六四：威尔逊的官员和新华社的中国官僚之间的一次罕见的合作

 

在九龙发生了一些小规模的麻烦，疑似三合会的黑帮分子趁机打砸商店，抢夺货物。

警方迅速进行了干预。

威尔逊让首席秘书大卫-福特（David Ford）与当地活动家联系，以确保犯罪和大规模示威的结合不会导致公共秩序的崩溃，而抗议者以其特有的守法方式同意推迟游行，直到街道得到控制。

'组织者非常希望示威活动应该是和平的，并与政府合作。

大卫-福特有可能打电话给组织者，说 "取消今天的示威"，他们也这样做了。

有时，经典的殖民主义方法，即在幕后悄悄地说话，仍然起作用。

 

Some small-scale trouble broke out in Kowloon, where suspected Triad gangsters took advantage of the moment to smash into shops and loot goods. The police quickly intervened. Wilson got David Ford, the chief secretary, to contact local activists to make sure that the combination of crime and mass demonstrations did not lead to a collapse in public order, and in characteristically law-abiding manner, the protesters agreed to put off their marches until the streets were under control. ‘The organisers were very keen that demonstrations should be peaceful and to co-operate with the government. It was possible for David Ford to call the organisers and say “call off your demo for today” and they did so.’ At times the classic colonial method of the quiet word behind the scenes still worked.

 

在政府大楼，人们对殖民地人民以文明和负责任的方式应对北京的国家暴力感到欣慰。

随着对城市麻烦的担忧的减弱，威尔逊的想法转向了他能做些什么来阻止糟糕的情况变得更糟。

很多人没有意识到可能会发生什么。

所发生的事情在香港产生了绝对的戏剧性影响。

电视上连续几天都在报道。

它发挥了香港人对1997年可能发生的事情的所有潜在恐惧，所以对我们来说，这确实是一个非常、非常严重的问题。

有很多香港人参与了天安门广场的活动--参与其中并不十分聪明。

大量的资金和帐篷等从香港运入。

 

In Government House, there was relief at the civilised and responsible way in which the colony’s people had responded to the state violence in Beijing. As fears of trouble in the city abated, Wilson’s thoughts turned to what he could do to stop a bad situation getting worse. ‘A lot of people didn’t quite realise what was likely to happen. What did happen had an absolutely dramatic effect in Hong Kong. There was wall-to-wall TV coverage for days. It played to all the underlying fears of Hong Kong about what might happen in 1997 so it was really a very, very serious issue for us. There were a good many Hong Kong people involved in Tiananmen Square – not very clever to be involved. A good deal of money as well as tents and suchlike were going in from Hong Kong.’

 

殖民政府动用了为数不多的关系，将一批香港政治活动家从中国拉了出来，当时中国的安全部队正开始大规模围捕反对派。

这是威尔逊的官员和新华社的中国官僚之间的一次罕见的合作。

有一些来自香港的政治人物--在香港的新华社和北京的英国大使馆的帮助下，我们把他们救了出来，"威尔逊回忆说。

六四屠杀激怒了新华社的许多工作人员。

亲共媒体的工人和记者加入了蜿蜒于街头的示威活动。

中国大陆的政治斗争不可能被孤立，整个春天，香港的党员干部之间的不和也在增加。

早在大屠杀之前，5月21日，忠实的本地报纸《文汇报》打破常规，将其社论栏换成了含有四个汉字的空白处--"悲痛欲绝，苦大仇深"，以回应北京宣布的戒严。

从理论上讲，在新华社的控制下，该报在动乱期间无法被追究责任；惩罚是后来才有的。

 

The colonial government pulled the few strings it had to extract a group of Hong Kong political activists from China, where the security forces were beginning a mass roundup of opponents. It was a rare instance of co-operation between Wilson’s officials and the Chinese bureaucrats at the New China News Agency. ‘There were some political figures from Hong Kong – with help from the NCNA in Hong Kong and the British embassy in Beijing we got them out,’ Wilson recalled. The June Fourth massacre had enraged many of the NCNA’s own staff. Workers and journalists from the pro-Communist media joined the demonstrations winding through the streets. The political struggle in mainland China could not be isolated, and throughout the spring discord had grown between party cadres in Hong Kong. Well before the massacre, on 21 May, the faithful local newspaper Wen Wei Po broke ranks by replacing its editorial column with a blank space containing four Chinese characters – ‘deep grief, bitter hatred’ – in response to the declaration of martial law in Beijing. Theoretically under the control of the NCNA, the newspaper could not be held to account during the turmoil; punishment came later.

