美中苏三角关系、华沙公约解散、东欧巨变

 从1989年春天北京的第一次示威游行到1991年12月26日苏联解体，中国共产党面临的政治威胁不可能脱离香港问题。

起初，中国领导人带着兴趣、关注和忠于自己的不干涉原则关注社会主义集团的改革。

黯淡的理论家，他们对国家间的同志关系没有感情。

毛泽东曾研究过斯大林，但1950年代的中苏分裂迎来了一个带有种族成见的相互厌恶的时期。

1963年，苏联和美国甚至考虑采取联合行动来阻止中国的核弹。

 

It was impossible to divorce the question of Hong Kong from the political threat that faced the Chinese Communist Party between the first demonstrations in Beijing in the spring of 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union on 26 December 1991. At first, Chinese leaders followed reform in the socialist bloc with interest, concern and fidelity to their own principle of non-interference. Bleak theorists, they had no sentimental attachment to comradeship between nations. Mao had studied Stalin but the Sino-Soviet split in the 1950s ushered in a period of mutual loathing tinged with racial stereotypes. In 1963 the Soviet Union and the United States even considered joint action to stop the Chinese nuclear bomb.

 

六年后，当两个共产党大国在其有争议的边界上发生争执时，苏联领导人权衡了对中国进行核打击的详细计划。

莫斯科寻求与美国达成谅解，保持中立，以换取苏联对结束越南战争的帮助。

几十年后出版的一部中国官方历史认为，理查德-尼克松总统拒绝了这项交易，阻止了苏联的军事行动，而是选择了加速他对中国的历史性开放。

 

Six years later, the Soviet leadership weighed up detailed plans for a nuclear strike against China as the two Communist powers skirmished along their disputed border. Moscow sought an understanding with the United States to stay neutral in exchange for Soviet help in ending the Vietnam War. An official Chinese history published decades later credited President Richard Nixon with rejecting the deal, deterring the Soviets from military action and opting instead to accelerate his historic opening to China.

 

到1989年，马克思列宁主义世界的巨头们已经从冲突中退缩。

这是学生抗议活动的众多讽刺之一，年轻的中国人正在赞扬戈尔巴乔夫的改革，而老的中国领导人准备欢迎他进行国事访问，这本应标志着苏联和中国政党之间的历史性和解。

这一点早已被遗忘，而戈尔巴乔夫对北京的访问却被作为六四道路上的一个里程碑来纪念。

对学生来说，戈尔巴乔夫代表着 "为什么不呢？"对他们的长辈来说，答案是不言自明的。

 

By 1989 the giants of the Marxist-Leninist world had edged back from conflict. It was one of the many ironies of the student protests that young Chinese were praising Mikhail Gorbachev for his reforms while old Chinese leaders prepared to welcome him for a state visit that should have marked a historic rapprochement between the Soviet and Chinese parties. That has been long forgotten, while Gorbachev’s visit to Beijing is commemorated as a landmark on the road to June Fourth. To the students, Gorbachev stood for the question ‘why not?’ To their elders, the answer was self-evident.

 

中国的国家媒体以一种勤奋的方式追踪随后发生的意识形态灾难，如果说是困惑的话，那就是时间顺序。

在波兰的改革之后，是柏林墙的倒塌和东德国家的崩溃。

华沙条约组织解体了，而戈尔巴乔夫却在努力维持苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟的团结。

对中国老人来说，最有益的事件是罗马尼亚独裁者尼古拉-乔塞斯库的倒台，他被推翻，在初级军官的粗暴审判下，与他的妻子一起被行刑队枪决。

新华社关于他被捕和被处决的简短报道被刊登在《人民日报》的头版上，没有任何评论，没有必要。

在党内精英和军队中，流传着罗马尼亚可怕场景的视频，在那里，秘密警察被处以私刑，因为政权在敌对集团之间发生了分裂。

一位被视为中国朋友和盟友的领导人的死亡，他倒台后出现的混乱，以及科塞斯库失败的个人崇拜的阴影，给下一代中国领导人上了明确的课。

党的团结、集体领导和对安全国家的无情控制是他们的座右铭。

 

China’s state media tracked the ideological disasters that followed with an assiduous if bewildered chronology. Reform in Poland was followed by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the East German state. The Warsaw Pact disintegrated while Gorbachev fought to hold the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics together. To the Chinese elders, the most salutary episode was the fall of the Romanian dictator, Nicolae Ceauşescu, who was overthrown and shot by a firing squad alongside his wife after a crude show trial at the hands of junior army officers. Brief Xinhua news agency dispatches telling of his arrest and execution were printed on the front page of the People’s Daily without comment, none being necessary. Among the party elite and the army, videos circulated of the gruesome scenes in Romania, where secret policemen were lynched as the regime divided between rival groups. The demise of a leader viewed as a friend and ally of China, the chaos which followed his downfall and the spectre of Ceauşescu’s failed personality cult taught clear lessons to the next generation of Chinese leaders. Party unity, collective leadership and a relentless grip on the security state were their watchwords.