vickers explained Interview with Simon Vickers, Hong Kong, 1997

收到线报 采访乔纳森-米尔斯基，伦敦，2019年10月23日received a tipoff Interview with Jonathan Mirsky, London, 23 Oct 2019

其负责人谢晋《文汇日报》，上海，1997年6月7日，引自中新社1593版Its director, Xie Jin Wenhui Daily News, Shanghai, 7 Jun 1997, cited CNA 1593

山高皇帝远 人民日报，1997年2月13日，转引自中新社1580版the mountain is high People’s Daily, 13 Feb 1997, cited CNA 1580

也许是泡沫 新华社，1997年3月3日，转引自CNA 1581Maybe the foam Xinhua, 3 Mar 1997, cited CNA 1581

中国人民日报》，1997年7月1日。

a moment which the Chinese People’s Daily, 1 Jul 1997

来结束 采访鲁平，东方卫视，2007年to put an end Interview with Lu Ping, Dragon TV, 2007

根据情报 采访情报官员，1997，2018，1019According to intelligence Interviews with intelligence officials, 1997, 2018, 1019

我记得那份情感 采访彭定康，2019年I remember the emotion Interview with Chris Patten, 2019

一个希望，事情 采访陈方安生，香港，2019年a hope that things Interview with Anson Chan, Hong Kong, 2019

看五星红旗倩，外交事务中的十件大事Watching the five starred red flag Qian, Ten Important Events in Foreign Affairs

现在我知道了克里斯-埃米特，《香港警察》（香港：恩肖书局，2014）。

Now I knew Chris Emmett, Hong Kong Policeman (Hong Kong: Earnshaw Books, 2014)

更像是一场哲学辩论 与董建华的访谈，香港，1997年more like a philosophical debate Interview with Tung Chee-hwa, Hong Kong, 1997

后来发表文章 《远东经济评论》，1997年3月13日later published an article Far Eastern Economic Review, 13 Mar 1997

蒋介石希望通过采访陈方安生，2019年Chiang Kai-shek wanted Interview with Anson Chan, 2019

 

 

11寻求一个更广阔的世界

11 TO SEEK A WIDER WORLD

1996年，世界卫生组织https://www.who.int/influenza/human_animal_interface/avian_influenza/H5N1_avian_influenza_update.pdfIn 1996, the World Health Organisation https://www.who.int/influenza/human_animal_interface/avian_influenza/H5N1_avian_influenza_update.pdf

受到惊吓的中国家庭 目击者笔记，1998年Frightened Chinese families Eyewitness notes, 1998

我向他解释 采访维兰托将军，雅加达，2004年4月I explained to him Interview with General Wiranto, Jakarta, April 2004

韩国银行 Joo Yun Hong 和 Franklin Allen，"为什么会有大量的外汇储备？韩国的例子"，韩国社会科学杂志，2011年12月The Bank of Korea Joo Yun Hong and Franklin Allen, ‘Why are there large foreign exchange reserves? The Case of South Korea’, Korean Social Science Journal, Dec 2011

This is the sort Interview with Donald Tsang, Hong Kong, 2019This is the sort Interview with Donald Tsang, Hong Kong, 2019

外汇管制已经过时 任志刚，Inside Asia讲座，悉尼，1998年，https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/199811/23/1123153.htmExchange controls are out Joseph Yam, Inside Asia Lecture, Sydney, 1998, https://www.info.gov.hk/gia/general/199811/23/1123153.htm

我们是保守的 采访曾荫权，2019年We are conservative Interview with Donald Tsang, 2019

然后他们寻求任志刚，亚洲内部讲座，1998年They then sought Yam, Inside Asia Lecture, 1998

这就是为什么我有采访曾荫权，2019年That’s why I had Interview with Donald Tsang, 2019

当局抓够了任志刚，《亚洲内部讲座》，1998年the authorities held enough Yam, Inside Asia Lecture, 1998