 

六四导致了香港共产党自1949年以来最严重的内部危机，尽管这在当时并不清楚。

在全国范围内，党的队伍中充满了震惊和混乱。

这使得许多持不同政见者在被逮捕前逃离了中国。

 

June Fourth led to the gravest internal crisis of the Communist Party in Hong Kong since 1949, although that was not clear at the time. Across the country shock and confusion reigned in the party’s ranks. That allowed many dissidents to flee China before the net closed on them.

 

在香港，当地的高级公务员召集了他们在大亨中的联系人。

他们通过富有同情心的商人，向中央政府在首都的港澳事务办公室说明，当这些麻烦的香港人离开时，视而不见比卷入逮捕、指控和审判的政治复杂问题更简单。

在大多数情况下，"滋扰价值 "的策略起了作用。

一批批目瞪口呆但又如释重负的乘客被允许从北京机场的老式石砌航站楼登上国泰航空公司的航班。

 

In Hong Kong, senior local officials in the civil service called in their contacts among the tycoons. Via sympathetic businessmen, they made the case to the central government’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office in the capital that it would be simpler to turn a blind eye while the troublesome Hong Kongers left than to get involved in the political complications of arrests, charges and trials. In most cases, the ‘nuisance value’ tactic worked. Groups of stunned but relieved passengers were allowed to board Cathay Pacific flights from the old stone-built terminal at Beijing airport.

 

更大的冒险在等待着那些从首都和其他动荡城市溜走，前往珠江三角洲的逃亡者们。

香港政府和警方中讲粤语的官员与广东公安部的同行之间的个人联系从未公开披露。

目的是为了避免不必要的 "麻烦"，这个包罗万象的概念在中国普通话中被称为 "麻烦"。

 当时的一位西方情报官员说："贿赂也很有效，在中国南方，总是有村庄、家庭和宗族。

当地的关系永远存在，而北京的政府却一直很遥远。

此外，你已经有了一个走私者和跨境商人的网络，他们习惯于与海关和边防军进行安排。

我们这边的警察和廓尔喀部队被命令让它发生，让合适的人进来。

 

Greater adventures awaited the fugitives who slipped away from the capital and other turbulent cities to make their way to the Pearl River Delta. Never disclosed publicly, personal contacts took place between native Cantonese-speaking officials in the Hong Kong government and the police with their counterparts in the Ministry of Public Security in Guangdong. The aim was to avoid unnecessary ‘trouble’, that all-encompassing concept known in Mandarin Chinese as mafan. ‘Bribery worked as well,’ said a Western intelligence official serving at the time, ‘and in southern China there is always the village, the family and the clan. Local relationships are there for ever while the government in Beijing has always been far away. Plus you already had a network of smugglers and cross-border traders who were used to making their arrangements with the customs and the border guards. The police and the Gurkha units on our side were ordered to let it happen and to let the right people in.’

 

在六四之后的几个月里，香港的活动人士建立了一条地下铁路，即 "黄雀行动"，将持不同政见者偷运出中国，许多人最终被分散到加拿大和法国。

但在最初的几天里，越来越多的逃亡者能够通过渔船、卡车和火车离开广东，进入英国领土。

 

In the months after June Fourth, activists in Hong Kong set up an underground railroad, Operation Yellow Bird, to smuggle dissidents out of China, many ending up scattered from Canada to France. But in the first few days, a trickle of escapees were able to make their way by fishing boat, truck and train out of Guangdong and onto British territory.