通过直接干预 大卫-韦伯，给《南华早报》的信，1998年8月20日By directly intervening David Webb, letter to South China Morning Post, 20 August 1998

我们在八月的行动任志刚，亚洲内部讲座，1998年Our actions in August Yam, Inside Asia Lecture, 1998

 

 

12 竞争者

12 THE RIVALS

第二次世界大战的起因 采访李光耀，新加坡，1996年9月24日World War Two was caused Interview with Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore, 24 Sep 1996

这几乎是冯、叶、周、陈（编），《在一国两制下发展有竞争力的华南珠江三角洲》（香港：香港大学出版社，2006）。

 

It was almost Fung, Yeh, Zhou, Chan (eds), Developing a Competitive Pearl River Delta in South China under One Country Two Systems (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2006)

据《人民日报》1992年12月30日报道，引自CNA 1477According to the People’s Daily, 30 Dec 1992, cited CNA 1477

仅以0.25%的深圳特区报，1994年3月31日，引自CNA 1508With only 0.25 per cent Shenzhen Special Zone Daily, 31 Mar 1994, cited CNA 1508

在五年的《广东统计年鉴》（人民出版社，1996）中In the five years Statistical Yearbook of Guangdong (People’s Publishing House, 1996)

说到聪明人朱镕基。

 

On the Record（北京：外文出版社，2018），第88章When it comes to cleverness Zhu Rongji: On the Record (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2018), Ch 88

电灯泡时刻 采访约翰-邦德爵士，香港，2019年lightbulb moment Interview with Sir John Bond, Hong Kong, 2019

在2003年的采访中谈到 罗伯茨和凯纳斯顿，《狮子醒来》，P474Speaking in a 2003 interview Roberts and Kynaston, The Lion Wakes, p474

宿舍的照片 《人民日报》，1993年5月20日，引自CNA 1502photographs of the dormitories People’s Daily, 20 May 1993, cited CNA 1502

1993年11月19日同上。

 

On 19 November 1993 ibid.

 

当地媒体《南方日报》，1993年6月27日，转引自CNA 1502The local press Nanfang Daily, 27 Jun 1993, cited CNA 1502

极度炎热、嘈杂 《工人日报》，1993年6月22日，转引自CNA 1502extremely hot, noisy Workers Daily, 22 Jun 1993, cited CNA 1502

1978年对外贸易 人民日报，1994年1月9日，引自CNA 1510in 1978 foreign trade People’s Daily, 9 Jan 1994, cited CNA 1510

互惠互利 https://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/gatt47.pdfreciprocal and mutually advantageous https://www.wto.org/english/docs_e/legal_e/gatt47.pdf

加入关贸总协定 《人民日报》，1993年8月3日，引自CNA1510admission to GATT People’s Daily, 3 Aug 1993, cited CNA 1510

超过120亿美元 https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/CHN/Year/1993/SummaryTextmore than US$12 billion https://wits.worldbank.org/CountryProfile/en/Country/CHN/Year/1993/SummaryText

关贸总协定有点 采访Stuart Harbinson，日内瓦，2019年The GATT was a bit Interview with Stuart Harbinson, Geneva, 2019

境外利率 《经济学人》，1997年12月11日the offshore rate The Economist, 11 Dec 1997

真正的贬值 中国日报，2004年10月11日The real devaluation China Daily, 11 Oct 2004

这是到目前为止 采访约翰-邦德爵士，2019年This was by far Interview with Sir John Bond, 2019

如果一个年轻漂亮的女士 宋、张、乔，《中国可以说不》（北京：中国工商联合出版社，1996）。

if a pretty young lady Song, Zhang and Qiao, China Can Say No (Beijing: China Industrial and Commercial United Publishing House, 1996)

'限制性'报告 世贸组织关于中国加入的工作小组报告/WT/ACC/CHN/40，2001年10月1日‘restricted’ report WTO Report of the working party on the accession of China/WT/ACC/CHN/40, 1 Oct 2001

因此，应该是同上。

and therefore should have ibid.

 

中国代表 WTO：/WT/ACC/CHN/40The representative of China WTO: /WT/ACC/CHN/40

私人回忆录 《钱绍》，香港，2011年2月a private memoir Qianshao, Hong Kong, Feb 2011

在星期五的晚上'剖析世贸组织的交易'，时代周刊，1999年11月29日On the night of Friday ‘Anatomy of a WTO Deal’, Time, 29 Nov 1999

一切都是决定的 龙永图，《朱镕基与WTO谈判》，《中国经营报》，2011年7月12日Everything was decided Long Yongtu, ‘Zhu Rongji and WTO talks’, China Business News, 12 July 2011

据巴尔舍夫斯基报道 时代周刊，1999年11月29日According to Barshevsky Time, 29 Nov 1999

美国有https://www.brookings.edu/testimonies/issues-in-chinas-wto-accession/The United States has https://www.brookings.edu/testimonies/issues-in-chinas-wto-accession/

我们将能够出口 比尔-克林顿总统在约翰霍普金斯大学保罗-尼采高级国际研究学院的演讲，2000年3月8日We’ll be able to export Speech by President Bill Clinton at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies of the Johns Hopkins University, 8 Mar 2000

我们加入后 江泽民主席的讲话，2002年2月25日，载于《改革开放三十年文献选编》（北京：中央文献出版社，2008）。

 

After we join Speech by President Jiang Zemin, 25 Feb 2002, in Selected Documents of Thirty Years Reform and Opening Up (Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House, 2008)

该文运行https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min01_e/min01_11nov_e.htmThe text ran https://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/minist_e/min01_e/min01_11nov_e.htm

最大的变化 龙永图，中国经营报，2011年7月12日The biggest change Long Yongtu, China Business News, 12 Jul 2011

 

 

13 一个国家，两种文化

13 ONE COUNTRY, TWO CULTURES

电影吸引了Fredric Dannen, "Hong Kong Babylon", New Yorker, 7 Aug 1995The movies attracted Fredric Dannen, ‘Hong Kong Babylon’, New Yorker, 7 Aug 1995

但它们也吸引了Christine Loh, Underground Front, The CCP in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010)But they also Christine Loh, Underground Front, The CCP in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010)

共产党是 Simon Leys, Essais sur la Chine (Paris: Editions Robert Laffont, 1998), p789The Communist Party is Simon Leys, Essais sur la Chine (Paris: Editions Robert Laffont, 1998), p789

香港黑色社会 南华早报，1997年5月4日Hong Kong black societies South China Morning Post, 4 May 1997

一项学术研究 T.W. Lo和S. I. Kwok, "Chinese Triads and Tongs", in G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd (eds), Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice (New York: Springer, 2014), pp5332-43An academic study T.W. Lo and S. I. Kwok, ‘Chinese Triads and Tongs’, in G. Bruinsma and D. Weisburd (eds), Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice (New York: Springer, 2014), pp5332–43

在1987年的一个法庭案件中，Crown vs Heung Wah-yin and others, 1987年In a 1987 court case Crown vs Heung Wah-yin and others, 1987

'为什么'，他叹了口气 与Walter Kwok的对话，香港，1996年‘Why,’ he sighed Conversation with Walter Kwok, Hong Kong, 1996

新鲜的女孩 苹果日报，1997年5月23日Fresh new girls Apple Daily, 23 May 1997

在1997年的研究中，Chin Wan-kan, "From Dialect to Grapholect", Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics, 1997In a 1997 study Chin Wan-kan, ‘From Dialect to Grapholect’, Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics, 1997

经济和意识形态同上The economy and ideology ibid

用竹子和丝绸写的，同上。

written in bamboo and silk ibid.

 

在中国历史上从未出现过，ibid.Never in Chinese history ibid.

 

深圳吸引了青年研究杂志8(1989)Shenzhen has attracted Youth Research Journal 8 (1989)

他们大多是中年人 《苦婚六十天》(深圳，1996)Most of them are middle aged Sixty days of Bitter Marriage (Shenzhen, 1996)

香港和深圳 广志刚，《香港文化的特点及其对深圳的影响》，《深圳经济特区理论与实践杂志》，1996年6月Hong Kong and Shenzhen Guang Zhigang, ‘Characteristics of Hong Kong culture and its influence on Shenzhen’, Theoretical and Practical Journal of Shenzhen SEZ, June 1996

深圳是第一个经济特区期刊 6 (2018)Shenzhen was the first Special Economic Zone Journal 6 (2018)

1979年，一位年轻的外交官João de Deus Ramos，Em Torno da China, Memórias Diplomáticas（里斯本：Caleidoscopio-Ediçao，2016），pp50-3In 1979 a young diplomat João de Deus Ramos, Em Torno da China, Memórias Diplomáticas (Lisbon: Caleidoscopio-Ediçao, 2016), pp50–3

首领、大使同上，第80-4页。

 

The chief, an ambassador ibid., pp80–4

艾米丽，艾米丽 采访艾米丽-刘，香港，2019年Emily, Emily Interview with Emily Lau, Hong Kong, 2019

周一下午的戏法 采访乔纳森-芬比，伦敦，2019年Monday afternoon charade Interview with Jonathan Fenby, London, 2019

从1997年到2002年 https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/FileManager/EN/Content_1064/A2_E.pdffrom 1997 to 2002 https://www.censtatd.gov.hk/FileManager/EN/Content_1064/A2_E.pdf

第一例已知病例 世界卫生组织：https://www.who.int/csr/don/2003_07_04/en/The first known case World Health Organisation: https://www.who.int/csr/don/2003_07_04/en/

奇怪的传染病 同上。

strange contagious disease ibid.

 

中国人可以当代报道笔记，香港，2003年3月Chinese people can be Contemporary reporting notes, Hong Kong, March 2003

当它结束时https://www.news.gov.hk/isd/ebulletin/en/category/issues/040705/html/040705en05004.htmWhen it was over https://www.news.gov.hk/isd/ebulletin/en/category/issues/040705/html/040705en05004.htm

最初有李瑞洪，"香港的SARS疫情：我们学到了什么教训？"，《皇家医学会杂志》，2003年8月Initially there was Lee Shui Hung, ‘The SARS epidemic in Hong Kong: what lessons have we learned?’, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, Aug 2003

世卫组织的官方时间线 世界卫生组织：https://www.who.int/csr/don/2003_07_04/en/The official WHO timeline World Health Organisation: https://www.who.int/csr/don/2003_07_04/en/

我们都很健康 当代报道笔记，广州，2003年12月We’re all healthy Contemporary reporting notes, Guangzhou, Dec 2003

有时我看到南华早报，2003年3月12日sometimes I see South China Morning Post, 12 Mar 2003

不合时宜 https://cpj.org/2002/12/hong-kong-proposed-antisubversion-legislation-thre/out of place https://cpj.org/2002/12/hong-kong-proposed-antisubversion-legislation-thre/

罗格告诉我 袁伟民，《袁伟民与体育世界的风云》（北京：方鸿传媒公司，2009）。

 

Rogge told me Yuan Weimin, Yuan Weimin and the Winds and Clouds of the World of Sports (Beijing: Fonghong Media Company, 2009)

任何建议 当代笔记，2009年10月16日any suggestion Contemporary notes, 16 Oct 2009

避险情绪高涨 香港金融管理局，2008年年度报告heightened risk aversion HKMA, Annual report 2008

从830亿美元飙升 https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html#2001soared from US$83 billion https://www.census.gov/foreign-trade/balance/c5700.html#2001

其单一最大的持股量 国会研究服务，'中国持有的美国证券。

对美国经济的影响》，2008 年 5 月。

 

Its single biggest holding Congressional Research Service, ‘China’s Holdings of U.S. Securities: Implications for the U.S. Economy’, May 2008

中国实体拥有的同上。

 

Chinese entities owned ibid.

 

2009年，第一次亚当-图兹，《崩溃：金融危机的十年如何改变了世界》（伦敦：Allen Lane，2018），第251页In 2009, for the first time Adam Tooze, Crashed: How a Decade of Financial Crises Changed the World (London: Allen Lane, 2018), p251

他们知道什么 采访曾荫权爵士，2019年They know what Interview with Sir Donald Tsang, 2019

管理的民主 https://search.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09HONGKONG165_a.htmlmanaged democracy https://search.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09HONGKONG165_a.html

他的施政能力 南华早报，2009年6月19日his ability to govern South China Morning Post, 19 Jun 2009

我们有信心 采访电器销售员，广州，2008年We are confident Interview with electrical salesman, Guangzhou, 2008

2010年9月 《明报》，2010年9月29日In September 2010 Ming Pao, 29 Sep 2010

七年无为，郑宇硕（编），《评价曾荫权时代》（香港：香港城市大学出版社，2013）。

 

Seven years of inaction Joseph Y.S. Cheng (ed.), Evaluating the Tsang Years (Hong Kong: City University of Hong Kong Press, 2013)

遭受过公正的惩罚 https://www.doj.gov.hk/eng/public/pdf/2019/FACC_29_2018e.pdfhad suffered a just punishment https://www.doj.gov.hk/eng/public/pdf/2019/FACC_29_2018e.pdf

过度饮酒 外交大臣威廉-黑格的声明，2012年4月17日overconsumption of alcohol Statement by foreign secretary William Hague, 17 Apr 2012

他属于John Garnaut, The Rise and Fall of the House of Bo (London: Penguin Books, 2012)He belonged to John Garnaut, The Rise and Fall of the House of Bo (London: Penguin Books, 2012)

海伍德喝醉了 新华社，2012年11月8日Heywood got drunk Xinhua, 8 Nov 2012

2018年，他被发现 南华早报，2018年1月20日In 2018 he was spotted South China Morning Post, 20 Jan 2018

徇私枉法 新华社，2012年9月24日bending the law Xinhua, 24 Sep 2012

只是另一个商人 机密采访，伦敦2019年Just another businessman Confidential interview, London 2019

 

 

14天下大乱14 CHAOS UNDER HEAVEN

他的父亲回忆说 法新社，2017年10月13日His father recalled Agence France-Presse, 13 Oct 2017

添加了'主义' Joshua Wong and Jason Y. Ng, Unfree Speech (London: Allen Lane, 2020)The ‘ism’ was added Joshua Wong and Jason Y. Ng, Unfree Speech (London: Allen Lane, 2020)

怀疑论者提出质疑 信息来自中国学术界，香港，2013年8月Sceptics questioned Information from Chinese academic sources, Hong Kong, Aug 2013

这与Kerry Brown, 'What Has Karl Marx Ever Done for China?', The Diplomat, 14 May 2018.This broke with Kerry Brown, ‘What Has Karl Marx Ever Done for China?’, The Diplomat, 14 May 2018

文化主权 王沪宁，《文化扩张主义与文化主权。

对主权概念的挑战》，《复旦学报》3（1994），转引自中新社1518cultural sovereignty Wang Huning, ‘Cultural Expansionism and Cultural Sovereignty: Challenges to the concept of Sovereignty’, Fudan Journal 3 (1994), cited in CNA 1518

对于许多作家来说，皮埃尔-罗伯特，《方法问题》，CNA 1518，1994年9月15日For many writers Pierre Robert, ‘Questions of Method’, CNA 1518, 15 Sep 1994

人够 https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/01/leaked-speech-shows-xi-jinpings-opposition-to-reform/man enough https://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/01/leaked-speech-shows-xi-jinpings-opposition-to-reform/

实际效用 John Garnaut, 'Engineers of the Soul: What Australia needs to know about ideology in Xi Jinping's China', lecture in Asian Strategic and Economic Series, Aug 2017The practical utility John Garnaut, ‘Engineers of the Soul: What Australia needs to know about ideology in Xi Jinping’s China’, lecture in Asian Strategic and Economic Series, Aug 2017

干预绝不是《中国革命的前景》，1926年11月30日，载于J.V.斯大林《论反对派》，tr（北京：外文出版社，1974），p502Intervention is by no means ‘Prospects of the Revolution in China’, 30 Nov 1926, in J.V. Stalin, On The Opposition, tr (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1974), p502

中央领导层 http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2014/08/23/content_281474982986578.htmthe Central Leadership http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2014/08/23/content_281474982986578.htm

它的发明者建立在伊恩-威廉姆斯，"对香港民主运动使用网络武器"，硕士论文，伦敦大学皇家霍洛威学院，2018年Its inventors built in Ian Williams, ‘The use of cyberweapons against the Hong Kong democracy movement’, MSc dissertation, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2018

网络侦查员得出结论，同上。

 

Cyber-sleuths concluded ibid.

 

广泛而深入 全国人大关于香港行政长官普选的决定全文，新华社，2014年8月31日extensive and in-depth Full text of NPC decision on universal suffrage for HK Chief Executive selection, Xinhua, 31 August 2014

颇为积极的黄之锋，《香港的治安》，第326页quite positive Wong, Policing in Hong Kong, p326

坏人同上，第329页the bad guys ibid., p329

不再是温顺的一群人 同上，第337页no longer a docile bunch ibid., p337

这是我一个人的想法 当代报道笔记，2014年10月This is my idea alone Contemporary reporting notes, Oct 2014

人渣 当代报道笔记，2014年scum Contemporary reporting notes, 2014

有一个叫威廉姆斯的人，"网络武器的使用There was a quixotic Williams, ‘The use of cyberweapons’

 

有一个美国人 香港自由报，2019年9月28日There was an American Hong Kong Free Press, 28 Sep 2019

全面的，如果有点平淡无奇https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201415/cmselect/cmfaff/649/64908.htmcomprehensive if somewhat bland https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201415/cmselect/cmfaff/649/64908.htm

 

 

15饥饿游戏

15 HUNGER GAMES

他们曾跌跌撞撞 https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hong-kong-surveillance-special-report-idUSKBN0JT00120141215they had stumbled https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hong-kong-surveillance-special-report-idUSKBN0JT00120141215

广东行动计划 当代笔记，与立法者的秘密简报，2016年1月Guangdong Action Plan Contemporary notes, confidential briefings with legislators, January 2016

不仅是延长https://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/08/world/asia/hong-kong-lee-bo-bookseller-china.htmlnot only the extending https://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/08/world/asia/hong-kong-lee-bo-bookseller-china.html

也许是一百万 《经济学人》，2020年10月10日Perhaps a million The Economist, 10 Oct 2020

耻辱的是https://www.brookings.edu/podcast-episode/former-ustr-charlene-barshefsky-on-the-obstacles-to-a-us-china-trade-deal/The shame of it https://www.brookings.edu/podcast-episode/former-ustr-charlene-barshefsky-on-the-obstacles-to-a-us-china-trade-deal/

蜜瓜 中国国家主席习近平在世界经济论坛的讲话，2017年1月17日Honey melons Speech by President Xi Jinping of China, World Economic Forum, 17 Jan 2017

中国的国家安全状态 https://www.prcleader.org/cheungthe Chinese national security state https://www.prcleader.org/cheung

勇猛的当代报道笔记，2019年the brave and fierce Contemporary reporting notes, 2019

越坏越好 https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/jul/19.htmthe worse, the better https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/jul/19.htm

你是无用的 https://hongkongfp.com/2019/05/18/political-civility-early-casualty-hong-kongs-extradition-law-row/You are useless https://hongkongfp.com/2019/05/18/political-civility-early-casualty-hong-kongs-extradition-law-row/

对中国大学的调查 https://www.cpr.cuhk.edu.hk/en/press_detail.php?id=3107&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-social-conflict-in-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhkA survey for the Chinese University https://www.cpr.cuhk.edu.hk/en/press_detail.php?id=3107&t=survey-findings-on-views-on-social-conflict-in-hong-kong-released-by-hong-kong-institute-of-asia-pacific-studies-at-cuhk

他指着《南华早报》，2019年9月7日He pointed to South China Morning Post, 7 Sep 2019

有一种感觉 机密采访，香港，2019年11月There was a feeling Confidential interviews, Hong Kong, Nov 2019

南华早报》的一位作家周忠仁，《南华早报》，2019年11月2日A writer for South China Morning Post Chow Chung-yan, South China Morning Post, 2 Nov 2019

午餐时分 当代报道笔记, 2019年11月At lunchtime Contemporary reporting notes, Nov 2019

那天晚上的香味 当代报道笔记，2019年11月That night the scent Contemporary reporting notes, Nov 2019

它关闭了酒吧https://www.news.gov.hk/eng/2020/04/20200402/20200402_195740_071.htmlIt shut bars https://www.news.gov.hk/eng/2020/04/20200402/20200402_195740_071.html

很快宣布中国日报，2020年4月24日It was soon declared China Daily, 24 Apr 2020

筑起钢铁长城 人民日报, 2020年4月15日build a great steel wall People’s Daily, 15 Apr 2020

击鼓传花 奎石，2020年4月by beating drums Quishi, Apr 2020

她被警告了 南华早报，2020年5月18日she was warned South China Morning Post, 18 May 2020

全球合作 习近平，《中国经济增长和发展的重大问题》，求是，2020年11月1日global co-operation Xi Jinping, ‘Major Issues for China’s Economic Growth and Development’, Qiushi, 1 Nov 2020

 

 

后记

AFTERWORD

邓小平，长者 斯宾塞，《寻找现代中国》，第746页Deng, the elders Spence, The Search for Modern China, p746

义务被忽视 安东尼-伊登，《面对独裁者》（伦敦：Cassell，1962），p473Obligations are ignored Anthony Eden, Facing the Dictators (London: Cassell, 1962), p473

 

关于作者

About the Author

 

 

迈克尔-谢里丹在剑桥大学耶稣学院学习历史，并成为一名驻亚洲、中东和欧洲的外国记者。

1989年6月，他首次在香港和中国进行报道，后来担任《星期日泰晤士报》的远东记者长达20年，报道了中国的崛起、1997年香港的回归以及该城市的民主斗争。

早些时候，他为路透社、ITN和《独立报》工作，报道中东战争、全球外交和欧洲政治，曾在罗马、贝鲁特和耶路撒冷任职。

他的作品也出现在《观察家》、《平板电脑》、《名利场》和《香港经济日报》上。

他是《罗马人》的作者。

他们的生活和时代。

 

Michael Sheridan read history at Jesus College, Cambridge, and became a foreign correspondent in Asia, the Middle East and Europe. He first reported from Hong Kong and China in June 1989 and later served as Far East correspondent for the Sunday Times for twenty years, covering the rise of China, the handover of Hong Kong in 1997 and the city’s struggle for democracy. Earlier he worked for Reuters, ITN and the Independent, reporting on war in the Middle East, global diplomacy and European politics, with postings in Rome, Beirut and Jerusalem. His work has also appeared in the Spectator, Tablet, Vanity Fair and the Hong Kong Economic Journal. He is the author of Romans: Their Lives and Times.

 

 

地圖

  

插图列表List of Illustrations

  

南京条约》的签署 (约翰-伯内特的版畫作品/incamerastock/Alamy)

The signing of the Treaty of Nanjing (Engraving by John Burnet/incamerastock/Alamy)

 

19世纪末的香港港湾 (Photo 12/Getty)

Hong Kong harbour in the late 19th century (Photo 12/Getty)

 

1927年，英国皇家海军 "蓝衣军 "在香港游行 (Underwood Archives/Getty)

British Royal Navy ‘Bluejackets’ march through Hong Kong in 1927 (Underwood Archives/Getty)

 

维多利亚山顶 (Culture Club/Getty)

Victoria Peak (Culture Club/Getty)

 

1945年，日本投降后，英国皇家海军收回香港 (A 30517/IWM)

The British Royal Navy takes back Hong Kong after the surrender of Japan, 1945 (A 30517/IWM)

 

20世纪80年代的香港证券交易所 (Serge Attal/Sygma/Getty)

Hong Kong stock exchange in the 1980s (Serge Attal/Sygma/Getty)

 

香港港口 (Brian Harris)

Hong Kong port (Brian Harris)

 

邓小平和撒切尔夫人 (Peter Jordan/Alamy)

Deng Xiaoping and Margaret Thatcher (Peter Jordan/Alamy)

 

珀西-柯利達爵士和他的妻子伯斯与英国大使馆的客人在一起（柯利達爵士收藏/摄影师不详）。

Percy Cradock and his wife, Birthe, with guests at the British Embassy (Cradock Collection/photographer unknown)

 

抗议者举着 "不再有暴力 "的横幅（Brian Harris）。

Protester holding ‘No more violence’ banner (Brian Harris)

 

在上海被人群包围的警察（Brian Harris）。

Policeman surrounded by crowds in Shanghai (Brian Harris)

 

天安门广场上的卫兵（Brian Harris）。

Guards in Tiananmen Square (Brian Harris)

 

彭定康 (Gerhard Joren/Getty)

Christopher Patten (Gerhard Joren/Getty)

 

彭定康对香港人讲话 (Roger Hutchings/Getty)

Christopher Patten speaking to the people of Hong Kong (Roger Hutchings/Getty)

 

1997年的回归 (Robert Ng/South China Morning Post/Getty)

The Handover in 1997 (Robert Ng/South China Morning Post/Getty)

 

一群人向彭定康告别 (Richard Baker/Getty)

A group bidding Patten farewell (Richard Baker/Getty)

 

2003年非典期间，教室里的孩子们 (Reuters/Alamy)

Children in the classroom during the SARS epidemic of 2003 (Reuters/Alamy)

 

医务人员在非典期间哀悼同事的死亡

 (Bobby Yip/Reuters/Alamy)

Medical staff mourning the deaths of their colleagues during SARS (Bobby Yip/Reuters/Alamy)

 

占领中环：2014年的大规模抗议活动 (tuimages.com/Alamy)

Occupy Central: mass protests in 2014 (tuimages.com/Alamy)

 

黃之鋒唤起 "雨伞运动 "的支持者（Felix Wong/South China Morning Post/Getty)

Joshua Wong rouses supporters of the ‘Umbrella Movement’ (Felix Wong/South China Morning Post/Getty)

 

以诗歌、标语和政治要求为特色的 "連儂牆"（David Wong/南华早报/Getty）。

‘Lennon Walls’ featuring poems, slogans and political demands (David Wong/South China Morning Post/Getty)

 

2019年香港第二波抗议活动期间的巨大集会 (Paul Yeung/Bloomberg/Getty)

Huge rallies during Hong Kong’s second wave of protest in 2019 (Paul Yeung/Bloomberg/Getty)

 

叛乱分子与防暴队作战（Isaac Lawrence/AFP/Getty）。

Insurgents fighting riot squads (Isaac Lawrence/AFP/Getty)

 

一名抗议者被警察拖走 (Thomas Peter/Reuters/Alamy)

A protester hauled away by the police (Thomas Peter/Reuters/Alamy)

 

2019年的抗议活动中的路障 (Alamy)

A barricade during the 2019 protests (Alamy)

 

李柱铭在西九龙裁判法院 (Vernon Yuen/NurPhoto/Getty)

Martin Lee at West Kowloon Magistrates Court (Vernon Yuen/NurPhoto/Getty)